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PRINCETON,  N.  J. 


ft. 


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Purchased  by  the 
Mrs.  Robert  Lenox  Kennedy  Church  History  Fund 


BR  142  .T46  1896  v. 5 
Vincent,  Marvin  Richardson, 

1834-1922. 
The  age  of  Hildebrand 


Cen  €poci)fi  of  C|)urcf)  f^istorj 


CDtteo  b? 
%0^n  fUltOtt,  2D.2D.,  %%J^. 


Tol.  Y. 


ten  (Bpoc^B  cf  C^txtc^  ©iefor^  .  .b> 

THE 
AGE  OF  HILDEBRAND 


BY 

MARVIN  R.  VINCENT,  D.  D, 


"  Thus  God  might  touch  a  Pope 
At  unawares,  ask  what  his  baubles  mean, 
And  whose  part  he  presumed  to  play  just  now?" 
—  R.  Browning. 


« 


t^c  C^xxBtian  feiteraf  ute  Co. 

MDCCCXCVI 


175 


Copyright,  1896, 
By  The  Christian  Literature  Company. 


CONTENTS. 


PAGE 

Preface ^^ 

Bibliography •  .      ^^ 

CHx\P.  I.— The  Church  and  the  Empire.— The  Church  Imi- 
tates the  Empire.— The  Church  Subordinate  to  the  Em- 
pire.—The  Benedictines.— Donation  of  Pepin.— The  Clergy 

Refuse  Vassalage.— Degradation  of  the  Papacy I 

CHAP.  II.— Henry  III.— Clugny— Leo  IX.— Hildebrand. 
—Gregory   VL— Clugny.— Early    Days    of    Hildebrand.— ' 

Bruno  of  Toul  Chosen  as  Pope.— Isidorian  Decretals 14 

CHAP.  III.— Simony— Clerical  Celibacy— Transubstan- 
tiation.— Domestic  Relations  of  the  Clergy.— The  Policy 
of  Celibacy.— Leo  IX.  at  Rheims.— Berengar  and  Transub- 

stantiation ^^ 

CHAP.  IV.— The  Normans— Victor  IL— Beatrix  and  Ma- 
THILDE.— Rise  of  the  Norman  Power  in  Italy.— Death  of  Leo 
IX.— Gebhard  of  Eichstadt  as  Victor  IL— Death  of  Henry 

HI.  and  Regency  of  Agnes 32 

CHAP,  v.— Four  Popes— The  Election  Decree— The  P  •■- 
PAL  Alliance  with  the  Normans.— Death  of  Stephen. 
—Benedict  X.— Preliminary  Treaty  with  the  Normans.— 
Norman  Alliance  Concluded.— Death  of  Nicholas.— Election 

of  Alexander  II '^^ 

CHAP.  VI.—Cadalous—Benzo— Henry  IV.— Milan.— Ca- 
dalous  Elected  Antipope.— Battle  of  Monte  Mario.— The 
Empress  Agnes  a  Penitent.— Retirement  of  Cadalous.— 
Fight  in  Milan  over  Clerical  Marriage.— Great  Festival  at 

Monte  Cassino _^  •      ^2 

CHAP.  VII.— Hildebrand  Pope— Gregory  and  Henry  IV. 
—The  Reform  Synod.— Hildebrand  Chosen  by  Acclama- 
tion.—Hildebrand  Asserts  Himself.— He  Demands  the  Em- 
peror's Submission.— The  Saxons  Revolt.— The  Pope  Con- 

V 


vi  Contents. 


PAGE 

templates  a  Crusade. — Ban  and  Interdict. — Orgies  in  St. 
Peter's 64 

CHAP.  VIII. — The  Investiture  Decree — Cencius  Attacks 
THE  Pope — The  Synod  of  Worms — Gregory's  Abdica- 
tion Demanded. — Summons  to  a  Crusade.— The  Synod 
Abolishes  Lay  Investiture. — Henry  Openly  Breaks  with 
Gregory. — The  Pope  a  Prisoner.^ — Gregory's  Abdication  De- 
manded.— Right  to  Dethrone  Kings  Claimed 78 

CHAP.  IX. — Canosa — Rudolph  of  Suabia — Gregory  and 
William  the  Conqueror. — The  Oath  to  the  Empress  Dis- 
regarded.— Henry  Crosses  Mount  Cenis. — A  Brutal  Pope. — 
Rudolph  of  Suabia  Elected  King. — Death  of  the  Empress 
Agnes. — Berengar's  Case  Finally  Decided. — Gregory  Meets 
his  Match 90 

CHAP.  X. — Henry  Besieges  Rome — Gregory's  Fatal  Tri- 
umph— His  Death.— Henry  Again  Deposed. -^Death  of 
Rudolph. — Henry's  League  with  Alexius. — An  Orthodox 
Abbot  among  Heretics. — A  Venal  and  Fickle  City. — Guis- 
card  Comes  to  Gregory's  Relief. — Gregory  Rests  at  Salerno.    104 

CHAP.  XL — Character  and  Policy  of  Gregory  VII. — His 
Principles  Included  his  Policy. — A  Fatal  Sincerity. — The 
Pope  is  Lord  of  Kings  and  Princes 118 

CHAP.  XII.— Urban  II. — Mathilde— Conrad's  Treach- 
ery—Synod OF  Piacenza— The  First  Crusade. — Ma- 
thilde Marries  Welf  of  Bavaria. — ^The  Synod  of  Piacenza  and 
Praxedis. — Urban  Preaches  the  Crusade. — Praxedis  Canon- 


ized 


[25 


CHAP.  XIIL— Paschal  II.— Death  of  Henry  IV.— Henry 
V. — The  Investiture  Contest. — An  Antipopeon  Horse- 
back.— Peace  in  Germany.  —The  Lingers  Speak  Their  Mind. 
— Another  Antipope. — Papal  Spite  Vented  on  the  Dead. — 
Henry  V.  Marches  into  Italy. — A  Great  Papal  Concession.  .    134 

CHAP.  XIV. — The  Coronation  Riot — Paschal's  Broken 
Oath— Death  of  Mathilde— Gelasius  II.— Calixtus 
n. — The  Right  of  Investiture  Conceded. — The  Pope  Re- 
pents his  Concession.— A  New  Saxon  Insurrection. — Plight 
of  Gelasius. — Synod  of  Rheims 149 

CHAP.  XV.— The  Cistercians— Treaty  of  Worms— The 
Frangipani  and  Pierleoni— Honorius  II.— Treaty  of 
Worms.— Influence  of  the  Treaty.— The  Triumph  of  the 
Church  Pictured.— The  Pierleoni 161 


Contents,  vii 


PAGE 

CHAP.  XVI.— LoTHAiR  THE  Saxon— The  South-Italian 
Kingdom  — Innocent  and  Anacletus  — Bernard  of 
Clairvaux.— Roger  Masters  the  Pope.— Innocent  Flees  to 
France.— Bernard's  Early  Life.— Rapid  Growth  of  the  Cis- 
tercians ■^  7  ^ 

CHAP.  XVIL— Mystical  Piety— Bernard  and  Hugo  of 
St.  Victor  —  Norbert  and  the  Pr.^monstrants. — 
Scholasticism  of  Erigena.— Contemplation  of  Jesus.— Mys- 
ticism and  the  Scholastics.— Norbert  of  Xanthen l8o 

CHAP.  XVIII.— The  Papacy  and  Roger  of  Sicily— Inno- 
cent AND  Anacletus— Scholasticism.— Bernard  Ends 
the  Milan  Schism.— Anacletus  Losing  Ground.— Roger 
Receives  Sicily.— Erigena  and  Aristotle.— Nominalist  and 
Realist  189 

CHAP.  XIX.— Abelard  — Last  Days  of  Innocent  II.— 
TivoLi— The  Romans  Proclaim  a  Republic- Bernard 
and  Abelard.— Bernard  Takes  the  Offensive.— Abelard  as  a 
Theologian.— Romans  Proclaim  a  Republic 201 

CHAP.  XX.— EuGENius  III.— Arnold  of  Brescia— Bern- 
ard's Crusade.— Bernard  of  Pisa.— Eugenius  Retires  to 
France.— Arnold  Denounces  the  Pope.— Bernard  Preaches 
the  Crusade.— Failure  of  the  Crusade .  . 210 

CHAP.  XXI. —  Barbarossa  — Hadrian  IV.— William  of 
Sicily— Barbarossa  and  the  Romans— The  Gauntlet 
Thrown  Down  to  the  Pope.— A  Clumsy  Evasion.— 
The  Stirrup  Question.— The  Emperor  Attacked  in  Rome. 
—  William    of    Sicily    Submits.— The    Gauntlet    Thrown 

-r>>  221 

Down  

CHAP.  XXIT.—RoNCAGLiA— Hadrian  and  Frederick  at 
Issue— Two  Popes  in  the  Field.— Papal  Demands.— 
Sharp  Words  to  the  Pope.— Octavian  Enthroned.— Octavian 
Acknowledged  at  Pavia.— Alexander  Acknowledged  at  Tou- 
louse.—Frederick  Terrifies  Italy 233 

CHAP.  XXIIL— Thomas  a  Becket— Paschal  III.— Alex- 
ander, Becket,  and  Henry  II.— Thomas  a  Becket.— 
"  Constitutions  of  Clarendon."— Becket  Condemned.— Di^t 
at  Wiirzburg.— Alexander  Forced  to  Conciliate ■   246 

CHAP.  XXIV.— Battle  of  Monte  Porzio— Barbarossa's 
Disasters— Becket.— Storming  the  Leonina.— The  Tide 
Turns.- Becket's  Suspension  Confirmed.— The  Pope  Checks 
Becket.— Becket  Recalled.— Character  of  Becket 257 


viii  Co7itents. 


PAGE 

CHAP.  XXV. — Papal  Transactions  in  France  and  Eng- 
LAND — Barbarossa  l\  Lombardy — Battle  of  Legnano 
— Treaty  of  Venice — Close  of  Alexander's  Pontif- 
icate.— Ireland  and  the  Roman  See. — Queen  Eleanor's 
Treachery. — Legnano. — The  Peace  of  Venice. — Alexander 
Returns  to  Rome. — The  Pope's  Bier  Stoned  . 270 

CHAP.  XXVI.— Five  Popes  in  Ten  Years— Third  Crusade  v 
— The  New  Roman  Constitution — Death  of  Barba- 
rossa— Henry  VI.  Emperor. — A  Ghastly  Procession. — 
Gregory  VIII. — The  Third  Crusade." — Death  of  Barbarossa. 
— Tusculum  Destroyed. — Richard  of  England  Imprisoned. .    282 

CHAP.  XXVII. — The  Emperor  Master  of  Italy — Papal 
Complications  in  France  and  Spain — Death  of  Henry 
VI.  and  Ccelestine  III. — The  Great  Heresies. — Philip 
and  Ingeborg. — Ban  upon  Leon. — Character  of  Ccelestine 
III. — "  The  Poor  of  Lyons." — The  Albigenses. — Obstinacy 
of  the  Heresy 294 

CHAP.  XXVIII. — Innocent  III. — Steps  towards  Papal 
Supremacy  in  Italy — A  New  Crusade  Proclaimed —  ^ 
The  Contest  for  the  German  Crown. — Markwald  of 
Anweiler. —  Innocent's  Administrative  Skill. —  Philip  and 
Ingeborg. — Contest  for  the  German  Throne. — Papal  Alle- 
gory     306 

CHAP.  XXIX. — Heresy  Attacked  in  France — Innocent 
Decides  for  Otto — The  Crusaders  at  Venice — The  . 
New  Latin  Empire  in  the  East. — "  Slay  the  Wolves." — 
The  Pope  Challenged. — Innocent  Urges  the  Crusade. — Cap- 
ture of  Zara. — The  New  Latin  Emperor 317 

CHAP.  XXX. — Stephen  Langton — Otto's  Cause  Weak- 
ening— The  Templars. — Stephen  Langton. — Rise  of  the 
Templars. — Abuses  and  Corruptions 329 

CHAP.  XXXI. —  The  Albigensian  Crusade.— Murder  of 
Pierre  de  Castelnau. — Surrender  of  Carcassonne. — Toulouse 
Resists  Montfort. — Innocent  Inexorable. — Death  of  Mont- 
fort 337 

CHAP.  XXXII.— Innocent  Abandons  Otto— Troubles  in 
the  East — Murder  of  Philip  and  Recognition  of 
Otto — A  New  Contest  between  Innocent  and  Otto 
—Frederick  of  Hohenstaufen  Crowned.— The  Greeks 
Defeat  the  Crusaders. —Otto  Recognized.— Otto  Excommun- 
icated.— Frederick  Accepts  the  Crown 349 


Contents.  ix 


PAGE 

CHAP.  XXXIII. — Innocent  and  John  of  England — The 
Children's  Crusade — The  Twelfth  General  Council 
—Death  of  Innocent  III.— John  Encounters  Pandolfo. 
— Cowardly  Submission  of  John. — Fate  of  the  Young  Cru- 
saders.— The  Twelfth  General  Council. — Character  of  Inno- 
cent     359 

CHAP.  XXXIV.— The  Popes  and  Frederick  II.— The  Pas- 

TOUREAUX  AND  FLAGELLANTS — ThE  MENDICANT  OrDERS. 

— Popularity  of  Frederick. — Manfred. — The  Flagellants. — 
Error  in  the  Monastic  Ideal 371 

CHAP.  XXXV.— The  Dominicans  and  Franciscans.— Fran- 
cis of  Assisi. — Institution  of  the  Franciscan  Order. — A  Blow 
at  the  Episcopate. — Saved  by  Death 381 

CHAP.  XXXVI.— The  Inquisition.— Testes  Synodales.— 
Commission  of  Gregory  IX. — Bull  of  Innocent  IV. — A  Ter- 
rible Phenomenon 391 

CHAP.  XXXVII.— The  Universities.— The  Crusades  Strike 
at  Feudalism. — Work  of  Justinian. — Student-Guilds. — The 
Clergy  Study  Civil  Law. — Intellectual  Fermentation 400 

CHAP.  XXXVIII.— Boniface  VIIL— Collapse  of  theHil- 
debrandian  Papacy, — Boniface  and  the  Colonnas. — The 
Great  Jubilee. — Events  in  Sicily. — Meeting  of  the  States- 
General. — The  Vengeance  of  the  Colonnas. — "  The  Babylon- 
ish Captivity  " » 411 

CHAP.  XXXIX.— Conclusion.— The  Papal  Dominion  Secu- 
lar.— Hildebrand's  Episcopal  Policy. — The  Isidorian  Decre- 
tals.— Moral  Obligations  Disregarded. — Romanism  and  Pro- 
testantism.— How  Much  Allowance? — A  Warning 424 


PREFACE. 

HE   period   of   mediaeval   history    treated 
in  this  volume  begins  with  the  appear- 
ance of  Hildebrand  in  the  arena  of  papal 
politics  under  Leo  IX.  in  1049,  and  ends 
with  the  death  of  Boniface  VIII.  in  1303. 
It  is  properly  styled  ''  the  age  of  Hildebrand,"  be- 
cause  the  theory   of  papal   absolutism,  which  is  its 
controlling  factor,  received  its  definite  and  practical 
embodiment  from  that  Pontiff. 

Strictly  speaking,  however,  the  historical  develop- 
ment of  this  theory  reaches  its  cHmax  in  Innocent 
III.  The  succeeding  pontificates  down  to  Boniface 
VIII.  add  to  it  no  new  elements,  and  are  merely  at- 
tempts to  maintain  the  Papacy  at  the  level  attained 
by  Innocent. 

This  age,  in  which  the  Papacy  reaches  the  height 
of  its  power  over  the  nations  of  Europe,  is  marked 
by  the  efforts  of  the  Roman  hierarchy  to  control  the 
German  empire  and  the  kingdoms  of  France,  Spain, 
and  England.  It  is  the  age  of  the  monastic  orders 
in  close  aUiance  with  the  Papacy ;  the  age  of  the  cru- 
sades, of  the  scholastic  philosophy  and  theology, 
of  the  great  universities,  and  of  the  rise  of  the 
Inquisition. 

The  period  is  so  significant  historically,  so  crowded 


xii  Preface. 

with  incident,  and  illustrated  by  a  modern  literature 
so  rich  and  copious,  that  I  have  been  constantly 
under  a  temptation  to  enlargement,  which  my  pre- 
scribed limits  have  compelled  me  as  constantly  to 
resist. 

The  successive  pontificates  furnish  the  natural  and 
convenient  outline  for  the  history.  For  obvious 
reasons  the  life  of  Hildebrand  has  been  treated  with 
greater  fulness  of  detail  than  the  others,  but  I  have 
endeavored  throughout  to  make  all  personaHties  and 
all  historical  details  tributary  to  the  main  theme — the 
evolution  of  the  Hildebrandian  theocracy. 

Among  the  large  number  and  variety  of  sources 
upon  which  I  have  drawn,  it  is  proper  that  I  should 
acknowledge  my  special  obligations  to  the  following 
works :  Dr.  Joseph  Langen's  "  Geschichte  der  Rom- 
ischen  Kirche  von  Gregor  VII.  bis  Innocenz  III." 
(1893);  D-  Karl  Muller's  *' Kirchengeschichte,"  vol. 
i.  (1892);  Dean  Milman's  ''  History  of  Latin  Christ- 
ianity"; Henry  C.  Lea's  "Historical  Sketch  of 
Sacerdotal  Celibacy  in  the  Christian  Church "  (2d 
ed.,  1884),  and  the  same  author's  ''History  of  the 
Inquisition  in  the  Middle  Ages"  (1888);  Ferdinand 
Gregorovius's  "  Geschichte  der  Stadt  Rom  im  Mit- 
telalter  "  (4th  ed.,  1889) ;  A.  F.  Villemain's  "Histoire 
de  Gregoire  VII."  (2d  ed.,1874) ;  and  the  valuable  col- 
lections in  Dr.  John  C.  L.  Gieseler's  "  Text-Book  of 
Church  History,"  translated  by  Davidson,  American 
edition  by  Henry  B.  Smith  (1876).  I  have  also  de- 
rived valuable  aid  from  Robson's  translation  of  Mi- 
chaud's  "  Histoire  des  Croisades  "  (1854);  Friedrich 
Hurter's  '*  Geschichte  Papst  Innocenz  des  dritten  und 


Preface,  xiii 

seiner  Zeitgenossen  "  (2d  ed.,  1836) ;  the  two  learned 
and  exhaustive  monographs  of  Carl  Mirbt,  "  Die 
Absetzung  Heinrichs  IV.  durch  Gregor  VII.  in  der 
Pubhcistik  jenerZeit"  (1890),  and  ''  DieWahl  Gregors 
VII."  (1892) ;  Mr.  James  Bryce's  "  Holy  Roman  Em- 
pire "  ;  and  Hallam's  **  History  of  the  Middle  Ages." 
For  the  guidance  of  any  readers  who  may  possibly 
be  stimulated  by  this  volume  to  a  thorough  study  of 
the  period  which  it  covers,  I  have  appended  a  cata- 
logue of  books,  which,  though  by  no  means  exhaust- 
ive, will  be  found  useful. 

Marvin  R.  Vincent. 

Union  Theological  Seminary, 
December  26,  1895. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY. 

GENERAL    LITERATURE   ON    THE    HISTORY   OF  THE    PAPACY  AND  THE 

EMPIRE. 

L.  A.  MURATORI :  Rerum  Italicarum  Scriptores  ab  anno  aerae  Christi 
quingentesimo  ad  millesimum  quingentesimum ;  Milan,  1723-51, 
25  vols.  With  supplemental  vols.,  Florence,  1748  and  1770; 
Venice,  1771. 

Pertz,  Waitz,  Wilmans,  Wattenbach  (editors) :  Monumenta  Ger- 
maniae  Historical   Hannover,  1826  ff. 

J.  F.  Bohmer:  Die  Regesten  des  Kaiserreichs  von  1198  bis  1254; 
Stuttgart,  1849;  new  ed. 

The  Papal  "  Regesta "  from  St.  Peter  to  Innocent  IH.,  edited  by 
Jaffe;  Berlin,  1 851.  2d  ed.,  enlarged,  by  Wattenbach,  Loewen- 
thal,  Kaltenbrunner,  and  Ewald;  Leipzig,  1885-88.  Continua- 
tion by  Aug.  Potthast,  from  Innocent  III.  to  Benedict  XI. ; 
Berlin,  1874-75.  Faucon  and  Thomas,  Boniface  VIII.  ;  Paris, 
1885. 

P.  Heinr.  Denifle  and  P.  Franz  Ehrle  :  /\iclv>  ^-"-  T  ifemtur. 
und  Kirchengeschichte  des  Mittelalters  ;   Freiburg,  1885  ff. 

C^^:sAR  Baronius  :  Annales  Ecclesiastici ;  A.  Theiner's  ed.,  Bar-le- 
Duc,  1864  ff. 

PERIOD    FROM    IO49    TO    IO85. 

Abb6  Migne:    Patrologia    Latina  (Patrologiae    Cursus    Completus, 

etc.,  vols,  cxl.-cxlviii.  ;   Paris,  1844-66). 
Damiani  Epistolae  (Migne,  vol.  cxliv.). 
F.   W.  E.   Roth  :   Der  heilige  Petrus  Damiani  (Studien  und  Mitteil- 

ungen  aus  dem  Benediktiner-  und  Cistercienserorden,  vols,  vii., 

viii.  ;    1886  fif.). 
F.  Neukirch  :   Das  Leben  des  Petrus  Damiani  bis  1059 ;  G5ttingen, 

1875- 
BoNizo  or  Bonitho  (a  great  admirer  of  Gregory  VII.)  :   Libri  ad 

Amicum,  sive  De  Persecutione  Ecclesiae  (in  Jafife's  Monumenta 

Gregoriana;  Berlin,  1865). 
Phil.  Jaffe  :  Regesta  Pontificum  Romanorum  ;  2d  ed.  by  Wattenbach, 

Leipzig,  1883. 
Wattenbach  :   Deutschlands  Geschichtsquellen  im  Mittelalter ;  5th 

ed.,  Berlin,  1886. 


xvi  Bibliography. 


Wattenbach  :  Geschichte  des  Rom.  Papstthums  ;  Berlin,  1876. 

HoFLER:   Deutsche  Papste ;   Regensburg,  1839. 

C.  Will:  Anfange  cler  Restauration  der  Kirche  im  XI.  Jahrh. ;  Mar- 
burg, 1859-62. 

Thomas  Greenwood:  Cathedra  Petri,  bks.  x.,  xi. ;  London,  1861. 

W.  GiESEBRECHT:  Geschichte  der  Deutschen  Kaiserzeit;  4th  ed., 
Braunschweig,  1876, 

RuD.  Bax>la.nn  :  Die  Politik  der  Papste  von  Gregor  I.  auf  Gregor 
VII.  ;  Elberfeld,  1868-69. 

Ferdinand  Gregorovius:  Geschichte  der  Stadt  Rom  im  Mittel- 
alter,  vom  V.  bis  zum  XVI.  Jahrhundert ;  3d  ed.,  Stuttgart,  1 877  ; 
4th  ed.,  vols,  i.,  ii.,  1889.  An  English  translation  by  Annie  Ham- 
ilton is  in  progress;  3  vols,  published;   London,  1894-95. 

K.  J.  Hefele:  Conciliengeschichte,  vol.  iv.,  2d  ed.,  1879;  vol.  v., 
2d  ed.,  Freiburg,  1886. 

Henry  C.  Lea:  An  Historical  Sketch  of  Sacerdotal  Celibacy  in  the 
Christian  Church;  2d  enlarged  ed.,  Boston,  1884. 

special  works  on  hildebrand. 

His  Letters,  "  Registrum  "  (Migne,  Patrologia  Latina,  vol.  cxlviii.). 
Best  in  Jaffe's  Monumenta  Gregoriana  (see  above). 

Biographies,  in  Muratori,  Rer.  Ital.,  vol.  iii. 

Watterich  :   Pontificum  Roman.  Vitae,  vol.  i. ;  Leipzig,  1862. 

Johann  Voigt  :  Hildebrand  als  Papst  Gregor  VII.  und  sein  Zeitalter  ; 
1815;  2d  rev.  ed.,  1846.  The  substance  of  Voigt  is  reproduced 
in  J.  V.'.  Bo'.vden,  Life  and  Pontificate  of  Gregory  VII. ;  Lon- 
don, 1840. 

Sir  James  Stephen  :  Hildebrand.  Reprinted  from  Edinburgh  Re- 
view, in  Essays  on  Ecclesiastical  Biography;  4th  ed.,  London, 
i860. 

Soltl:  Gregor  VII. ;   Leipzig,  1847. 

Floto  :  Kaiser  Heinrich  IV.  und  sein  Zeitalter;  1855-56. 

Helfinstein  :  Gregors  VII.  Bestrebungen  nach  den  Streitschriften 
seiner  Zeit;   Frankfort,  1856. 

Gfrorer:  Papst  Gregor  VII.  und  sein  Zeitalter;  Schaflfhausen, 
1859-61. 

W.  GiESEBRECHT:  Geschichte  der  Deutschen  Kaiserzeit,  vol.  iii.,  pt. 
i.  (see  above). 

Jos.  Langen  :  Geschichte  der  Romischen  Kirche  von  Gregor  VII. 
bis  Innocenz  III.  ;   Bonn,  1893. 

A.  F.  Vii.lemain:  Histoire  de  Gr^goire  VII.  ;  2d  ed.,  Paris,  1873. 
English  translation  by  J.  F.  Brockley;   London,  1874. 

S.  Baring-Gould:  Lives  of  the  Saints  for  May  25th;  London, 
1873- 

Martens  :  Die  Besetzung  des  papstlichen  Stuhls  unter  den  Kaisern 
Heinrich  III.  und  Heinrich  IV.  ;   1887. 

W.  R.  W.  Stephens:  Hildebrand  and  his  Times;  London,  1888. 


Bibliography.  xvil 


Carl  Mirbt:  Die  Absetzung  Heinrich  IV.  durch  Gregor  VII.  in 
der  Publicistik  jener  Zeit ;   Leipzig,  1890. 

Carl  Mirbt:  Die  Stellung  Augustinus  in  der  Publicistik  des  Gre- 
gorianischen  Kirchenstreits ;  Leipzig,  1888.  Showing  the  influ- 
ence of  Augustine  on  both  parties  in  the  Gregorian  controversy 
concerning  the  relations  of  church  and  state. 

Carl  Mirbt:  Die  Wahl  Gregors  VIL  ;  Marburg,  1892. 

Leop.  v.  Ranke  :  Weltgeschichte,  vol.  vii. ;  Leipzig,  1886. 


ROMAN    CATHOLIC   AUTHORITIES. 

K.  J.  Hefele:  see  above. 

Hergenrother,  Rohrbacher,  J.  Gretzer:  Apologia  pro  Gre- 
gor VIL  (in  Migne,  vol.  clxxxix.). 

Abb£  Gorini  :  Defense  de  I'figlise  contre  les  erreurs  historiques  de 
MM.  Guizot,  Thierry,  Michelet,  Ampere,  etc. ;  6th  ed.,  Lyons, 
1872. 

church  histories. 

Henry  H.   Milman  :  History  of  Latin  Christianity. 

J.  A.  W.  Neander  :  Allgemeine  Geschichte  der  christlichen  Religion 
und  Kirche.  English  translation  by  Torrey ;  1 2th  ed. ,  New  York, 
1882. 

D.  Karl  Muller:  Kirchengeschichte,  vol.  i.  ;  Freiburg,  1892. 

W.  Moller:  Lehrbuch  der  Kirchengeschichte;  1889-91.  English 
translation. 

Ferd.  Ch.  Baur:   Die  christliche  Kirche  des  Mittelalters ;  1861. 

J.  K.  L.  GiESELER :  Kirchengeschichte.  English  translation  by  Sam- 
uel Davidson.  Amer.  ed.  revised  and  edited  by  Henry  B.  Smith; 
New  York,  1876. 

ROMAN   catholic   HISTORIES. 

J.  Hergenrother  :  Handbuch  der  allgemeinen  Kirchengeschichte ; 

1884-86. 
F.  X.  Kraus:  Lehrbuch  der  Kirchengeschichte ;   1887. 
F.  X.  Funk:  Lehrbuch  der  Kirchengeschichte;  1890. 


the  investiture  contest. 

Staudenmaier  :  Geschichte  der  Bischofswahlen ;  Tubingen,  1830. 
Meltzer:    Papst  Gregor  VII.  und  die  Bischofswahlen;  Dresden, 

1876. 
Bernheim  :  Zur  Geschichte  des  Wormser  Konkordates  ;  Gottingen, 

1878. 
Bernheim:  Lothair  III.  und  das  Wormser  Konkordat;  Strassburg, 

1874. 


xviii  Bibliography, 


Schum:  Die  PoUtik  Papst  Paschalis  II.  gegen  Kaiser  Heinrich  V. ; 

Erfurt,  1877. 
Jos.  Langen  :  see  above. 
G.   Peiser:  Der  Deutsche  Investiturstreit  unter  Heinrich  V.   bis 

iiii;  Berlin,  1883. 
Ul.  Robert:  £tude  sur  les  actes  du  Pape  Calixte  II. ;  Paris,  1874. 
Text  of  the  Worms  Concordat  in  Gieseler's  Church  History,  H.  B. 

Smith's  ed.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  275. 

MONASTICISM. 

MlKiEUS:   Regulae  et  Constitutiones  Clericorum;  Antwerp,  1638. 
HOLSTENIUS:   Codex  Regularum  Monasticarum ;   Rome,  1661. 
Helyot:     Histoire    des    Ordres    Religieux    et    Militaires ;     Paris, 

1714-19. 
Hendrion:   Histoire  des  Ordres  Religieux ;   Paris,  1835. 
Day:   Monastic  Institutions ;   London,  1846. 
RuFFNER:  The  Fathers  of  the  Desert ;  New  York,  1850. 
C.  F.  R.  MoNTALEMBERT:   Histoire  des  Moines  d'Occident;   Paris, 

i860.     English  translation  by  Mrs.  Oliphant ;    1861-67. 
A.  Harnack  :   Das  Monchthum  :  seine  Ideale  und  seine  Geschichte ; 

Giessen,  1882. 
MoHLER:  Geschichte  des  Monchthums ;   Regensburg,  1836. 
J.  A.  W.  Neander:   Der  heilige  Bernhard  von  Clairvaux;  3d  ed., 

1854-58.     English  translation  from  ist  ed.,  by  Matilda  Wrench ; 

London,  1843. 
G.  Huffer:  Der  heilige  Bernard  von  Clairvaux,  vol.  i.  ;   1886. 
R.  S.  Storrs:   Bernard  of  Clairvaux ';  New  York,  1893. 
MORISON :   Life  and  Times  of  St.  Bernard;   London,  1863. 
Theodore  Ratisbonne:  Histoire  de  St.  Bernard  et  de  son  Si^cle; 

Paris,  1875. 
R.RoSENMUND:  Die  altesten  Biographien  des  heiligen  Norbert ;  1874. 
R.  W.  Church  :  St.  Anselm ;  London,  1892. 
F.  Winter:    Die    Cisterzienser    des    nordostlichen    Deutschlands ; 

1868-71. 
F.  Winter:  Die  Praemonstratenser  des  XII.  Jhs.,  etc. ;   1865. 

MENDICANT    ORDERS. 

K.  Hase  :  Franz  von  Assisi ;   1856. 

Paul  Sabatier  :  The  Life  of  St.  Francis  of  Assisi.  Translated  from 
the  French  by  Louise  S.  Houghton,  with  critical  study  of  the 
sources  ;  New  York,  1895. 

K.  MiJLLER:  Die  Anfange  des  Minoritenordens  und  der  Bussbruder- 
schaften ;   1885. 

H.  Thode  :  Franz  von  Assisi  und  die  Anfange  der  Kunst  der  Renais- 
sance in  Italien  ;   1885. 

F.  MoRiN  :  St.  Fran9ois  et  les  Franciscains ;  Paris,  1853. 


Bibliography.  xix 


DOMINIC  AND   THE   DOMINICANS. 

Friedrich  Hurter:    Geschichte   Innocenz   des   dritten,  vol.    iv. ; 

3d  ed.,  Hamburg,  1841-43. 
J.  B.  H.  Lacordaire:  Vie  de  St.  Dominique;  Paris,  1840. 
Caro:   Dominique  et  les  Dominicains ;   Paris,  1853. 

E.  C.  Bayonne  :  Le  Monastere  des  Dominicains  de  Langres ;  Lang- 

res,  1881.  ^  ^ 

Henry  C.  Lea:    History  of  the  Inquisition  in  the  Middle  Ages: 
New  York,  1888.  ^ 

individual  popes. 

M.  Maurer:  Papst  Calixtus  IL  ;  Munich,  1886. 
M.  F.  Sturn  :  Zur  Biographic  des  Papstes  Urbans  II. ;  Halle,  1883. 
H.  Reuter:  Geschichte  Alexanders  III. ;  2d  rev.  ed.,  Leipzig,  1860- 
64. 

F.  Hurter:  Geschichte  Innocenz  des  dritten  (see  above). 

F.  Delitzsch  :  Papst  Innocenz  HI.  und  sein  Einfluss  auf  die  Kirche ; 

Breslau,  1876. 
JoRRY:   Histoire  du  Pape  Innocent  III. ;   Paris,  1853. 
Jos.    Langen:    Geschichte   der    Romischen    Kirche,    vol.    iv.   (see 

above). 
Abel:   Konig  Philipp  der  Hohenstaufe ;  Berlin,  1852. 
Raumer:  Geschichte  der  Hohenstaufen ;   Leipzig,  1857. 
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Maison  de  Souabe;2d  ed.,  Paris,  1858. 
Ficker:    Forschungen  zur  Reichs-  und  Rechtsgeschichte  Italiens  ; 

Innsbruck,  1869. 
Sentis:  De  Monarchia  Sicula;  Freiburg,  1869. 
Winkelmann:    Philipp   von   Schwaben    und   Otto   IV.:    Leipzig. 

1873-78. 
Prinz:  Markwald  von  Anweiler ;  Emden,  1875. 
Mayr:   Markwald  von  Anweiler ;  Innsbruck,  1876. 
J.  ScHULz:   Philipp  August  und  Ingeborg ;   Kiel,  1804. 
Lau:    Die    Entstehungsgeschichte   der    Magna   Charta;    Hamburg, 

1857. 
\y.  Stubbs:   Constitutional  History  of  England;  Oxford,  1874. 
K.  J,  Hefele:   Der  Kreuzzug  unter  Innocenz  III.,  etc.  (in  Beitra- 

gen  zur  Kirchengeschiclite,  vol.  i.  ;  Tubingen,  1864). 
Klimke  :  Die  Quellen  zur  Geschichte  des  vierten  Kreuzzugs ;  Bres- 
lau, 1875. 
J.  RuBEUS:   Bonifacius  VIII.  ;   Rome,  165 1. 
L.  TosTi :   Storia  di  Bonifazio  VIII.  e  de  suoi  tempi ;   Monte  Cassino, 

1846.      Both  Rubeus  and  Tosti  are  glorifiers  of  Boniface. 
W.  Drumann:  Geschichte  Bonifacius  VIII. ;   Konigsberg,  1852. 
Chantrel:   Boniface  VIII.  ;   Paris,  1862. 
Ferd.  Gregorovius  :  Geschichte  der  Stadt  Rom,  vol.  v.  (see  above). 


XX  Bibliography, 


FREDERICK   II. 

H.  H.  MiLMAN :   History  of  Latin  Christianity,  bk.  x. 

HoFLER:   Kaiser  Friedrich  11.  ;  Munich,  1844. 

Abel:  Kaiser  Otto  IV.  und  Konig  Friedrich  II. ;   Berlin,  1856. 

J.  L.  A.  Huillard-Breholles:   Historia  Diplomatica  Friderici  Se- 

cundi ;   Paris,  1859. 
J.  L.  A.  Huillard-Breholles:  Vie  et  Correspondance  de  Pierre  de 

la  Vigne,  etc. ;  Paris,  1866. 
T.  L.  Kington   [Oliphant]  :    History  of   Frederick  the   Second, 

Emperor  of  the  Romans;   London,  1862. 
E.  A.  Freeman  :  The   Emperor   Frederick  the  Second  (Historical 

Essays,  1st  series,  3d  ed.,  London,  1875). 

THE    CRUSADES. 

MiCHAUD  :  Histoire  des  Croisades  ;  Paris,  1825.  English  translation 
by  Robson;   London,  1854;  reprinted  in  New  York,  1880. 

Mills  :   History  of  the  Crusades  ;  London,  1828. 

Keightley:  The  Crusades ;  London,  1847. 

G.  W.  Cox:  The  Crusades;  London,  1874. 

R.  Rohricht:  Beitrage  zur  Geschichte  der  Kreuzzuge;  Berlin, 
1874-78. 

W.  E.  Button:  A  History  of  the  Crusades;  London,  1877. 

B.  KtJGLER:   Geschichte  der  Kreuzzuge ;  Berlin,  1880. 

A.  DE  Laporte  :  Les  Croisades  et  le  pays  Latin  de  Jerusalem ;  Paris, 
1881. 

H.  Syrel:   Geschichte  des  ersten  Kreuzzuges ;  2ded.,  Leipzig,  1881. 

H.  Hagenmeyer:   Peter  der  Eremite;  Leipzig,  1879. 

KUGLER:   Geschichte  des  zweiten  Kreuzzuges;   Stuttgart,  1866. 

W.  Stubbs  (editor) :  Chronicles  and  Memorials  of  Richard  I.  ;  1864. 

Geoffroi  DE  Ville-Hardouin  :  Histoire  de  la  Conquete  de  Con- 
stantinople; Paris,  1656. 

THE   TEMPLARS. 

St.  Bernhardi  Opera,  ed.  of  Mabillon,  vol.  i. 

MuRATORi:  Rer.  Ital.  Script.,  vols,  vii.,  ix. 

Mansi:   Conciliorum  Acta,  vols,  xxi.,  xxv.  ;  Venice,  1782. 

Du  PuY:  Histoire  de  la  Condamnation  des  Templiers  ;  Bruxelles,  175 1. 

MoLDENHAWER :   Process  gegen  den  Orden  der  Tempelherren,  aus 

den  Akten  der  papstlichen  Commission  ;   Hamburg,  1 792. 
Fr.  Munter:  Statutenbuch  des  Ordens  der  Tempelherren ;   Berlin, 

1794. 
Michelet:  Proems  des  Templiers;  Paris,  1841. 
W.  F.  Wilcke:  Geschichte  des  Tempelherrenordens ;  2d  ed.,  Halle, 

i860. 


Bibliography.  xxi 


Loiseleur:  La  Doctrine  Secrete  des  Templiers  ;  1872. 
Hans  Prutz  :  Geheimlehre  und  Geheimstatuten  des  Templerordens  ; 
Berlin,  1879. 

F.  Jacquot:  Defense  des  Templiers,  etc. ;  Paris,  1882. 

HERESIES. 

For  original  sources  on  the  Waldenses,  see  Em.  Comba's  article  "  Wal- 
denser  "  in  Herzog's  Real-Encyklopadie,  vol.  xvi. 

Alexis  Muston  :   Histoire  des  Vaudois ;  Paris,  1834. 

Alexis  Muston:  L'Israel  des  Alpes ;  Paris,  1851.  English  trans- 
lation by  J.  Montgomery:  London,  1875. 

MoNASTiER :   Histoire  de  I'Eglise  Vaudois ;   Lausanne,  1847. 

Dieckhoff:   Die  Waldenser  im  Mittelalter ;  Gottingen,  185 1. 

Herzog:  Die  Romanischen  Waldenser ;  Halle,  1853. 

Maitland:   Facts  and  Documents  of  the  Waldenses;  London,  1862. 

E.  Comba  :  Waldo  and  the  Waldenses  before  the  Reformation ;  New 
York,  1880. 

E.  Comba:   Storia  della  Riforma  in  Italia;  Gotha,  1880. 

G.  F.  Ochsenbein  :   Der  Inquisitionsprozess  wider  die  Waldenser, 

etc. ;  Bern,  1881. 
Allix:   History  of  the  Albigenses  ;  Oxford,  1821. 
Faber:  Theology  of  the  Waldenses  and  Albigenses;  London,  1838. 
Barran  and  Darrogan  :  Histoire  des  Croisades  contre  les  Albigeois ; 

Paris,  1840. 
Henry  C.  Lea  :  History  of  the  Inquisition  in  the  Middle  Ages  ;  New 

York,  1888. 
Schmidt  :  Histoire  et  Doctrine  de  la  Secte  des  Cathares ;  Paris, 

1849. 
See  also,  on  the  Cathari,  Neander's  and  Gieseler's  Church  Histories, 

Lea  on  the  Inquisition,  and  Hahn's  Geschichte  der  Ketzer  im 

Mittelalter. 

scholastic  philosophy  and  theology. 

R.  D.  Hampden  :  The  Scholastic  Philosophy  Considered  in  its  Rela- 
tion to  Christian  Theology;  3d  ed.,  London,  1838. 

R.  D.  Hampden:  Life  of  Thomas  Aquinas,  etc.  ;  1848. 

RiTTER:  Geschichte  der  Philosophic,  vols,  v.-viii. ;  Hamburg,  1836- 
53. 

Cousin  :  Fragmens  Philosophiques  ;  Philosophic  Scolastique ;  Paris, 
1840. 

Barthelemy  Haureau  :  Histoire  de  la  Philosophie  Scolastique  ;  2d 
ed.,  Paris,  1881. 

Lowe  :  Der  Kampf  zwischen  dem  Realismus  und  Nominalismus  im 
Mittelalter;  Prag,  1876. 

W.  T.  Townsend  :  The  Great  Schoolmen  of  the  Middle  Ages ;  Lon- 
don, 1882. 


xxii  Bibliography, 


AB]^LARD. 

Complete  edition  of  his  works  by  Cousin,  Paris,  1849-59. 

Life  by  Charles  de  Remusat,  Paris,  1845. 

I.  L.  Jacobi  :  Abalard  und  Heloise;   Berlin,  1853. 

Bonnier:  Abelard  et  St.  Bernard;   Paris,  1862. 

Kahnis:   Drei  Vortrage ;   Leipzig,  1865. 

R.  S.  Storks:  Bernard  of  Clairvaux;  New  York,  1893. 

THE    UNIVERSITIES. 

F.  C.  VON  Savigny  :  Geschichte  des  Romischen  Rechts  im  Mittelalter ; 

1826-51. 
Du  BouLAY:  Historia  Universitatis  Parisiensis ;  Paris,  1665. 
Sir  W.  Hamilton  :  Discussions,  etc.  ;  1853. 

Zarncke  :  Die  Deutschen  Universitaten  im  Mittelalter ;  Leipzig,  1857. 
K.  VON  RaUxMER:  Geschichte  der  Padagogik,  vol.  iv.  ;  4th  ed.,  1872. 
Anthony  Wood  :   History  and  Antiquities  of  the  University  and  of 

the  Colleges  and  Halls  of  Oxford;  1786-96. 
P.  Bliss  (editor):  Athenae  and  Fasti  Oxonienses ;  1813-20. 
H.  C.  Maxwell  Lyte  :  A  History  of  the  University  of  Oxford  from 

the  Earliest  Times  to  1530;  Oxford,  1886. 
Hastings  Rashdall:  The  Universities  of  Europe  in  the  Middle 

Ages  ;  Oxford,  1895. 
C.  H.  Cooper:  Annals  of  Cambridge;  1842-52. 
J.  B.  Mullinger:  History  of  the  University  of  Cambridge  from  the 

Earliest  Times  to  the  Accession  of  Charles  I. ;  1873-85. 

Thomas  a  Becket. 

Herbert  de  Boseham  :  Vita  S.  Thomas  Cantuariensis,  etc.  ;  edited 
by  J.  A.  Giles;  Oxford,  1845. 

JOANNis  Sarisburiensis:  Opera  Omnia;  coll.  J.  A.  Giles;  Oxford, 
1848. 

John  Morris  :  Life  and  Martyrdom  of  St.  Thomas  Becket,  etc.  ;  Lon- 
don, 1859. 

James  Cragie  Robertson  :  Becket,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury;  Lon- 
don, 1859. 

J.  A.  Froude  :  Life  and  Times  of  Thomas  Becket ;  New  York,  1878. 

A.  P.  Stanley:  Historical  Memorials  of  Canterbury;  lothed.,  Lon- 
don, 1883. 

E.  A.  Freeman  :  St.  Thomas  of  Canterbury  and  his  Biographers 
(Historical  Essays,  ist  series,  3d  ed.,  London,  1875). 

For  Geographical  References,  Spruner-Menke  Hand-Atlas  fiir  die 
Geschichte  des  Mittelalters  und  der  neueren  Zeit;  3d  ed.,  Gotha, 
1880.  '  ^         ' 


CHAPTER  I. 

THE   CHURCH  AND    THE   EMPIRE. 

N  the  bleak  height  of  Canosa,  on  the  25  th 
of  January,  1077,  Henry  IV.,  the  Emperor 
of  Germany,  stood  between  the  two  outer 
walls  of  the  Countess  Mathilde's  castle, 

barefoot  and  in  the  garb  of  a  penitent. 

Within  the  castle  was  Hildebrand,  Gregory  VIL,  the 
Pope  of  Rome.  Nearly  a  year  before,  the  Pope  had 
publicly  cursed  the  Emperor,  and  had  released  his 
subjects  from  their  allegiance.  After  standing  for 
three  days  in  the  snow,  Henry  was  at  last  admitted 
to  the  Pope's  presence,  and  on  humiHating  terms, 
which  placed  him  absolutely  under  the  control  of 
Gregory,  received  forgiveness  and  absolution. 

It  is  not  to  the  tragical  pathos  of  this  incident  that 
its  prominence  in  history  is  due.  It  is  rather  that 
the  incident  is  the  climax  of  a  movement  covering 
nearly  seven  centuries;  the  full  flower  of  an  idea 
which  owed  its  first  realization  to  Hildebrand — the 
idea  of  universal  papal  absolutism.  The  idea  meant 
the  freedom  of  the  church  in  all  things,  and  the  ele- 
vation of  its  power  above  every  other  power.  It 
meant  that  the  head  of  the  Roman  Church  should 
be  the  real  Emperor  of  the  world,  and  every  king  the 


Age  of  Hildebrand. 


creature  and  puppet  of  the  Pope.  These  meanings 
are  expressed  in  the  '*  Dictates,"  drawn  up  by  Hilde- 
brand himself  or  under  his  direction,  which  contain 
the  following  propositions :  The  Roman  Church  was 
founded  by  the  Lord  alone.  Only  the  Pope  may 
wear  the  imperial  insignia.  All  princes  are  to  kiss 
the  Pope's  feet  only.  His  name  stands  alone  in  the 
world.  He  can  be  judged  by  no  one.  No  one  can 
pass  sentence  on  one  who  appeals  to  the  apostolic 
throne.  The  Roman  Church  has  never  erred,  and, 
according  to  the  testimony  of  Scripture,  never  will 
err.  The  Pope  can  depose  the  Emperor.  Only  the 
Roman  bishop  is  rightly  styled  universal. 

These  are  claims  to  make  a  nineteenth-century 
head  reel.  The  attempt  to  realize  such  a  scheme 
might  have  appalled  Charlemagne  or  Napoleon.  It 
is  the  object  of  this  volume  to  exhibit  the  mature  em- 
bodiment of  this  startHng  conception  during  a  century 
and  a  half,  from  the  election  of  Leo  IX.,  in  1049,  to 
the  close  of  the  pontificate  of  Innocent  III.,  in  12 16, 
which  marks  the  culmination  of  the  papal  power. 
This  period  rightly  bears  the  name  of  Hildebrand, 
since  his  idea  and  his  policy  are  its  controlling  fac- 
tors. The  story  is  a  painful  one,  but  its  lessons  are 
none  the  less  salutary. 

The  idea  of  Hildebrand  was  no  sudden  birth.  It 
was  the  resultant  of  forces  some  of  which  had  been 
at  work  since  the  apostolic  age.  It  was  the  crystalli- 
zation of  ideas  and  principles  which  had  been  held  in 
solution  in  the  minds  of  successive  generations,  tacitly 
accepted,  but  never  carried  out  to  their  logical  conse- 
quences.    As  a  preliminary  to  the  special  history  it 


The  Chicrch  Imitates  the  Empire.  3 

will  therefore  be  necessary  to  sketch  hastily  its  rise 
and  growth. 

Hildebrand's  ideal  was  the  imperial  ideal.  It  would 
have  been  strange  if  it  had  been  anything  else.  The 
papal  economy  in  its  full  flower  was  an  evolution  of 
Roman  imperialism.  The  Christian  religion  and  the 
empire  of  the  Caesars  arose  simultaneously.  The 
society  in  which  the  Christian  church  developed  had 
no  other  idea  of  organized  power  than  the  Roman 
empire  and  the  Roman  civil  administration,  and  there- 
fore no  other  idea  of  government  than  that  of  a  cen- 
tralized despotism.  The  church  of  the  apostolic  age 
concerned  itself  very  Httle  with  secular  affairs.  Under 
the  current  belief  that  the  world  was  soon  to  come  to 
an  end,  it  had  no  motive  for  attempting  to  build  up 
a  great  organization.  But  as  this  belief  weakened 
and  persecution  and  heresy  threw  it  upon  its  de- 
fence, as  its  borders  extended  and  it  became  an  ad- 
ministrator of  property  and  a  custodian  of  the  poor 
and  sick,  a  more  elaborate  and  thorough  organization 
became  necessary,  and  the  forms  of  this  organization 
were  naturally  determined  by  those  of  the  civil  gov- 
ernment. Accordingly  the  chief  cities  of  the  several 
Roman  provinces  came  to  represent  the  chief  ecclesi- 
astical centres.  The  eparchates,  states,  and  dioceses 
of  Constantine  soon  found  their  counterparts  in  the 
metropolitan  bishoprics  and  patriarchates  of  the 
church,  and  the  bishops  of  the  great  centres  thus 
acquired  a  special  prominence.  From  the  time  of 
Constantine  onwards  the  imperial  church  was  divided 
into  the  three  great  apostolic  patriarchates  of  Rome, 
Alexandria,  and  Antioch,  and  by  the  side  of  these 


Age  of  Hildebrand. 


were  formed  the  later  non-apostolic  patriarchates  of 
Jerusalem  and  Constantinople.  Rome  was  the  world's 
metropolis,  and  as  such  naturally  became  the  centre 
of  the  church,  and  the  Roman  bishop  took  rank  as 
the  bishop  of  bishops. 

This  tendency  was  seconded  by  the  persistence 
with  which  the  mind  of  Europe  clung  to  the  idea  of 
the  Holy  Roman  Empire  long  after  the  empire  itself 
had  ceased  to  exist — the  idea  that  it  was  still  a  fact 
and  a  necessity  in  the  world's  order,  though,  as  Vol- 
taire observed,  it  was  neither  holy  nor  Roman  nor  an 
empire.  It  survived  the  division  of  the  empire  be- 
tween Arcadius  and  Honorius  in  the  fourth  century, 
the  reign  of  Charlemagne,  and  the  downfall  of  the 
Hohenstaufen.  It  is  Dante's  political  ideal,  pervad- 
ing the  "  Commedia"  and  elaborated  in  the  '*  De  Mon- 
archia."  The  vision  of  the  eagle  in  the  eighteenth 
canto  of  the  ''  Paradiso  "  is  Heaven's  indorsement  of 
Roman  imperialism.^  Through  all  those  later  years 
the  fond  fancy  prevailed  that  the  Roman  empire 
was  **  suspended,  not  extinct";  that  the  Roman  em- 
pire of  Charlemagne  and  Otto  was  still  the  Roman 
empire  of  the  Flavians  and  Antonines.  The  place 
of  each  sovereign  was  numbered  from  Augustus,  and 
the  title  of  the  Emperor  under  the  Germans  was  "  sem- 
per Augustus."  Cherishing  this  fiction  in  common 
with  society  at  large,  the  Roman  Church  gradually 
turned  it  to  her  own  account  by  adroitly  shifting  its 
focus  from  the  throne  to  the  altar,  from  the  Caesar  to 
the  Pope,  from  the  universal  Roman  empire  to  the 
universal  Roman  Church. 

1  See  "  Purgatorio,"  xxxiii.,  58-60. 


The  Church  SzcbordtJtafe  to  the  Empire.    5 

But  it  was  long  before  the  Roman  Church  assumed 
the  character  of  a  rival  of  the  civil  power.  Her  earlier 
efforts  contemplated  nothing  more  than  recognition 
as  the  legitimate  head  of  Christendom.  She  began 
as  early  as  the  second  century  to  assert  a  certain 
precedence,  a  precedence  not  of  the  bishop,  but  of 
the  church  ;i  and  this  tendency  was  stimulated  by  the 
removal  of  the  imperial  seat  to  Constantinople  in  330 ; 
only  the  ground  of  the  claim  was  shifted,  since  the 
prospect  of  a  rival  city  made  it  expedient  to  base  it 
on  the  descent  of  the  church  from  St.  Peter  rather 
than  on  the  superior  importance  of  the  city. 

The  imperial  edict  of  Valentinian  III.  in  445,  issued 
at  the  instigation  of  Pope  Leo  the  Great,  declared 
the  estabhshment  of  the  Roman  primacy  on  the  three- 
fold ground  of  the  merits  of  St.  Peter,  the  majesty 
of  the  Roman  city,  and  the  decree  of  a  holy  council. 
Reluctant  as  was  the  Patriarch  of  Constantinople  to 
admit  the  supremacy  of  the  Roman  see,  Boniface  III., 
in  607,  succeeded  in  procuring  from  the  Emperor 
Phocas  a  decree  declaring  the  Roman  Church  to  be 
the  head  of  all  churches,  and  assumed  the  title  of 
"  Universal  Bishop."  Towards  the  close  of  the  eighth 
century  the  germs  of  the  principal  papal  claims  were 
already  in  existence,  and  the  Roman  pontiff  claimed 
the  right  of  a  universal  metropolitan. 

Yet  the  church,  meanwhile,  was  subordinate  to 
the  empire,  accepting  its  control  and  relying  upon  its 
protection,  and  seeking,  not  to  supersede,  but  to  imi- 
tate it.    The  powers  of  church  and  state  were  not  two, 

1  See  J.  B.  Lightfoot,  "  St.  Clement  of  Rome,"  vol.  i.,  p.  69  ff. ; 
Dr.  Schaff,  "  History  of  the  Christian  Church,"  vol.  ii.,  p.  157  ff. 


Age  of  Hildebrand. 


but  one,  represented  by  a  single  head,  the  Emperor. 
The  antagonism  which  appears  later  was  unknown  to 
Constantine  and  his  immediate  successors.  Charle- 
magne and  Constantine  were  alike  heads  of  the  church. 
The  Emperors  summoned  church  councils,  the  clergy- 
conferred  under  the  superintendence  of  imperial  com- 
missioners, and  their  decrees  were  ratified  or  disap- 
proved by  the  Emperor.  The  Emperor  filled  and 
vacated  the  most  important  episcopal  sees.  Between 
Gregory  I.  (590-604)  and  Gregory  II.  (715-731)  were 
twenty-four  popes,  and  during  this  period  the  Pope 
was  a  subject  of  the  Eastern  Empire,  consecrated  only 
with  the  Emperor's  permission.  The  code  of  Justin- 
ian (527-565)  assumes  control  of  the  reHgious  no  less 
than  of  the  civil  interests  of  his  subjects  Under 
Charlemagne  the  authority  of  ecclesiastical  officers 
emanates  from  the  Emperor,  and  the  clergy  enjoy  no 
exemption  from  civil  laws.  During  the  subjection  of 
Italy  to  the  eastern  emperors  the  Pope  was  appointed 
by  the  imperial  mandate,  dared  not  assume  his  seat 
without  the  imperial  sanction,  and  was  summoned  to 
Constantinople  at  the  Emperor's  pleasure. 

The  secular  character  of  the  Papacy  may  be  said 
to  have  been  partly  forced  upon  it  at  first  by  the  bar- 
barian invasions.  While  the  feeble  Emperor  Hono- 
rius  was  feeding  chickens  at  Ravenna,  and  Alaric  and 
Rhadagaisus  were  threatening  Rome,  Innocent  I. 
(402-417)  was  supreme  in  the  city.  The  capture  of 
Rome  by  Alaric  (410)  was  one  of  the  great  steps  in 
the  advance  of  the  Papacy  to  secular  power.  It  placed 
Innocent  in  the  position  of  a  Caesar.  After  the  depart- 
ure of  the  Vandals  under  Genseric  (455)  the  church 


The  Benedictines, 


under  Leo  the  Great  furnished  the  only  social  organ- 
ization of  the  city.  By  the  Lombard  invasion  (568) 
Gregory  the  Great  became  the  recognized  head  of 
Rome.  In  his  person  the  Bishop  of  Rome  first  be- 
came a  temporal  sovereign,  not  in  designed  antagon- 
ism to  the  civil  power,  but  as  compelled  to  assume 
its  functions  in  order  to  save  the  city  from  anarchy. 
A  powerful  force  in  the  establishment  of  papal  su- 
premacy was  the  monastic  organization  of  Benedict 
of  Nursia,  begun  by  the  foundation  of  the  monastery 
of  Monte  Cassino  in  529,  from  which  the  order  spread 
rapidly  throughout  Italy,  and  into  France,  Spain,  and 
England.  The  establishment  of  this  order,  with  its 
severe  rules  of  discipline  which  became  the  rules  of 
all  the  monasteries  of  the  Western  Church,^  fell  in  at 
a  time  when  the  political  order  of  the  empire  was  dis- 
solved, and  gave  to  the  church  the  organization  which 
was  lacking  in  the  state.  A  second  force  lay  in  the 
wealth  which  flowed  into  the  church  from  numerous 
sources,  especially  in  the  form  of  landed  property. 
Even  as  early  as  the  time  of  Constantine  the  clergy 
were  exempt  from  taxation  and  had  the  right  of  ac- 
quiring real  estate  by  bequest.  The  Roman  see  had 
thus  become  enriched,  and  some  of  its  possessions  lay 
outside  of  Italy.  Donations  of  land  were  continually 
being  made  to  bishops  and  to  monasteries,  and  the 
industry  of  the  monks  converted  many  uncultivated 
tracts  into  fertile  farms  and  sources  of  large  revenue. 
Gifts  came,  also,  from  dying  penitents  and  as  com- 

1  See  Ed.  Mart^ne,  "  Commentarius  in  regulam  S.  P.  Benedicti," 
Paris,  1690;  Milman,  "  Latin  Christianity,"  bk.  iii.,  chap.  vi. ;  Grego- 
rovius,  "  Geschichte  der  Stadt  Rom,"  chap.  i. 


8  Age  of  Hildebrand, 

mutations  of  penance,  and  an  Immense  revenue  was 
derived  from  the  system  of  tithes  adopted  from  the 
ancient  Jewish  economy.  Gregory  the  Great  was  the 
richest  landholder  in  Italy,  possessing  estates  in  Dal- 
matia,  Illyria,  Gaul,  Sardinia,  and  Corsica.^ 

The  schism  between  the  East  and  the  West,  grow- 
ing out  of  the  attempt  of  the  eastern  Emperor,  Leo 
the  Isaurian  {'J26),  to  abolish  in  the  churches  the  use 
of  statues  and  pictures  of  the  Saviour,  the  Virgin,  and 
the  saints,  greatly  increased  the  temporal  power  of 
the  Papacy.  In  the  disorders  which  ensued  upon  the , 
attempt  to  enforce  this  edict,  Gregory  II.  (715-731) 
appeared  as  a  political  negotiator  and  an  independent 
power.  In  his  correspondence  with  the  Emperor  Leo 
he  asserted  that  the  successor  of  Peter  might  law- 
fully chastise  the  kings  of  the  earth.  Here,  for  the 
first  time,  the  church  and  the  state  appear  as  oppos- 
ing powers. 

In  the  release  of  the  Franks  from  their  allegiance 
to  Childeric  III.  by  Pope  Zacharias  (751),  and  the 
anointing  and  coronation  of  Pepin  by  the  papal  leg- 
ate (752),  the  Pope  arrogated  to  himself  the  office  of 
supreme  arbiter  between  kings  and  their  people,  and 
proclaimed  the  principle  that  he  possessed  the  power 
to  bestow  and  to  take  away  crowns.  From  this  point 
the  steps  were  rapid.  Stephen  II.,  the  successor  of 
Zacharias,  reanointed  Pepin  and  his  two  sons,  for- 
bade the  Franks,  under  penalty  of  excommunication, 
to  elect  any  king  but  one  of  the  Carlovingian  family, 
and  assumed  the  privilege,  hitherto  residing  only  in 

1  For  details  of  the  church's  possessions  in  the  city  of  Rome  itself, 
see  Gregorovius,  "  Geschichte  der  Stadt  Rom,"  vol.  ii.,  p.  59. 


Donation  of  Pepi\ 


in. 


the  Emperor,  of  conferring  the  title  of  *'  Patrician,"  a 
title  introduced  by  Constantine,  and  denoting  the 
highest  rank  next  to  the  Emperor  and  the  consul. 
With  the  defeat  of  the  Lombards  in  756  went  the 
celebrated  ''Donation  of  Pepin" — the  district  which 
included  the  territories  of  Ravenna,  Bologna,  Ferrara, 
and  the  Pentapolis,  which  was  the  country  along  the 
Adriatic  from  Rimini  to  Ancona  and  inland  to  the 
Apennines.  This  *'  Donation  "  conferred  supreme  and 
absolute  dominion.  A  Christian  bishop  was  now  for 
the  first  time  invested  with  the  prerogatives  of  a  tem- 
poral prince.  Thus  the  foundation  was  laid  of  the 
"  States  of  the  Church,"  by  which  the  unity  of  Italy 
was  rendered  impossible  for  centuries.  The  era  is 
important.  The  church  and  the  hierarchy  have  be- 
come penetrated  with  the  canons  and  the  policy  of 
imperialism.  The  church  has  assumed  a  political 
existence  and  the  form  of  a  permanent  ecclesiastical 
state.  With  the  establishment  of  such  a  state  the 
purely  episcopal  and  priestly  period,  the  greatest  and 
most  honorable  in  the  history  of  the  Roman  Church, 
has  come  to  an  end. 

Charlemagne  ratified  the  "  Donation,"  and  Hadrian 
I.  openly  claimed  from  the  inhabitants  the  same  alle- 
giance which  Charlemagne's  subjects  owed  to  him. 
In  his  letter  to  Charlemagne  {T^^)  he  alludes  to  Con- 
stantine as  ''  he  through  whom  God  had  deigned  to 
bestow  everything  on  the  holy  church  of  the  apos- 
tolic prince."  This  is  the  first  allusion  to  that  mon- 
strous forgery  known  as  the  *'  Donation  of  Constan- 
tine," which  served  later  popes  as  a  pretence  for 
wholesale  appropriations  of  territory.    By  this,  it  was 


lO  Age  of  Hildebrand, 

said,  Constantine  not  only  endowed  the  Pope  with 
imperial  powers  and  the  Roman  clergy  with  the  pre- 
rogatives of  the  senate,  but  surrendered  Rome  and 
Italy  into  the  hands  of  the  Pope  as  his  property.^ 
Dante  pathetically  alludes  to  this:^ 

"Ah,  Constantine,  of  how  much  ill  was  mother, 
Not  thy  conversion,  but  that  marriage  dower 
Which  the  first  wealthy  father  took  from  thee!" 

Charlemagne  was  crowned  by  Leo  III.  at  Rome 
in  November,  800.  The  discussion  of  the  bearing 
of  this  act  on  the  papal  claims  to  secular  supremacy 
belongs  to  the  fourth  volume  of  this  series.  On 
the  side  of  the  church  it  is  claimed  that  the  Emperor 
received  the  crown  solely  by  the  favor  of  the  Pope ; 
on  the  side  of  the  Emperor,  that  he  received  it  from 
God,  as  the  inalienable  inheritance  of  the  Caesars.  It 
requires  notice,  however,  since  this  dispute  as  to  the 
source  of  the  imperial  power  continued  throughout 
the  middle  ages.^ 

Charlemagne  was  by  no  means  disposed  to  recog- 
nize the  Pope  as  a  temporal  sovereign,  and  kept  a 
strong  hand  on  the  church,  assuming  his  own  right  to 
legislate  in  ecclesiastical  as  in  civil  affairs,  and  not  ad- 
mitting that  the  sovereignty  of  Rome  or  of  Ravenna 
had  been  transferred  to  the  Pope  in  any  sense  which 
should  make  him  the  rival  of  the  Emperor.  At  the 
Council  of  Frankfort,  which  was  both  a  parliament 

1  See  Gibbon,  "Decline  and  Fall,"  etc.,  chap.  xlix. ;  Dollinger, 
"  Die  Pabst-Fabeln  des  Mittelalters,"  p.  52  ff. 

2  "  Inferno,"  xix.,  115. 

3  See  Bryce,  "  Holy  Roman  Empire,"  5th  ed.,  p.  56  ff. ;  Grego- 
rovius,  "  Geschichte  der  Stadt  Rom,"  vol.  ii.,  p.  486. 


The  Clergy  Refuse  Vassalage. 


and  an  ecclesiastical  council,  Charlemagne  presided, 
and  the  canons  were  issued  in  his  name.  Still  the 
Pope  and  the  hierarchy  were  aggrandized  by  Charle- 
magne's policy,  and  under  his  son  and  successor  the 
scale  turned  in  favor  of  the  hierarchy.  The  feudal 
system  had  already  struck  its  roots  into  the  soil  of 
Europe — that  social  organization  based  on  owner- 
ship of  land  and  personal  relations  created  thereby ; 
in  which  political  rights  were  dependent  on  landed 
rights  and  the  land  was  concentrated  in  the  hands  of 
a  few.  This  system  naturally  extended  to  the  hier- 
archy as  the  holders  of  vast  landed  estates.  For  the 
time  being,  Charlemagne,  as  Emperor,  exercised  over 
the  clergy  the  same  feudal  authority  as  over  the 
nobles.  Their  estates  were  held  by  the  same  tenure, 
and  the  leading  ecclesiastics  took  the  oath  of  vassalage 
on  a  change  of  sovereign.  They  were  even  bound 
to  obey  the  summons  to  military  service.  But  in  the 
reign  of  Louis  the  revolt  against  the  obligations  of 
vassalage  broke  out  among  the  clergy.  It  was  boldly 
asserted  that  all  property  given  to  the  church,  the 
poor,  and  the  servants  of  God  was  given  absolutely 
and  without  reservation  ;  that  the  King  had  no  power 
over  the  church's  fees;  that  the  clergy  and  their 
estates  belonged  to  another  commonwealth,  and  held 
directly  from  God.  The  vast  scheme  of  the  reorgan- 
ization of  the  clergy  under  the  Benedictine  rule  was^ 
a  step  to  the  severance  of  the  hierarchy  from  the 
control  of  the  state,  and  to  putting  the  whole  prop- 
erty of  the  church  absolutely  under  the  control  of  the 
clergy. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  prolong  this  sketch.     Enough 


12  Age  of  Hildebrand, 

has  been  said  to  show  the  gradual  change  in  the  aim 
and  policy  of  the  Roman  Church.  From  the  asser- 
tion of  a  primacy  in  the  church  universal  she  has  ad- 
vanced to  the  assertion  of  a  supremacy  over  all  other 
churches,  and  finally  to  the  claim  to  be  supreme  over 
the  kings  of  the  earth.  From  sheltering  herself  under 
the  shadow  of  the  empire  she  now  aspires  to  over- 
shadow the  empire. 

With  the  pontificate  of  Benedict  IV.  (901)  begins 
the  *' iron  age."  The  most  of  the  tenth  century  is 
marked  by  the  degradation  of  the  Papacy.  Between 
the  death  of  Charles  the  Bald  (877)  and  the  corona- 
tion of  Otto  the  Great  (962)  the  Carlovingian  empire 
broke  up,  with  disastrous  results  both  to  the  Papacy 
and  to  the  kingdom.  The  invasions  of  the  Saracens, 
Northmen,  and  Magyars  spread  disorder  and  constern- 
ation. The  feudal  lords  denied  the  authority  of  the 
King,  and  the  bishops  forsook  their  allegiance  to  the 
Pope.  The  popes  became  partisans  of  secular  factions 
and  were  imprisoned  and  insulted.  The  disposal  of 
the  papal  chair  fell  into  the  hands  of  courtesans ;  the 
bastard  son,  grandson,  and  great-grandson  of  a  pros- 
titute occupied  the  chair  of  St.  Peter.  The  papal  ju- 
risdiction was  limited  almost  wholly  to  Rome,  and  it 
is  difficult  to  trace  the  succession  of  the  popes. 

Under  Otto  the  Great  (936-973)  some  signs  of 
returning  order  appeared.  Otto  asserted  himself  as 
the  Pope's  master.  He  deposed  John  XII.,  estab- 
lished Leo  VIII.  in  the  papal  chair,  and  compelled 
the  Romans  to  swear  never  to  ordain  a  Pope  without 
the  imperial  sanction.  Otto  III.  (983-1002),  under 
the  guidance  of  Pope  Gerbert,  aimed  at  making  Rome 


Degradation  of  the  Papacy.  13 

again  the  seat  of  imperial  power,  but  in  vain.  The 
young  Emperor  could  not  make  head  against  the 
feudal  nobles  and  the  episcopal  order  which  was 
their  tool.  The  Papacy  again  lapsed  into  a  degrada- 
tion which  continued  until  the  period  where  this  his- 
tory properly  begins. 


CHAPTER  II. 

HENRY  HI. — CLUGNY— LEO  IX. — HILDEBRAND. 

N  1039,  Henry,  the  son  of  Conrad  II.,  be- 
came Emperor  of  Germany  at  the  age 
of  twenty-three,  under  the  title  of  Henry 
HI.  The  papal  succession  had  fallen  into 
the  hands  of  the  Counts  of  Tusculum,  de- 
scended from  the  courtesans  Theodosia  and  Marozia, 
who,  in  the  previous  century,  had  for  a  considerable 
period  controlled  the  papal  elections,  and  had  wielded 
an  enormous  influence  by  means  of  their  personal 
charms  and  their  brazen  hcentiousness.  Three  of  this 
family  in  succession  occupied  the  papal  throne.  After 
the  death  of  John  XIX.  theTusculans  inducted  into  the 
papal  office,  in  1033,  his  nephew,  aboy  of  ten  or  twelve 
years,  under  the  title  of  Benedict  IX.  Even  at  that 
tender  age  he  was  an  execrable  wretch,  abandoned 
to  a  life  of  shameless  debauchery,^  and  with  him  the 
Papacy  reached  its  lowest  depth  of  moral  depravity. 
''  Christ  was  represented  by  a  prelate  more  childish 
than  Caligula,  and  as  vicious  as  Heliogabalus."  The 
people  of  Rome,  wearied  of  his  murders,  robberies,  and 
other  abominations,  drove  him  at  last  from  the  city, 

1  His  portrait  is  drawn  in  strong  colors  by  one  of  his  contempo- 
raries, Rudolf  Glaber,  a  monk  of  Clugny,  in  his  "  Historia  sui  tem- 
poris,"  vol.  iv.,  chap.  v. 

H 


Gregory  VI.  15 


and  elected  John  of  Sabina  as  Silvester  III. ;  but  the 
Tusculans  restored  Benedict  after  a  banishment  of 
forty-nine  days.  Benedict,  however,  grew  weary  of  his 
office.  According  to  one  story,  he  became  enamoured 
of  his  cousin,  whose  father  refused  his  consent  to  her 
marriage  unless  Benedict  would  resign  the  papal  chair. 
This  he  agreed  to  do,  and  accordingly  sold  the  office 
to  John  Gratian,  who  offered  him  more  than  he  could 
make  by  his  robberies,  and  who  succeeded  to  the 
chair  under  the  title  of  Gregory  VI.  John  was  pos- 
sessed of  large  wealth,  and,  though  popularly  regarded 
as  lacking  in  brains,  he  appears  to  have  been  a  man 
of  learning  and  of  pure  character  and  piety  measured 
by  the  standard  of  his  time. 

The  condition  of  Rome  was  pitiable.  A  hundred  ^ 
petty  lords  stood  ready  to  pounce  upon  it  at  every 
opportunity.  All  the  roads  to  the  city  were  beset  with 
robbers  who  plundered  pilgrims;  the  churches  were 
in  ruins ;  daily  assassinations  made  citizens  afraid  to 
walk  the  streets ;  and  St.  Peter's  was  thronged  wath 
nobles  who  waited,  sword  in  hand,  to  snatch  from  the 
altars  the  offerings  of  pious  devotees.  With  these 
abuses  Gregory  dealt  promptly  and  vigorously.  He  '  ' 
called  out  the  soldiery,  reestablished  discipline,  and 
regained  possession  of  many  strongholds  within  the 
city.  Silvester,  however,  still  claimed  the  papal  seat, 
and  there  were  thus  three  popes — one  in  the  Lateran, 
one  in  St.  Peter's,  and  the  third  in  Santa  Maria  Mag- 
giore — with  their  respective  factions  at  deadly  feud 
with  one  another.  " 

But  some  faint  sense  of  decency  still  survived  in 
Rome,  and  a  deputation  was  at  length  sent  to  solicit 


1 6  Age  of  Hi Ide brand. 

the  interference  of  Henry  III.,  who  promptly  acqui-  « 
esced  and  advanced  towards  Rome.  At  Sutri,  about 
three  miles  from  the  city,  he  held  a  council  of  bishops 
to  examine  the  claims  of  the  three  popes,  which  re- 
sulted in  the  rejection  of  all  three.  He  then  entered  ^ 
the  city  amid  great  rejoicing,  and  with  his  entrance 
begins  a  new  epoch  in  the  history  of  the  city  and  of 
the  church. 

Among  the  motives  which  led  to  Henry's  prompt 
acceptance  of  the  Romans'  invitation  was  one  which 
introduces  us  to  an  institution  that  played  a  prom- 
inent part  in  the  movements  of  the  century.  In 
910,  William,  Duke  of  Aquitaine,  gave  to  the  Abbot 
Bruno  the  monastery  of  Clugny,  in  Burgundy,  north 
of  Macon.  The  community  was  to  be  independent 
of  all  metropolitan  or  episcopal  control,  and  under  the 
immediate  jurisdiction  of  the  Pope.  The  rule  of  Bene- 
dict was  adopted,  though  with  some  modifications  on 
account  of  the  severer  climate.  This  was  the  start- 
ing-point of  a  great  monastic  reform.  Clugny  fur- 
nished a  centre  for  other  monasteries,  which  rapidly 
increased  in  number,^  until  the  most  important  mon- 
asteries of  Gaul  and  Italy  were  included.  At  the 
height  of  its  prosperity  Clugny  ruled  over  two  thou- 

1  In  the  tenth  century,  however,  these  were  not  banded  into  one 
organization  under  the  rule  of  Clugny,  as  "the  congregation  of 
Clugny."  The  reformed  monasteries  were  either  not  under  Clugny, 
or  were  ruled  by  it  for  only  a  limited  time,  obtaining  thereafter  their 
own  independent  abbots.  The  placing  of  monasteries  under  the  per- 
manent direction  of  Clugny  did  not  begin  until  the  abbacy  of  Odilo 
(994-1048),  and  Odilo's  successor  first  made  this  the  fundamental 
principle  of  his  policy.  When  the  "  congregation"  of  the  Abbot  of 
Clugny  is  spoken  of  in  proclamations,  the  collection  of  the  monks  of 
Clugny  is  meant,  and  not  an  alliance  of  several  monasteries.  See 
Muller,  "  Kirchengeschichte,"  p.  392. 


Clugny,  1 7 


sand  monastic  establishments.  Under  Abbot  Hugo, 
in  1089,  was  begun  the  construction  of  its  vast  basilica, 
which  up  to  that  time  was  the  largest  in  the  world, 
and  was  subsequently  only  a  little  surpassed  by  St. 
Peter's  at  Rorne.^  It  was  adorned  with  the  finest 
works  of  art — glass,  tapestries,  gold  and  silver  lamps, 
wall-paintings,  and  carvings.  At  this  time  the  con- 
gregation of  Clugny  numbered  ten  thousand  monks. 
Laymen  of  all  conditions  enriched  the  order  with 
gifts,  and  the  popes  vied  with  each  other  in  confer- 
ring privileges  upon  it.  Among  the  highest  nobles  of 
France,  Clugny,  within  twenty  or  thirty  years  after  its 
foundation,  was  regarded  as  the  nucleus  of  a  party. 
It  was  favored  by  King  Robert  of  France,  promoted 
in  Upper  Italy  by  William  of  Dijon,  and  received  in 
Spain  the  indorsement  and  alliance  of  Sancho  the 
Great.  Towards  the  end  of  the  eleventh  century, 
within  a  short  space  of  time,  three  monks  of  Clugny 
succeeded  to  the  chair  of  St.  Peter — Gregory  VII., 
Urban  II.,  and  Pascal  II. 

Henry,  by  his  second  marriage  with  Agnes,  the 
daughter  of  William  of  Aquitaine,  had  come  into 
close  alliance  with  Clugny,  and  this  fact  furnished 
him  a  powerful  motive  for  carrying  out  church  reform 
in  Rome,  since  Clugny  was  the  chief  representative 
of  the  reform-movement  and  practically  controlled 
the  reform-party. 

The  three  popes  having  been  deposed,  a  canonical 
Pope  was  now  to  be  chosen.      Henry  knew  that  he 

1  That  is,  the  present  edifice,  begun  by  Bramante  in  1503,  and 
completed  by  Giacomo  della  Porta  in  1590.  Constantine's  basilica  on 
the  present  site  was  founded  in  306. 


1 8  Age  of  Hildebrand. 

had  no  right  in  this  election,  and  so  expressed  him- 
self to  the  council  of  the  Roman  lords.  *'  However 
fooHshly,"  he  said,  "  you  may  have  acted  hitherto,  I 
nevertheless  concede  to  you  the  election  of  the  Pope 
according  to  ancient  usage."  Probably  by  previous 
agreement  the  right  of  nomination  was  now  formally 
conveyed  to  him  by  the  council.  '*  Where  the  royal 
majesty  is  present,"  said  they,  **  the  consent  to  a 
choice  does  not  pertain  to  us.  It  belongs  to  your 
imperial  power  to  furnish  the  church  the  arm  of  the 
defender."  Thus  to  hand  over  the  election  of  a  Pope 
to  a  temporal  sovereign  was  a  significant  concession, 
fraught  with  bloody  consequences  at  no  distant  date; 
but  it  betrays  the  suffering  and  the  utter  exhaustion 
of  Rome.  It  was  a  humiliating  confession,  more- 
over, that  Rome  had  within  itself  no  one  worthy  or 
capable  of  filling  the  office. 

Henry  nominated  Suidger,  the  Bishop  of  Bamberg, 
who  was  consecrated  as  Clement  II.  on  Christmas, 
1046.  His  first  official  act  was  to  place  the  imperial 
crown  on  the  heads  of  Henry  and  his  wife.^  Nobles, 
citizens,  and  clergy  confirmed  with  acclamations  the 
act  which  subjected  the  city  and  the  apostohc  see 
absolutely  to  the  German  Emperor.  After  his  coro- 
nation the  patrician  power  was  conferred  upon  him, 
with  the  insignia  of  a  green  robe,  a  ring,  and  a  golden 
diadem.  Henry  knew  that,  in  the  eyes  of  the  Romans, 
this  dignity  represented  the  highest  rights  of  the  sen- 
ate and  people  ;  and  further  that,  since  the  tenth  cen- 
tury, it  had  carried  with  it  the  power  to  nominate 

1  A  very  elaborate  description  of  the  coronation  ceremonies  may  be 
found  in  Gregorovius,  vol.  iv.,  p.  55. 


Early  Days  of  Hilde brand.  19 

the  Pope,  according  to  Pope  Hadrian's  conveyance  to 
Charlemagne.  As  the  church  could  be  saved  only  by 
subjecting  both  the  city  and  the  Papacy  to  his  will, 
Henry  did  not  hesitate  to  introduce  this  power  regu- 
larly into  the  empire.  Amid  the  rejoicings  of  the 
hour  only  a  few  paused  to  forecast  the  future.  Rome 
was  too  thankful  for  her  release  from  the  Tusculan 
tyranny  to  measure  the  more  formidable  tyranny 
which  she  had  invoked.  There  was  one  at  leastl 
who  saw  and  measured  the  danger,  and  that  one  was 
Hildebrand. 

When  Gregory  VI.,  on  his  surrender  of  the  chair,  > 
retired  into  Germany,  he  was  accompanied  by  a  young 
monk  who  had  been  his  chaplain  during  his  brief  pon- 
tificate. Popular  rumor  had  so  exaggerated  Gregory's 
mental  deficiencies  as  to  declare  that  he  was  com- 
pelled to  appear  in  public  by  deputy.  Whether  or 
not  the  young  chaplain  had  been  accustomed  to  dis- 
charge that  duty,  it  is  certain  that  Gregory  gave  no 
evidence  of  imbecility  in  selecting  him  for  a  confiden- 
tial position.  He  was  born  at  Savona,  in  Tuscany, 
probably  between  10 15  and  1020,  for  the  exact  date 
is  uncertain.  His  father  was  said  to  have  been  a  car- 
penter, and  his  later  fame  called  forth  a  multitude  of 
legends  concerning  the  portents  of  greatness  which 
attended  his  earlier  years.  His  name,  Hildebrand, 
which  the  Italians  softened  into  Hellebrand,  was 
naturally  the  subject  of  sundry  puns  by  his  German 
enemies,  who  interpreted  it  Hellbrand  (*'  pure  flame  ") 
and  Hollebrand  ("  brand  of  hell  "). 

At  an  early  age  he  was  sent  to  the  monastery  of 
Santa  Maria  on  the  Aventine  at  Rome.    More  than 


20  Age  of  Hildebrand. 

the  instruction  which  he  there  received  in  the  liberal 
arts,  in  the  use  of  Latin,  in  the  rules  of  rhetoric  and 
dialectic,  and  in  the  writings  of  the  fathers,  was  the 
atmosphere  of  churchliness  which  he  daily  breathed, 
the  continual  reminders  of  the  venerableness  of  the 
city  and  of  the  authority  of  the  apostolic  see.  The  sci- 
ence and  the  sanctity  of  the  world  alike  converged 
thither.  In  later  stormy  years  he  wrote  that  St. 
Peter  had  nourished  him  from  infancy  beneath  his 

~  wings,  and  had  fostered  him  in  the  lap  of  his  clem- 
ency. Odilo,  the  Abbot  of  Clugny,  often  visited 
the  monastery,  and  it  was  perhaps  owing  to  his  influ- 
ence that  Hildebrand  withdrew  to  Clugny,  where  he 

o  passed  several  years.  He  practised  the  severe  disci- 
pline of  the  Benedictines,  with  whom  he  formed  intim- 
ate relations.  Whether  he  completed  his  novitiate 
at  Clugny  or  returned  to  Rome  is  unknown.  It  is 
not  impossible  that  he  may  have  spent  some  time  in 
Germany,  though  the  stories  of  his  residence  at  the 
court  of  Henry  have  little  foundation.  He  returned 
to  Rome  to  find  the  city  occupied  by  the  factions  of 
the  three  rival  popes,  and  the  church  in  utter  confu- 
sion. Soon  after  he  took  his  place  in  the  suite  of 
Gregory  VI.,  whom  he  always  styled  his  master, 
whose  exile  he  shared,  and  whose  pontifical  name  he 
assumed  when  he  himself  succeeded  to  the  office  of 
Pope. 

Clement  II.  died  before  the  end  of  his  first  year  in 
the  pontificate,  and  Benedict  IX.  reappeared  and  suc- 
ceeded in  holding  the  chair  for  nine  months,  when 
Poppo  of  Brixen  succeeded  as  Damasus  II.,  and  died 
after  twenty- three  days — the  Germans  declared,  by 


Bruno  of  Toul  Chosen  as  Pope.  2 1 

poison.    On  the  application  of  the  Romans  to  the  Em- 
peror for  the  nomination  of  a  successor,  his  choice  fell 
upon  Bruno,  the  Bishop  of  Toul,  in  Lorraine.     Con- 
tent with  a  humble  position,  this  prelate  had  distin- 
guished himself  by  his  piety  and  gentleness  no  less 
than   by  his  vigorous  assertion  of   all   ecclesiastical 
prerogatives.    He  was  versed  in  all  the  knowledge  of 
the  age,  beautiful  in  person,  and  eloquent  in  speech. 
Hildebrand  at  this  time  was  at  Worms  with  the 
Emperor,  and  the  new  Pope  offered  to  take  him  with 
him  to  Rome.    His  best  friends  never  claimed  for  him 
excessive  miodesty,  and  his  reply  foreshadowed  the 
insolence  which  marked  him  in  later  years :  ''  I  can- 
not, because,  without  canonical   institution,  and   by 
the  royal  and  secular  power  alone,  you  are  going  to 
seize  upon  the  Roman  Church."    If  the  story  is  to  be 
credited  it  shows  very  clearly  what  was  Hildebrand's 
opinion  concerning  the  appointment  of  a  Pope  by  an 
Emperor.      Possibly  Bruno  had  already  felt  scruples 
on  this  point,  which  were  confirmecf  by  Hildebrand's 
words;  at  any  rate,  he  refused  to  owe  his  election  to 
the  Emperor's  will,  and  declared  to  the  assembly  at 
Worms  and  to  the  Roman  deputies  that  he  would  not 
accept  the  papal  throne  save  upon  the  free  election 
of  the  Roman  clergy  and  people.^ 

Accompanied  by  Hildebrand,  he  travelled  to  Rome 
as  a  pilgrim.  His  journey  occupied  two  months,  and 
legends  relate  how  streams  bared  their  channels  at 
his  approach,  and  voices  of  angels  greeted  him  at  his 
devotions.     He  knocked  at  the  gate  of  the  city  and 

1  For  other— colored— accounts,  see  VilVemain,  "  Histoire  de  Gr^- 
goire  VII.,"  vol.  i.,  p.  281. 


22  Age  of  Hilde brand. 

asked  the  Romans  if  they  would  receive  him  as  Pope 
in  the  name  of  Christ.  In  St.  Peter's  he  declared  that 
though  the  Emperor  had  chosen  him,  he  would  re- 
turn to  his  bishopric  unless  the  dignity  should  be  con- 
ferred by  the  unanimous  voice  of  the  people.  The 
decree  of  election  was  drawn  up  in  the  name  of  the 
clergy  and  people,  and  he  was  enthroned  as  Leo  IX. 
on  the  1 2th  of  February,  1049.  After  the  concession 
which  the  Romans  had  voluntarily  made  to  the  Em- 
peror, such  a  ratification  was  little  better  than  a  farce  ; 
but  whether  so  intended  by  Bruno  or  not,  it  was  a 
stroke  of  policy  which  propitiated  the  people  in  ad- 
vance. In  demanding  the  assent  of  the  Romans  he 
cast  contempt  upon  the  imperial  nomination.  Hilde- 
brand  was  by  his  side.  He  was  the  real  genius  of  the 
new  epoch,  and  of  the  new  policy  which  was  already 
beginning  to  take  shape  in  the  economy  of  the  church  ; 
for  the  administration  of  Leo  marked  a  crisis  in  the 
history  of  the  Papacy.  It  was  the  inauguration  of  a 
great  and  radical  reform  in  the  high-catholic  sense. 
He  brought  with  him  to  Rome  the  spirit  of  Clugny, 
and  responded  to  the  demands  of  the  Clugny  party. 
A  feature  of  his  policy  which  demands  notice  at  this 
point  is  his  use  of  the  Pseudo-Isidorian  Decretals.  A 
decretal  is  an  authoritative  rescript  of  a  Pope  in  reply 
to  a  question.  The  Isidorian  Decretals  consisted  of  a 
collection  of  spurious  letters  ascribed  to  the  popes  of 
the  first  three  centuries,  and  opening  with  a  preface 
attributed  to  one  Isidorus  Mercator,  for  which  reason 
it  was  falsely  assigned  to  Isidore,  the  Bishop  of  Seville, 
who  died  in  636.  The  letters  were  probably  writ- 
ten between  829  and  845,  and  were  first  published 


Isidorian  Decretals.  23 


at  Mainz  in  a  pretended  Isidorian  collection  said  to 
have  been  brought  from  Spain  between  826  and  847. 
The  objects  of  this  forgery  were  the  establishment  of 
an  absolute  church  authority  over  the  laity,  the  secur- 
ing of  all  church  offices  and  positions  against  lay  in- 
terference, the  erection  of  the  clergy  into  a  commun- 
ity with  absolute  right  to  legislate  in  all  church  affairs 
without  interference,  with  the  free  right  of  judgment 
over  all  its  members,  and  their  complete  immunity 
against  all  complaints  of  the  laity  even  before  church 
courts.  It  also  incorporated  the  Donation  of  Constan- 
tine.  These  rights,  it  was  claimed,  w^ere  conferred 
by  the  contents  of  the  collection,  which  contains  fifty- 
nine  spurious  letters  of  popes  and  thirty-five  spurious 
decretals.  Down  to  the  fifteenth  century  their  genu- 
ineness was  not  openly  assailed.  The  fraud  was  fully 
exposed  by  the  Magdeburg  Centuriators^  (i559-74)- 
Their  spuriousness  is  now  generally  admitted  even  by 
Roman  Catholic  historians  and  theologians.-  These 
forgeries,  which  hitherto  had  operated  only  in  the 
sphere  of  the  French  Clugniacs,  were  now  made  by 
Leo  IX.  the  groundwork  of  his  whole  administration, 
and  were  persistently  cited  in  his  official  deliverances. 

1  Compilers  of  the  first  great  Protestant  work  on  church  history, 
which  bore  the  name  of  "  Centuries  Magdeburgenses."  The  thir- 
teenth volume  appeared  in  1574.  It  enlisted  all  the  Protestant  learn- 
ing of  the  age. 

2  As  Bellarmine  and  Baronius.  For  details  and  literature,  see 
Gieseler,  "  Ecclesiastical  History,"  Amer.  ed.,  by  Dr.  H.  B.  Smith, 
vol.  ii.,  p.  109  ff. 


CHAPTER  III. 

SIMONY — CLERICAL   CELIBACY — TRANSUBSTAN- 
TIATION. 

EO  was  committed  to  the  work  of  clerical 
reform ;  but  his  task  was  a  gigantic  one. 
He  was  confronted  with  a  veritable  Au- 
gean stable  in  the  life  and  habits  of  the 
clergy.  The  picture  of  the  clerical  morals 
of  that  age  cannot  be  ascribed  to  Protestant  prejudice 
or  slander.  It  is  drawn  by  contemporaries  and  by 
Romanists,  especially  by  Peter  Damiani,  the  friend  of 
Hildebrand  and  the  leader  of  the  strict  monastic  party 
of  which  Clugny  was  the  centre. ^  Fornication,  incest, 
adultery,  infanticide,  unnatural  vice,  polluted  the 
monastic  life.  The  title  of  Damiani's  book,  *'  Gom- 
orrhianus,"  is  as  suggestive  as  a  description,  and  its 
pages  will  not  bear  translation.  Added  to  these 
enormities  was  the  widely  spread  evil  of  simony. 

Simony,  according  to  canon  law,  is  the  gravest  of 
ecclesiastical  crimes.  The  name  was  derived  from  the 
New  Testament  story,  in  the  eighth  chapter  of  Acts, 
of  Simon  Magus,  who  offered  the  apostles  money  for 

1  His  eight  books  of  Epistles,  and  especially  his  "  Liber  Gonior- 
rhianus,"  addressed  to  Leo  IX.  in  105 1.  See  also  Henry  C.  Lea, 
"  Historical  Sketch  of  Sacerdotal  Celibacy  in  the  Christian  Church," 
and  Lecky,  "  History  of  European  Morals,"  vol.  ii.,  chap.  v. 

24 


Domestic  Relations  of  the  Clergy.         25 

the  gift  of  the  Holy  Ghost.  As  the  imposition  of 
bishops'  hands  was  supposed  to  impart  the  Holy  Spirit, 
the  buying  and  selling  of  ordination  was  regarded  as 
simony.  The  term  was  gradually  extended  to  cover 
traffic  in  ecclesiastical  offices  and  in  the  rights  of  eccles- 
iastical patronage,  and  to  the  purchase  of  admission 
to  monastic  orders.  According  to  primitive  usage, 
a  candidate  for  an  episcopal  vacancy  was  elected  by 
the  clergy  and  people  of  the  diocese,  subject  to  the 
approval  of  the  metropolitan  bishop  and  his  suffra- 
gans or  assistant  bishops.  The  Merovingian  and  Car- 
lovingian  kings  of  France  and  the  Saxon  emperors  of 
Germany  conferred  bishoprics  by  direct  nomination 
or  by  recommendatory  letters  to  the  electors;  but 
the  honors  and  estates  of  a  see  were  often  granted  by 
sovereigns,  prelates,  and  lay  patrons  of  the  tenth  and 
eleventh  centuries  only  on  liberal  payments  by  the 
recipients.  Thus  the  power  of  nomination  and  in-  ^ 
vestiture  became  an  instrument  of  the  grossest  rapac- 
ity, and  church  offices  were  bestowed  on  the  high- 
est bidder. 

The  domestic  relations  of  the  clergy  presented  an 
equally  difficult  problem.  From  very  early  times 
celibacy  had  been  enjoined  upon  the  western  clergy  ; 
but  the  prohibition  of  marriage  had  practically  been 
confined  to  the  letter  of  the  canon.  The  secular  or 
parochial  clergy  kept  women  in  their  houses  by  con- 
nivance with  their  spiritual  superiors.  A  tax  called 
ctLllagiiim,  which  was  nothing  more  than  a  license  to 
keep  concubines,  appears  as  early  as  1080  in  the  pro- 
hibitions issued  by  a  synod  at  Lillebonne,  at  which 
William  the  Conqueror  was  present ;  and  this  system 


26  Age  of  Hildebra7id. 

was  put  in  operation  by  Henry  I.  of  England  as  a 
means  of  replenishing  his  exchequer,  was  stringently 
forbidden  by  a  canon  of  the  Fourth  Lateran  Council 

'  in  12 1 5,  but  continued  to  flourish  until  the  sixteenth 
century.  The  sons  of  priests  were  empowered  to  in- 
herit by  the  laws  of  France  and  Castile ;  in  Milan,  in 
the  middle  of  the  eleventh  century,  all  priests  and  dea- 
cons were  married;  Hadrian  H.  was  married  before 
he  became  Pope,  and  Benedict  IX.,  as  we  have  already 
seen,  resigned  the  papal  chair  in  order  to  marry. 

The  early  fathers,  following  St.  Paul,  held  celibacy 
to  be  a  matter  of  individual  choice.  Even  Jerome  ad- 
mitted that  at  the  beginning  of  the  church  there  was 
no  absolute  injunction  to  abstain  from  marriage.  At 
the  close  of  the  third  century  bishops  and  abbots  were 
allowed  to  retain  the  wives  whom  they  had  married 
before  ordination,  but  not  to  marry  after  they  were 
in  orders ;  while  deacons  and  subdeacons  were  per- 
mitted to  marry  after  ordination.  The  first  absolute 
command  to  the  higher  clergy  to  observe  celibacy  was 

<-  the  decretal  of  Pope  Siricius  in  385,  which  applied  to 
bishops,  priests,  and  deacons.  This  decree  naturally 
encountered  vigorous  resistance ;  but  the  resistance 
was  futile,  and  the  prohibition  was  embodied  in  the 
canon  law.  Legal  connections  being  thus  forbidden, 
the  clergy  had  recourse  to  concubinage,  or  else  vio- 
lated the  law.  In  the  sixth  and  seventh  centuries  the 
Spanish  clergy  openly  lived  with  their  wives.  The 
Carlovingian  efforts  at  reform  accompHshed  little. 
The  most  convincing  evidence  of  the  debased  moral- 
ity of  the  clergy  is  furnished  by  the  Isidorian  Decre- 
tals in  their  palliation  of  lapses  from  virtue,  "  of  which 


The  Policy  of  Celibacy.  2  7 

so  few  are  guiltless."  Even  the  greatly  enlarged 
power  of  the  Papacy  added  to  the  increasing  license. 
Though  Nicholas  I.  (861)  ordered  the  deposition  of 
all  immoral  priests,  the  forms  of  judicial  procedure 
favored  concealment  of  priestly  amours.  In  the  tenth 
century  the  clergy  began  openly  to  claim  the  privi- 
lege of  matrimony.  Marriage  evoked  from  the  ec-  ^ 
clesiastical  authorities  more  opposition  than  concubin- 
age, because  possessions  previously  held  by  laymen 
were  becoming  hereditary.  Had  marriage  been  al-  ^ 
lowed  to  the  clergy  their  benefices  would  have  been 
transmitted  by  descent,  the  result  of  which  would 
have  been  a  great  hereditary  caste — a  feudal  clergy 
bequeathing  ecclesiastical  benefices  from  father  to 
son.  It  was  of  vital  importance  to  the  church  to  pre- 
vent this.  The  church  was  rich  and  its  possessions 
inalienable,  and  these  possessions  were  exposed  to 
greater  risks  from  clergy  who  to  their  personal  ambi- 
tions added  family  interests.  The  pohcy  of  the  church 
demanded  that  the  priest  should  be  bound  absolutely  T 
and  completely  to  itself;  that  the  sacerdotal  order 
should  be  separated  from  the  rest  of  society  and  from 
common  sympathies,  interests,  and  affections.  Yet,  as 
the  tenth  century  advanced,  sacerdotal  marriage  be- 
came more  common,  and  in  966,  Rutherius,  an  Italian 
bishop,  not  only  intimated  that  all  his  clergy  were  mar- 
ried, but  declared  that  if  he  were  to  enforce  the  pro- 
hibitory canon  only  boys  would  be  left  in  the  church, 
while  even  they  would  be  ejected  under  the  rule  which 
rendered  bastards  inehgible  to  sacred  offices.  The 
simple,  summary  mode  of  reform  was  to  cut  asunder 
the  domestic  tie. 


28  Age  of  H tide  brand. 

L  Simony  was  far  too  vast  an  abuse  to  be  dealt  with 
at  a  stroke.  To  depose  all  who  had  obtained  their 
benefices  by  simony  would  have  been  to  leave  most 
of  the  benefices  throughout  the  church  vacant.  Leo 
was  therefore  compelled  to  adopt  less  summary  meas- 
ures for  the  time  being,  and  to  substitute  confession, 
penance,  and  absolution  for  deposition.  He  found 
himself  equally  unable  to  cope  successfully  with  cler- 
ical marriage  and  concubinage.  The  bishops  assem- 
bled in  synod  acquiesced  in  the  prohibition  of  mar- 
riage, but  took  no  steps  to  enforce  it,  and  on  the 
subject  of  concubinage  were  ominously  silent.  The 
Pope  meanwhile  surrounded  himself  with  men  of  a 
temper  kindred  to  his  own.  Prominent  among  these 
was  Peter  Damiani,  Abbot  of  Fontavella,  in  Umbria, 
a  man  who  combined  the  superstitiousness  of  his  age 
and  order  with  liberal  education,  trained  amid  the 
austerities  of  a  hermit's  life,  unpractical  and  timid  in 
his  dealings  with  men,  but  candid,  pure  in  morals,  in- 
spired with  horror  and  detestation  of  the  foul  abomin- 
ations of  monastic  and  clerical  life,  and  portraying 
them  in  terms  which,  if  not  choice  or  classical,  were 
unmistakable.  With  him  was  Hildebrand,  whom  the 
Pope  had  already  made  subdeacon  and  soon  after  ap- 
pointed superior  of  the  monastery  of  St.  Paul,  which 
afforded  a  sorry  specimen  of  the  debasement  of  cler- 
ical morals.  Here  Hildebrand  at  once  displayed  his 
rare  administrative  power,  by  restoring  the  ancient 
rule  of  the  monastery,  instituting  a  severe  discipline, 
reestablishing  the  revenues,  and  repelling  the  thiev- 
ing incursions  of  the  neighboring  lords. 

Efforts  at  reform  and  constant  journeys  between 


Leo  IX.  at  RJieiins,  29 

Italy  and  Germany  at  first  prevented  Leo  from  giv-  -f* 
ing  his  attention  to  the  poHtical  condition  of  the  state  ; 
but  he  was  slowly  reviving  the  sense  of  the  papal  in- 
stitution in  the  minds  of  men  who  had  well-nigh  for- 
gotten its  existence.  He  now  undertook  a  great  re- 
ligious visitation  to  the  three  principal  kingdoms  of 
western  Europe.  At  Rheims  he  participated  in  the 
consecration  of  the  new  cathedral,  and  the  removal  of 
the  remains  of  St.  Remy,  the  popular  saint  of  France, 
who  had  baptized  Clovis.  At  the  council  immedi- 
ately following,  simony,  incestuous  marriages,  adul- 
terous connections,  the  apostasy  of  monks  and  clergy, 
and  vices  against  nature  were  discussed.  Public  con- 
fessions on  these  points  were  demanded  of  the  difTer- 
ent  members  of  the  council,  and  several  were  anathe- 
matized. Decrees  were  issued  against  divers  secular 
and  ecclesiastical  abuses.  Bishops  must  be  elected 
by  the  clergy  and  people ;  holy  orders  must  not  be 
bought  or  sold  ;  priests  must  not  exact  fees  for  burial, 
baptism,  and  visitation  of  the  sick,  and  must  refrain 
from  usury  and  bearing  arms. 

Leo  was  politic  enough  to  strike  hard  only  where  a 
blow  was  likely  to  tell.  His  most  vigorous  measures 
were  taken  where  the  political  powers  were  on  his  side 
or  where  there  was  a  prospect  of  carrying  out  his  re- 
forms. In  Germany  he  did  not  disturb  the  existing 
method  of  possessing  the  episcopal  chairs,  even  when 
this  came  through  simple  nomination  by  the  King. 
In  southern  France,  where  bishoprics  were  regularly 
sold  for  large  sums,  he  effected  nothing;  while  in 
Normandy  and  Burgundy,  where  the  churches,  being 
united  in  a  few  hands,  were  more  manageable,   he 


30  Age  of  Hildebrand, 

broke  through  the  former  limits  of  the  national  church, 
boldly  assumed  the  attitude  of  supreme  head,  sum- 
moned delinquents  to  his  Roman  synod,  and  issued, 
against  the  hitherto  unlimited  disposal  of  churches 
by  the  nobles,  his  decree  that  bishoprics  and  abbacies 
must  be  acquired  only  by  canonical  election  by  the 
clergy  and  people.  His  visitation,  however,  did  much 
to  restore  the  authority  of  the  Papacy  and  to  awaken 
the  pride  of  Germany  at  having  given  such  a  Pope 
to  the  church.  Yet,  while  the  existing  powers  of  re- 
form were  strengthened,  passionate  opposition  was 
also  excited  by  the  new  development  of  the  Papacy 
and  the  Pope's  appearance  on  the  ground  of  the 
national  churches  of  Germany  and  France.  With  all 
his  vigorous  efforts  Leo  succeeded  in  the  end  little 
better  than  his  predecessors  in  reforming  the  scandals 
of  the  priesthood.  The  papal  power  was  not  yet  suf- 
ficiently established  to  carry  out  a  scheme  of  reform. 
In  the  midst  of  this  reformatory  movement  the 
Pope's  attention  was  claimed  by  a  dogmatic  contro- 
versy concerning  the  manner  of  Christ's  presence  in 
the  Eucharist,  a  matter  which  had  never  come  into 
serious  debate  in  the  first  eight  centuries.  Pascha- 
sius,  a  learned  monk,  issued  in  831  a  treatise  en- 
titled ''The  Sacrament  of  the  Body  and  Blood  of 
Christ,"  asserting  that  in  priestly  consecration  the  sub- 
stance of  the  bread  and  wine  is  changed  into  the  body 
and  blood  of  Christ ;  yet  so  as  that  the  **  accidents  " — 
the  form,  color,  and  taste  of  the  elements — remain. 
The  substance  of  the  bread  and  wine  is  annihilated,  and 
nothing  exists  but  the  body  and  blood  of  Christ. 
These  positions  were  attacked  by  John  Scotus,  better 


Berengar  and  Transubstantiation, 


known  as  Erigena.  Two  centuries  later,  Berengar, 
director  of  the  cathedral  school  at  Tours,  resumed  the 
attack  on  Paschasius,  and  denied  the  doctrine  of  tran- 
substantiation as  taught  by  him,  asserting  with  Erigena 
that  the  presence  of  Christ  in  the  elements  is  real,  but 
only  symbolic  and  spiritually  conceived. 

Berengar  was  assailed  by  Lanfranc,  afterwards 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  at  a  council  held  by  Leo 
m  Rome  in  1050,  and  was  condemned,  without  cita- 
tion and  without  hearing,  on  the  strength  of  a  private 
letter  to  Lanfranc  in  which  he  had  avowed  the  posi- 
tion of  Erigena.  The  council  excommunicated  him, 
but  this  did  not  finally  dispose  of  the  matter,  which 
came  before  several  different  councils  and  synods,  and 
was  not  finally  settled  until  1078,  when  Hildebrand, 
who  had  all  along  secretly  befriended  Berengar,  and 
who  has  been  supposed  by  many  to  have  sympathized 
with  his  views,  demanded  and  received  his  recanta- 
tion and  his  subscription  of  a  strict  transubstantia- 
tional  formula. 


CHAPTER   IV. 


THE   NORMANS- 


-VICTOR    II. 
MATHILDE. 


-BEATRIX    AND 


NEW  element  now  appears  in  our  his- 
tory and  enters  into  the  movements  of 
the  whole  period  with  which  we  have  to 
deal.  This  element  is  the  Norman  race. 
We  ^hall  see  it  persistently  asserting  itself 
in  the  long  struggle  between  the  Papacy  and  the  em- 
pire; the  object  of  soHcitation  and  purchase  by  both 
parties ;  allied  sometimes  with  the  one  and  sometimes 
with  the  other ;  often  turning  the  scale  into  which  its 
sword  is  thrown ;  the  instrum.ent  both  of  the  humilia- 
tion and  of  the  triumph  of  the  Papacy. 

The  name  "  Norman  "  is  a  softened  form  of "  North- 
man," which  was  first  applied  to  the  Scandinavian 
people  in  general,  and  afterwards,  more  strictly,  to 
those  of  Norwa}^  These  hardy  piratical  adventur- 
ers first  appeared  in  France  in  912,  when  a  band  of 
them,  led  by  one  Rolf,  gained  possession  of  the  land 
on. either  side  of  the  mouth  of  the  Seine  and  settled 
there.  Although  originally  the  same  in  name  and 
descent,  the  Normans  differed  from  the  Northmen. 
With  all  the  sturdy  vigor  of  the  race,  they  were 
marked  by  a  singular  adaptability  to  circumstances, 

32 


Rise  of  the  Norman  Power  in  Italy.      33 

so  that  they  readily  adopted  the  characteristics  of  any 
people  among  whom  they  came  to  live,  and  lost  them- 
selves in  those  whom  they  conquered.  The  change  of 
the  name  from  ''  Northman  "  to  "  Norman,"  therefore, 
marked  a  change  in  their  religion,  language,  and 
social  system.  Their  natural  love  of  adventure  dis- 
persed them  into  different  countries,  and  their  plas- 
ticity allied  them  with  warlike  enterprises  of  the  most 
different  character.  As  a  race  they  were  ambitious 
and  rapacious,  cunning  and  enduring,  warlike  and 
independent.  They  displayed  natural  affinities  for 
culture  ;  though  not  inventive,  they  were  appreciative 
and  teachable,  and  welcomed  men  of  genius  of  every 
race.  They  were  versed  in  flattery  and  devoted  to 
the  study  of  eloquence,  so  that  the  very  boys  were 
orators.  They  were  fond  of  legal  forms  and  pro- 
cesses, and  were  lavish  in  their  gifts  and  assiduous  in 
their  pilgrimages  to  holy  places. 

It  was  in  religious  pilgrimage  that  the  Norman 
power  in  Italy  began.  Southern  Italy  and  Sicily  had 
from  a  very  early  period  been  occupied  by  Greeks, 
and  the  Saracens  had  come  from  Africa  into  Sicily  in 
827,  and  after  fifty  years  had  completed  the  conquest 
of  that  island  by  the  capture  of  Syracuse.  A  party 
of  Normans,  returning  from  the  Holy  Land,  rescued 
the  city  of  Salerno  from  the  hands  of  the  Saracens, 
enlisted  against  the  Greeks,  and  became  allies  of  the 
princes  of  Capua,  Benevento,  Salerno,  and  Naples, 
usually  insuring  victory  by  their  superior  spirit  and 
discipline.  From  their  own  country  they  drew  fresh 
colonies  of  adventurers,  stimulated  by  the  prospect 
of  conquest  and  pillage.      By  the  gift  of  the  Duke  of 


34  Age  of  Hildebrand, 

Naples  in  1029,  they  obtained  a  permanent  seat  a  few 
miles  from  Naples,  where,  under  Robert  Guiscard, 
they  founded  and  fortified  the  town  of  Aversa.  The 
people  of  Apulia,  unable  to  resist,  paid  them  tribute 
and  even  enlisted  under  their  standards,  so  that  Guis- 
card gradually  established  his  sovereignty  over  a  large 
territory.  Henry  III.  of  Germany  gave  them  por- 
tions of  the  duchy  of  Benevento ;  and  in  the  time  of 
Leo  IX.  three  Norman  princes  were  ruling  respec- 
tively at  Salerno,  Calabria,  and  Benevento. 

But  the  church  had  long  coveted  Benevento,  and 
the  Beneventines,  tired  of  both  the  Normans  and 
the  Lombards,  finally  put  themselves,  in  105 1,  into 
the  hands  of  the  Pope,  as  the  least  of  evils.  Leo  had 
been  unsuccessful  in  keeping  the  Normans  from  the 
city,  and  they  resumed  their  depredations  after  the 
murder  of  the  two  princes  to  whose  charge  he  had 
committed  it,  so  that  both  bishops  and  citizens  now 
besought  his  interference. 

Leo  applied  to  the  German  emperor  for  troops, 
but  obtained  only  some  hundreds  of  mercenaries  and 
a  swarm  of  adventurers  of  all  sorts,  accompanied  by 
Godfrey  of  Lorraine  and  his  brother  Frederick,  all  of 
whom  crossed  the  Alps  in  1053.  Some  more  troops 
were  gathered  from  different  provinces  of  Italy.  The 
head  of  the  church  now  assumed  the  temporal  sword 
and  took  command  in  person,  not,  however,  leaving 
behind  his  spiritual  arsenal,  since  his  first  military 
measure  was  the  excommunication  of  the  Normans. 
He  joined  battle  with  the  Norman  army  on  the  banks 
of  the  Fertorio,  near  Dragonata,  where  his  army  suf- 
fered a  crushing  defeat.     He  himself  was  taken  pris- 


Death  of  Leo  IX,  35 

oner,  and  was  conducted,  though  with  all  marks  of 
respect,  to  Benevento,  where  he  remained  all  winter, 
practising  the  severest  penances.  He  obtained  his 
liberty  at  last  at  a  high  ransom,  and  granted  to  his 
captors,  in  the  name  of  St.  Peter,  the  investiture  of 
all  the  territories  conquered  or  to  be  conquered  by 
them  in  Apulia,  Calabria,  and  Sicily. 

Much  weakened  by  sickness,  he  returned  to  Rome, 
borne  in  a  litter  and  escorted  by  a  crowd  of  knights. 
He  gave  orders  that  he  should  be  carried  to  his  tomb 
in  St.  Peter's,  where  he  was  laid  in  the  choir,  which 
was  hung  with  black  and  lighted  with  funeral  torches. 
Dragging  himself  to  his  coffin,  he  stretched  himself 
upon  the  marble  sarcophagus,  saying,  '*  Of  all  my 
honors  and  dignities  only  this  little  dwelling  re- 
mains." At  sunrise  the  next  morning  he  was  sup- 
ported to  the  altar,  where  he  wept  and  prayed,  lying 
at  length  upon  the  pavement ;  then,  returning  to  his 
couch,  he  received  the  last  sacraments,  and  expired  on 
the  13th  of  April,  1054,  in  the  fiftieth  year  of  his  age. 

The  Papacy,  as  we  have  seen,  had  recovered  itsi 
strength  by  its  submission  to  Henry  HI.  and  its  con- 1 
cession  of  the  right  of  nominating  the  Pope.  It  now 
demanded  back  the  right,  as  a  prelude  to  complete 
freedom  from  its  deliverer.  Hildebrand  was  the  prin- 
cipal man  in  Rome,  and  as  the  leader  of  the  reform- 
movement  soon  made  all  others  his  instruments — the 
monks,  whose  fanatical  zeal  he  inspired ;  the  popes, 
whom   he   directed ;    the   Patarenes  ^  of   Lombardy, 

1  This  name  originated  in  Milan,  and  was  derived  from  the  district 
called  Pataria,  or  "  the  rag-pickers'  quarter,"  where  the  opponents  of 
priestly  marriage  used  to  assemble.  A  full  description  of  the  sect 
will  be  given  later. 


36  Age  of  Hildebraiid. 

whom  he  sent  into  the  field  against  the  aristocracy 
and  the  stubborn  episcopacy  ;  the  powerful  margraves 
of  Tuscany ;  and  the  plundering  Normans,  in  whom 
the  church  acquired  vassals  and  defenders.  In  Hil- 
debrand's  programme  the  free  election  of  the  Pope, 
which  from  ancient  times  had  been  limited  by  the  im- 
perial power,  did  not  at  that  time  hold  the  first  place. 
His  efforts  were  directed  principally  against  simony 
and  the  marriage  and  concubinage  of  the  priesthood. 
The  fear  of  the  Emperor,  and  the  insecurity  in  Rome, 
where  the  nobility,  in  the  event  of  a  breach  with  him, 
would  again  have  controlled  the  papal  election,  con- 
strained the  priestly  party  to  bide  its  time  in  patient 
submission  to  Henry. 

On  the  death  of  Leo  all  eyes  were  turned  upon 
Hildebrand  as  his  successor ;  but  nothing  shows  more 
clearly  the  far-seeing  wisdom  of  the  man  than  his 
refusal  to  hasten  to  his  ends.  There  were  weighty 
reasons  which  made  a  German  Pope  desirable.  An 
Italian  Pope  could  wield  spiritual  weapons  only,  at 
which  the  rich  barons,  w^ho  still  held  most  of  the  papal 
domains,  would  merely  have  laughed.  The  Pope 
must  be  rich  and  able  to  command  imperial  protec- 
tion against  the  Normans,  who  had  again  shown  signs 
of  hostility  by  imprisoning  the  papal  legates  on  their 
journey  from  Constantinople.  Moreover,  the  candi- 
date must  be  approved  by  the  Emperor ;  for  the  church 
was  too  feeble  to  attempt  an  election  independently 
of  him. 

A  deputation,  headed  by  Hildebrand,  was  accord- 
ingly sent  to  Henry  to  request  a  nomination.  In  his 
own  mind  Hildebrand  had  already  fixed  upon  Geb- 


G  eh  hard  of  Eichstadt  as  Victor  II.        i^y 

hard,  the  Bishop  of  Eichstadt,  one  of  the  wealthiest 
and  ablest  of  the  German  prelates,  and  the  confiden- 
tial counsellor  of  the  Emperor.  He  had  been  in- 
directly the  cause  of  Leo's  defeat  in  his  unfortunate 
Norman  campaign,  since  it  was  by  his  advice  that 
Henry  had  withheld  the  greater  part  of  his  troops 
from  going  to  the  Pope's  assistance.  It  was  a  shrewd 
stroke  of  polic}^  to  secure  the  full  exertion  of  the  im- 
perial power  to  wrest  from  the  Normans  a  portion  of 
the  papal  estates.  The  voice  which  had  withheld 
troops  from  Leo  could  command  their  services  for  the 
rescue  of  Rome.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Emperor, 
by  Gebhard's  election,  would  be  deprived  of  a  valu- 
able instrument  of  the  German  policy  of  keeping  the 
Pope  in  subjection  to  the  empire ;  and,  in  the  work 
of  reestablishing  the  Papacy,  the  churchman  might 
be  expected  to  predominate  over  the  imperialist, 
"  the  Italian  Pope  over  the  German  liegeman." 

The  negotiation  was  long.  Gebhard  was  reluctant, 
and  Henry  was  divided  between  his  desire  to  retain 
him  at  court  and  his  hope  of  having  a  strong  ally  in 
Italy  ;  but  Hildebrand  at  last  prevailed,  and  Gebhard 
was  inaugurated  at  Rome  on  the  13th  of  April,  1055, 
as  Victor  II. 

The  Emperor  followed  the  new  Pope  into  Italy  with 
a  large  army,  only  to  confront  a  new  enemy.  The 
Margrave  Boniface  of  Tuscany  had  been  murdered 
three  years  before,  leaving  three  minor  children  under 
the  care  of  his  widow,  Beatrix.  Two  of  these  died, 
leaving  only  Mathilde,  eight  years  of  age.  Beatrix, 
two  years  later,  contracted  a  second  marriage  with 
Godfrey,  Duke  of  Lorraine,  and  committed  to  him 


Age  of  Hildebrand. 


Tuscany  and  nearly  all  her  other  extensive  posses- 
sions. By  this  marriage  Henry's  old  and  implacable 
enemy  acquired  control  of  the  inheritance  of  the 
most  powerful  family  in  Italy,  an  inheritance  which, 
in  the  possession  of  Mathilde,  afterwards  became  the 
great  source  of  Hildebrand's  power  and  independence. 
If  Godfrey  now  could  ally  himself  with  the  Normans 
and  bring  all  central  Italy  under  one  sceptre,  he  might 
win  both  the  Italian  and  the  Roman  crown  and  dis- 
pose of  the  Papacy  as  he  pleased. 

At  Florence  Henry  seized  Beatrix  and  Mathilde 
and  held  them  as  hostages.  Godfrey  retorted  by 
going  into  Lorraine  and  stirring  up  there  a  dangerous 
revolt  against  his  authority.  Henry  returned  to  Ger- 
many, taking  with  him  Beatrix  and  Mathilde.  The 
latter,  educated  with  much  care,  speaking  several  lan- 
guages, beautiful  in  person,  and  with  a  high  and  fierce 
spirit,  was  inspired  by  her  mother's  captivity  with  a 
lively  hatred  of  the  imperial  house,  of  which  Henry's 
son  and  successor  experienced  the  consequences. 

Henry  had  committed  to  the  Pope  plenary  power 
in  Italy,  with  instructions  to  keep  Godfrey  within 
bounds.  He  commanded  him  also  to  seize  Godfrey's 
brother  Frederick,  Leo's  legate  to  Constantinople,  on 
his  return  from  that  city ;  but  Frederick  eluded  him, 
and  concealed  himself  until  he  emerged,  a  short  time 
after,  as  Pope.  Henry,  on  his  return  to  Germany, 
heard  of  Godfrey's  uprising  in  Lorraine,  and  desiring 
to  deal  with  this  and  also  to  have  his  son  recognized 
by  Italy,  he  sent  for  the  Pope,  his  former  counsellor, 
and  received  him  at  Goslar.  Only  a  few  days  after, 
he  died  at  Botfeldein,  on  the  5  th  of  October,  1056,  at 


Death  of  Henry  III.  and  Regency  of  Agnes.  39 

the  age  of  thirty-nine.  His  death  was  the  beginning 
of  confusion  in  Italy  and  Germany.  The  church  saw 
in  it  her  deliverance  from  imperial  dictation.  Victor 
might  shed  tears  over  the  bier  of  his  old  friend,  but 
Hildebrand  was  already  forecasting  his  own  triumph 
over  Germany  and  Italy. 

The  Empress  Agnes  was  regent  for  her  son,  Henry 
IV.,  scarcely  six  years  old.  Victor  was  in  power  both 
as  Pope  and  as  Emperor.  Through  Agnes's  agency 
peace  was  concluded  with  Godfrey,  the  first  condition 
being  the  release  of  Beatrix  and  Mathilde.  Godfrey 
now  became  more  powerful  than  ever,  and  his  power 
gave  him  a  greater  influence  in  ecclesiastical  affairs. 
Victor  exerted  himself  to  secure  the  adherence  of  the 
Lorraine  family,  and  with  that  view  Frederick,  God- 
frey's brother,  was  made  Abbot  of  Monte  Cassino,  the 
richest  monastery  in  Italy.  Hildebrand  had  already 
selected  him  as  the  next  Pope,  with  a  view  to  plac- 
ing between  Rome  and  Germany  this  strong  family, 
reconciled  to  Germany  only  in  appearance,  and  to  win 
by  its  aid  the  independence  of  the  church.  He  was 
in  Tuscany,  near  to  Victor,  inspiring  him  with  his  own 
hatred  of  the  empire.  He  had  won  the  confidence 
of  Beatrix,  and  was,  apparently,  her  confessor  and 
counsellor.  Mathilde  revered  him  as  the  wisest  and 
hoHest  of  men,  and  he  made  good  use  of  his  oppor- 
tunity to  inspire  her  with  that  zeal  for  the  Holy  See 
which  was  the  passion  and  the  glory  of  his  life.  Vic- 
tor began  to  assume  a  loftier  tone,  and  to  speak  of 
the  apostolic  throne  of  Peter,  the  chief  of  the  apos- 
tles, raised  high  above  all  people  and  all  realms  that 
it  may  pluck  up  and  destroy,  plant  and  build,  in  his 


40  Age  of  Hildebrand. 

name.  He  was  preparing  to  cross  the  Alps  again 
to  arrange  the  affairs  of  Germany  with  the  Em- 
press, and  was  meditating  a  second  great  council 
at  Rheims,  when  he  suddenly  died,  on  the  28th  of 
July,  1057. 


CHAPTER  V. 

FOUR    POPES — THE   ELECTION   DECREE — THE   PA- 
PAL   ALLIANCE    WITH    THE    NORMANS. 

REDERICK  of  Lorraine,  Abbot  of  Monte 
Cassino  and  brother  of  the  most  powerful 
prince  of  Italy,  had  gone  to  Rome  to  be 
invested  with  his  new  dignity  of  cardinal 
priest  of  St.  Chrysogonus  in  Trastevere, 
which  Victor  had  conferred  upon  him  shortly  before 
his  death.  Scarcely  had  he  taken  possession  of  his 
church  when  the  news  was  received  that  Victor  was 
dead.  The  highest  ambitions  of  the  house  of  Lor- 
raine seemed  about  to  be  realized.  The  Franconian 
house  of  Germany  was  represented  only  by  the  Em- 
press and  her  young  son.  Godfrey  and  his  wife  had 
been  admitted  by  Victor  as  joint  representatives  of 
the  empire  and  rulers  of  Italy ;  with  Victor  had 
fallen  the  last  prop  of  the  empire  in  Italy  ;  Frederick, 
through  Henry  II I. 's  persecutions,  had  become  the 
hereditary  enemy  of  the  imperial  house  of  Ger- 
many, and  the  time  seemed  ripe  for  the  Roman  clergy 
and  people  to  elect  a  Pope  without  imperial  inter- 
ference. Instead,  therefore,  of  sending  to  Germany 
for  a  nomination,  the  chiefs  of  the  clergy  and  nobil- 
ity consulted  Frederick  as  to  the  succession.      Hil- 

41 


42  Age  of  Hildebrand. 

debrand  was  absent  in  Florence.  Frederick  named 
five  candidates,  among  whom  was  Hildebrand,  but 
the  dominant  party  insisted  upon  Frederick  himself. 
Five  days  after  Victor's  death  he  was  enthroned  as 
Stephen  IX. 

Frederick  was  a  man  of  princely  nature,  a  church- 
man of  the  sternest  and  haughtiest  type,  and  a  rigid 
monk,  with  the  spirit  and  aims  of  a  secular  potentate. 
Faithful  to  the  plans  of  his  predecessors,  he  contem- 
plated the  reform  of  morals,  and  especially  the  celi- 
bacy of  the  clergy.  To  this  end  he  called  to  his  side 
men  like  Hildebrand  and  Damiani,  promoting  the  lat- 
ter to  the  cardinalate.  Frederick's  elevation  made 
the  influence  of  the  house  of  Lorraine  in  Italy  prac- 
tically unlimited.  What  was  more  natural  than  the 
thought  that  the  new  Pope  had  designed  the  imper- 
ial crown  for  his  brother?  By  the  aid  of  Godfrey 
he  might  expel  the  Normans  and  then  elevate  him  to 
the  imperial  throne.  He  was  without  means  for  so 
vast  an  undertaking,  but  he  was  still  Abbot  of  Monte 
Cassino,  and  the  vaults  of  Monte  Cassino  were  packed 
with  treasure.  Why  should  he  not  use  this  in  so 
holy  a  cause,  for  so  notable  an  advancement  of  the 
church's  power?  He  commanded  the  treasure  to  be 
brought  to  Rome,  and  the  monks  obeyed  with  tears. 
But  he  could  not  keep  it.  He  was  consumed  with 
self-reproach.  St.  Benedict  himself  seemed  to  pro- 
test against  the  sacrilege,  and  he  finally  sent  back  the 
whole. 

The  German  court  was  anxious  and  angry  at  the 
election  of  PVederick  without  reference  to  the  imper- 
ial authority.     Stephen  sent  Hildebrand  to  the  Em- 


Death  of  Stephen,     Benedict  X.         43 

press,  and  he  found  no  difficulty  in  justifying  to  her 
the  resumption  by  the  Romans  of  the  right  of  free 
election.  During  Hildebrand's  absence,  Stephen, 
desiring  to  visit  Tuscany,  being  in  feeble  health,  and 
possibly  having  some  premonition  of  his  approach- 
ing death,  before  his  departure  enjoined  the  bishops, 
nobles,  and  priests,  under  penalty  of  anathema,  in  case 
he  should  die  during  his  absence,  to  nominate  no  suc- 
cessor before  Hildebrand's  return.  He  had  scarcely 
arrived  at  Florence  when  he  died,  on  the  29th  of 
March,  1058.  With  him  ended  the  succession  of 
five  German  popes  who  had  filled  the  chair  from 
Clement  H. 

The  imperial  party  at  Rome  at  once  sent  to  the 
Empress,  placing  the  nomination  in  her  hands ;  but 
the  Emperor's  minority  offered  to  the  Roman  barons, 
who  had  been  compelled  to  disgorge  some  of  the 
church's  stolen  wealth,  an  opportunity  for  getting 
the  papal  election  into  their  hands.  The  Tusculan 
party  and  all  the  factions  created  by  the  severity  of 
the  foreign  popes  combined  for  this  purpose  with  the 
enemies  of  Hildebrand  among  the  married  and  simon- 
iacal  clergy.  They  constituted  a  secret  assembly 
by  night  and  chose  John  Mincius,  Cardinal  Bishop  of 
Velletri,  one  of  the  five  named  by  Frederick  on  the 
death  of  Victor  H.  Several  priests  were  intimidated 
into  giving  their  consent,  and  John  was  privately  in- 
augurated as  Benedict  X.  Rome  resounded  with  the 
tumult  of  arms,  and  the  populace,  made  happy  for 
the  hour  with  the  gold  stolen  from  St.  Peter's,  once 
more  gave  their  allegiance  to  a  Tuscan-noble  Pope. 

Benedict  occupied  the  Lateran  as  Pope  during  the 


44  ^^^  of  Htlde brand, 

rest  of  the  year  1058.  Meanwhile  Hildebrand  in 
Germany  had  received  the  news  of  the  outrage.  As 
the  nomination  had  been  offered  to  the  Empress,  he 
obtained  authority  from  her  to  proceed  to  a  new  elec- 
tion, and  was  sent  as  her  plenipotentiary  to  Florence, 
where  he  succeeded  in  enlisting  the  cooperation  of 
Godfrey  of  Lorraine.  Though  the  rival  of  the  Em- 
press, Godfrey  had  a  common  interest  with  her  in 
wresting  the  Papacy  from  the  lawless  Romans.  A 
large  number  of  bishops  joined  Hildebrand  at  Flor- 
ence, and  by  their  assembly,  Gerard,  Archbishop  of 
Florence,  a  Burgundian,  was  chosen  as  Pope  under 
the  name  of  Nicholas  II.  His  Burgundian  origin 
made  him  more  agreeable  to  the  Germans  than  an 
Italian  would  have  been,  and  Godfrey  heartily  con- 
curred in  the  choice. 

The  Empress  gave  her  confirmation  on  a  secret 
stipulation  that  her  son  should  be  crowned  Emperor. 
Nicholas  at  once  proceeded  to  Rome,  backed  by 
Godfrey  and  his  troops.  Hildebrand  found  means  to 
bribe  a  part  of  the  Romans  and  some  of  the  counts, 
and  before  Godfrey's  army  arrived  the  Roman  fac- 
tions were  furiously  fighting  among  themselves.  The 
Trasteverines  opened  the  gate ;  Godfrey's  troops 
poured    in,    occupied   the   Leonina^   and   the   Tiber 

1  The  Trastevere  was  in  the  only  division  of  the  city  on  the  right 
or  Tuscan  side  of  the  Tiber.  This  division  comprised  also  the  Janic- 
ulum  and  tlie  Vatican.  The  Leonina  was  tlie  section  occupied  by 
the  Vatican.  It  had  not  been  included  within  the  wall  of  Aurelian, 
and  remained  outside  even  after  the  erection  of  St.  Peter's.  The 
work  of  enclosure  was  begun  by  Leo  IV.,  in  848,  and  completed  in 
852.  The  whole  Vatican  region  was  surrounded  with  a  thick  wall  like 
a  horseshoe  in  outline,  nearly  forty  feet  high  and  protected  by  twenty- 
four  strong  towers.  The  region  thus  enclosed  was  known  as  Civitas 
Leonina. 


Preliminary  Treaty  with  the  Normans.  45 

Island,  and  stormed  the  Lateran.  Benedict  fled, 
and  Nicholas  entered  the  city  with  Godfrey  and 
Hildebrand. 

By  this  vigorous  stroke  the  nomination  of  the 
Pope  was  transferred  from  the  German  sovereign  to 
the  princes  of  Tuscany.  The  imperialists  were  not 
deceived  either  as  to  the  intent  or  the  author  of  this 
movement.  They  recognized  the  hand  of  Hildebrand, 
and  reproached  him  for  conspiring  with  Beatrix  *'  to 
set  up  a  new  idol  false  and  frivolous,"  without  the 
knowledge  of  the  Romans.  Quite  as  important  for 
the  future  development  of  the  Papacy  was  the  alliance 
with  the  Normans.  Immediately  after  Nicholas's  in- 
auguration Hildebrand  concluded  a  preliminary  treaty 
with  them  in  Campania,  and  took  back  with  him  to 
Rome  three  hundred  Norman  horsemen,  who  besieged 
Benedict  in  the  fortress  of  Galeria,  about  fifteen  miles 
from  the  city.  Benedict  appeared  upon  the  wall,  and 
began  to  curse  the  Roman  people  who  had  made  him 
Pope  against  his  will ;  but  he  finally  consented  to  ab- 
dicate on  a  pledge  of  security  for  his  life,  which  was 
given  by  thirty  Roman  nobles.  He  took  refuge  near 
the  church  of  Santa  Maria  Maggiore  ;  but  thirty  days 
later  Hildebrand  seized  him  and  had  him  carried  be- 
fore Nicholas  and  a  council  in  the  Lateran.  Here  the 
pontifical  robes  were  put  upon  him  and  then  stripped 
off  before  the  altar,  and  he  was  forced  to  subscribe 
a  confession  of  numerous  sins,  drawn  up  by  Hilde- 
brand, after  which  he  was  formally  deposed  from  all 
spiritual  dignities.  He  lived  for  twenty  years  after- 
wards, in  the  monastery  of  St.  Agnes,  closely  watched 
by  his  enemies. 


46  Age  of  Hildebrand, 

The  temporary  success  of  the  Roman  nobiUty  in 
the  election  of  Benedict  stimulated  the  reform-party 
to  new  energy  under  Hildebrand's  leadership.  They 
were  determined  to  free  the  papal  election  from  the 
interference  alike  of  the  Roman  nobles  and  of  the  Ger- 
man throne.  A  council  was  convoked  by  Nicholas  in 
Rome  (April,  1059),  in  which  Benedict  X.  was  con- 
demned, and  the  prohibitions  of  simony  and  priestly 
marriage  were  renewed.  Berengar  of  Tours  appeared, 
and  was  forced  to  burn  his  books  in  the  council- 
chamber.  But  the  most  significant  act  of  the  coun- 
cil was  the  passage  of  a  decree  concerning  the  papal 
election.  It  was  the  greatest  revolution  attempted 
in  the  hierarchy  since  the  days  of  the  apostles.  The 
council  enacted  that  on  the  death  of  a  Pope  the  card- 
inal bishops  should  first  assemble  and  nominate  a 
successor;  they  should  then  summon  the  cardinal 
priests  to  vote  upon  their  choice ;  and  finally  the 
people  should  be  consulted  and  give  their  assent. 
The  authority  of  the  German  Emperor  was  vaguely 
recognized ;  but  the  terms  were  adroitly  framed  to 
e5cpress  the  supremacy  of  the  Pope  over  the  Emperor, 
rather  than  the  right  of  the  Emperor  over  the  papal 
election;  and  they  reduced  the  right  to  a  personal 
privilege  accorded  by  the  Roman  Church  itself.  The 
actual  election  was  vested  in  the  higher  clergy.  The 
lower  clergy  and  the  people  were  simply  to  assent. 
The  college  of  the  Roman  cardinals  was  thus  erected 
into  an  ecclesiastical  senate,  from  which  alone,  in  time, 
the  popes  must  proceed.^     Finally,  in  order  to  with- 

1  See  Peter  Dainiani'.s"Epist.  a-lCard.  Episcopos,"  in  which  the  card- 
inal bishops  are  styled  "  spiritual  senators  of  the  universal  church." 


Norman  Alliaftce  Concluded.  47 

draw  the  elections  from  the  violence  of  city  revolu- 
tions, it  was  decreed  that  they  should  no  longer  be 
locally  confined  to  Rome,  but  that  even  a  minority 
of  cardinals  should  be  competent  to  choose  a  Pope 
canonically  in  another  place.  Moreover,  the  candi- 
date need  not  belong  to  one  of  the  Roman  churches. 
This  decree,  accompanied  by  a  fearful  anathema,^  was 
ratified  by  general  consent,  and  the  signatures  of  a 
hundred  and  thirteen  bishops  and  of  many  other  ec- 
clesiastics were  attached  to  it.  The  name  of  Hilde- 
brand  appears  with  the  simple  title  *'  monk  and  sub- 
deacon  of  the  Roman.  Church." 

Menaced  by  a  life-and-death  struggle  with  the 
German  empire,  by  the  Roman  patricians  and  the 
German  nobles,  the  hopes  of  Nicholas  were  directed 
to  the  Normans,  who  were  still  under  the  ban  of  the 
church.  Hildebrand's  keen  eye  foresaw  that  the  Nor-  ( 
mans  would  found  a  dynasty  in  Italy,  and  that,  by 
recognizing  it,  a  vassal  state  and  a  powerful  protec- 
tion against  the  city  of  Rome  and  the  German  em- 
pire would  be  secured  to  the  church. 

The  Normans,  since  their  victory  over  Leo  IX., 
had  acquired  nearly  the  whole  of  Apulia  and  Cala- 
bria. The  disturbances  in  the  Papacy  had  favored 
the  attempts  of  Robert  Guiscard,  who  since  1056  had 
ruled  the  Norman  mihtary  republic  in  Apulia.  The 
impotence  of  Constantinople,  the  weakness  of  Ger- 
many under  the  regency,  the  needs  of  the  Papacy,  the 
characteristics  of  the  Normans,  all  conspired  to  found 
a  Norman  kingdom.  In  1058  Richard  of  Aversa 
wrested  Capua  from   Landulph  V.,  the  last  of  the 

1  See  Milman,  "  History  of  Latin  Christianity,"  bk.  vi.,  chap.  iii. 


48  Age  of  Hildebrand. 

Lombard  princes.  Soon  afterwards  Guiscard  over- 
powered Troja,  to  which  the  Pope  laid  claim,  and 
was  laid  under  ban  by  Nicholas  as  a  robber  of  church 
property.  Under  Hildebrand's  influence  Nicholas 
now  abandoned  the  belligerent  policy  of  Leo  IX,, 
and  entered  into  league  with  the  Normans.  At  Melfi, 
in  the  summer  of  1059,  Richard  of  Aversa  and  Rob- 
ert Guiscard  received  from  Nicholas  their  conquests, 
except  Benevento,  as  fiefs  of  the  Holy  See.  The 
rights  of  the  plundered  rulers  were  as  little  regarded 
as  the  so-called  supremacy  of  the  German  empire. 
*'  One  legitimacy  was  seen  to  vanish  and  another  to 
emerge  out  of  a  robbery."  It  might  well  be  asked 
how  the  Pope  had  acquired  that  proprietorship  of  the 
whole  kingdom  of  Naples  which  he  now  conferred. 
He  based  his  right,  no  doubt,  on  the  fabled  Donation 
of  Constantine.  The  Normans  took  the  oath  of  vas- 
salage to  the  Pope,  engaged  to  pay  an  annual  tribute, 
and  swore  to  assist  the  church  in  maintaining  its  pos- 
sessions, and  to  aid  the  popes  who  should  be  canon- 
ically  chosen  by  the  superior  cardinals.  Thus  Rome, 
at  one  stroke,  acquired  control  of  Byzantine,  Sara- 
cenic, and  imperial  Italy,  and  the  election  decree  of 
Nicholas  II.  was  committed  to  the  protection  of  Nor- 
man swords. 

The  election  decree  and  the  Norman  alliance  cre- 
ated dissatisfaction  in  both  Germany  and  Italy. 
Many  of  the  Roman  nobles  were  of  German  descent 
and  held  by  the  Emperor,  while  others,  of  Latin  ori- 
gin, no  less  earnestly  contested  the  sovereignty  of  the 
Pope.  Rome  was  divided  between  a  papal  and  an 
imperial  party.     The  popes  for  a  long  time  had  not 


Death  of  Nicholas.  49 

sprung  from  the  great  Roman  families ;  consequently 
they  had  no  secure  hold  upon  the  barons,  and  were 
compelled  to  rely  for  the  subjection  of  the  city  mainly 
upon  the  hated  Normans.  A  Pope  lived  over  a  vol- 
cano which,  in  its  quietest  moments,  never  failed  to 
remind  him  of  the  fires  which  raged  below.  The  city 
was  studded  with  the  towers  and  castles  of  rapacious 
nobles.  Proud  families  jealous  of  their  ancestral 
rights;  petty  princes  who  subsisted  by  plunder  and 
struck  at  any  hand  which  wrested  from  them  their  ill- 
gotten  booty;  a  venal  and  fickle  populace  ready  to 
throw  itself  at  a  moment's  notice  upon  the  side  which 
offered  the  largest  pay ;  cardinals  and  clergy  deep  in 
plots  and  conspiracies,  and  as  rapacious  and  unprin- 
cipled as  the  titled  robbers  to  whom  they  ministered 
the  sacraments  of  the  church;  a  soldiery  hardened  to 
every  horror  and  sacrilege — furnished  the  elements  of 
an  explosion  which  might  break  out  at  any  moment 
and  deluge  the  city  with  blood. 

The  death  of  Nicholas,  on  the  27th  of  July,  1061, 
threatened  to  bring  on  a  catastrophe.  The  enemies 
of  reform  held  a  parliament,  resolved  to  confer  the 
patriciate  on  the  young  King  Henry,  sent  him  the 
insignia,  and  besought  him  to  give  Rome  a  Pope. 
They  were  joined  by  many  Lombard  bishops  and  by 
envoys  of  Milan,  who  urged  the  Empress  not  to  allow 
her  son  to  be  robbed  of  his  imperial  rights,  but  to 
nominate  a  Lombard  Pope  and  an  enemy  of  clerical 
celibacy.  Indeed,  the  agitation  created  by  the  re- 
form-movement was  nowhere  greater  than  in  Milan. 
The  Milanese  clergy  were  rich  and  numerous ;  cler- 
ical positions  were  purchased  by  the  sons  of  the  nobil- 


50  Age  of  Hildebrand. 

ity ;  most  of  the  priests  were  married,  and  the  reform- 
decrees  accordingly  aroused  the  bitterest  opposition. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  pride  and  insubordination  of 
the  noble-clergy  created  among  the  more  democratic 
portion  of  the  people  a  popular  party  fired  with  zeal 
for  reform.  The  partisans  of  the  old  system  rallied 
round  Guido  of  Valate,  who  had  been  archbishop 
since  1045  \  while  the  reform-party,  known  as  the 
Pataria,  and  in  closest  relations  with  Hildebrand, 
found  their  leaders  in  Landolfo  and  Erlembaldo,  two 
brothers  of  noble  family,  with  the  fanatical  deacon 
Arialdo,  who  attached  himself  to  them  as  preacher. 

While  the  imperialists  of  Lombardy  thus  combined 
with  their  friends  in  Rome  to  elect  an  anti-  Hildebrand- 
ian  Pope,  the  Roman  reformers  sent  Cardinal  Stephen 
to  the  German  court,  which  refused  to  receive  him. 
Not  content  with  this,  the  German  bishops  held  a 
synod,  at  which  they  declared  void  the  acts  of  the 
Roman  council — a  proceeding  which  Peter  Damiani, 
naturally  enough,  characterized  as  *'  a  conspiracy 
against  the  Roman  Church,  and  a  specimen  of  audac- 
ity wholly  incredible."  Hildebrand  thereupon  as- 
sembled the  cardinals,  on  the  1st  of  October,  1061, 
and  caused  Anselm  of  Badagio,  Bishop  of  Lucca,  a 
Lombard,  to  be  elected  according  to  the  provisions 
of  the  new  decree  under  the  title  of  Alexander  H. 
This  prelate  was  the  intimate  friend  of  Hildebrand, 
and  one  of  the  founders  of  the  Pataria;  and  Hilde- 
brand hoped  to  avail  himself  of  his  long  and  friendly 
relations  with  the  German  court.  The  newly  elected 
Pope  was  borne  in  triumph  by  a  crowd  of  monks  in 
frocks  without  sleeves,  carrying  a  gourd  on  their  left 


Election  of  Alexander  II.  5 1 


side  and  a  sack  on  the  right.  Some  cries  were  raised 
in  the  crowd:  **  Away,  lepers!  bagmen!"  but  Guis- 
card,  who  was  present  with  a  strong  force  of  Norman 
knights,  sustained  the  election,  and  the  imperial  par- 
tisans did  not  venture  to  make  any  disturbance. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

CADALOUS — BENZO — HENRY  IV. — MILAN. 

HE  election  of  Alexander  was  justly  re- 
garded by  the  Germans  as  an  invasion 
of  imperial  rights.  The  Lombard  eccles- 
iastics, especially  those  who  favored 
the  marriage  of  the  clergy,  dreaded  his 
elevation  as  carrying  with  it  the  dominating  influ- 
ence of  Hildebrand  and  of  the  high  monastic  party. 
A  number  of  these,  along  Vv^ith  the  German  bishops, 
under  the  lead  of  Guibert  of  Ravenna,  the  chan- 
cellor of  the  empire  and  administrator  of  the  im- 
perial interests  in  Italy,  assembled,  in  October, 
at  Basle,  where  the  Roman  envoys  had  already 
invested  the  ten-year-old  Henry  IV.  with  the 
patriciate,  and  elected  as  Pope  Cadalous,  Bishop  of 
Parma,  who  assumed  the  name  of  Honorius  11.  It 
was  a  mistake,  since  Cadalous  had  neither  the  genius 
nor  the  power  to  fight  Hildebrand.  Damiani  repre- 
sented him  as  without  character  or  learning,  and  de- 
clared that  if  he  should  prove  himself  able  to  explain 
a  single  verse  of  a  psalm  or  a  homily  he  would  sub- 
mit to  him  as  an  apostle.  The  election  was  no  more 
irregular  than  other  pontifical  elections  held  in  Ger- 
many under  Henry  III.  and  peaceably  accepted  by 

52 


Cadaloiis  Elected  Antipope,  53 

the  Romans ;  but  Hildebrand's  persistent  assertion 
of  the  independence  of  the  Roman  Church  had  pro- 
duced its  effect,  and  made  Cadalous's  election  appear 
a  profanation,  even  to  those  who  did  not  overlook 
the  power  of  Germany.  Two  hostile  popes  now  con- 
fronted each  other;  the  one  in  Rome,  the  other  be- 
yond the  Alps,  where  he  was  preparing,  with  the  aid 
of  the  Lombard  bishops,  to  descend  upon  Rome  and 
drive  his  rival  from  the  Lateran.  Rarely  has  the 
world  regarded  a  similar  conflict  with  equal  interest ; 
for  the  two  popes  represented,  not  two  factions,  but 
two  powers,  the  Roman  Church  and  the  Roman  Em- 
pire. 

Alexander,  weak  and  dependent,  leaned  upon  Hil- 
debrand,  whom  he  at  once  appointed  chancellor.  At 
his  side  stood  Damiani,  whose  trenchant  pen  he  set 
in  motion,  and  who  vigorously  pelted  the  antipope 
with  the  names  of  "  the  devil's  preacher,"  '*  the  apos- 
tle of  Antichrist,"  "  food  for  hell-fire,"  and  similar  ele- 
gant and  Christian  epithets.  Cadalous,  on  the  other 
hand,  formerly  the  imperial  chancellor  of  Henry  III., 
and  a  courtier  of  high  standing,  found  no  reason  for 
viewing  himself  as  a  usurper,  but  sufficient  reason  for 
calling  his  opponent  such.  Not  so  strong  as  Hilde- 
brand,  he  had  abundant  wealth,  and  he  founded  large 
expectations  on  the  well-known  mercenariness  of  the 
Romans.  In  the  spring  of  1062  he  entered  Italy, 
was  conducted  by  the  imperialists  from  city  to  city 
in  spite  of  the  obstacles  interposed  by  Beatrix,  and 
halted  at  Parma  in  order  to  perfect  his  arrangements 
for  an  advance  upon  Rome. 

In  the  meantime  a  contest  was  going  on  in  Rome 


54  ^g^  of  Hildebraiid. 

itself.  Benzo,  the  Bishop  of  Albi  in  Piedmont,  a 
man  of  coarse  eloquence  and  popular  humor,  was  the 
commissioner  of  the  Empress  to  the  Romans.  He  was 
a  bitter  enemy  of  Hildebrand  and  his  Pope,  against 
whom  he  launched  furious  invectives,  while  he  im- 
pressed the  Itahans  by  his  boldness  and  coarse  wit, 
and  especially  by  his  promises  to  reward  their  adher- 
ence to  Honorius  with  ''mountains  of  gold."  Hav- 
ing formed  an  Honorian  party  in  Tuscany,  he  went 
to  Rome,  where  he  was  received  by  the  German  cour- 
tiers. The  nobles  assembled  in  the  Circus  Maximus, 
which  had  lain  in  ruins  ever  since  a  Gothic  king  had 
held  there  the  last  chariot- race.  Its  two  obelisks  lay 
upon  the  ground,  its  triumphal  arches  were  in  frag- 
ments, and  its  arena  was  overgrown  with  grass  and 
weeds.  But  its  tiers  of  seats  could  still  afford  sitting 
for  an  assembly.  Benzo  adroitly  gave  the  meeting 
the  character  of  a  Roman  popular  assembly.  Alex- 
ander found  himself  compelled  to  appear  in  person. 
As  he  rode  into  the  arena,  surrounded  with  cardinals 
and  armed  retainers,  he  was  received  with  a  popu- 
lar tumult  and  a  thundering  harangue  from  Benzo. 
Benzo  denounced  him  as  a  perjured  traitor  to  the 
German  court,  who  had  abandoned  his  see  of  Lucca 
and  had  usurped  that  of  Rome ;  as  an  intruder  who 
had  obtained  his  election  by  bribery  and  the  aid  of 
Norman  robbers.  He  proclaimed  Hildebrand  as  the 
prime  mover  in  this  business,  for  which  they  both 
had  incurred  damnation.  He  bade  him,  in  the  king's 
name,  to  abdicate  the  chair  of  St.  Peter  and  to  seek 
forgiveness  of  Henry. 

After  a  brief  denial  of  these  charges  Alexander  rode 


Battle  of  Monte  Mario.  55 

off  amid  the  hootings  of  the  populace.  Benzo,  on  his 
return  to  his  residence,  assembled  the  imperial  partis- 
ans, and  a  deputation  was  sent  by  them  to  Honorius, 
urging  him  to  hasten  to  Rome  and  occupy  the  apos- 
tolic chair. 

Honorius,  accompanied  by  Guibert,  advanced  to 
Rome  and  encamped  at  Monte  Mario. ^  His  force  was 
attacked  by  the  Hildebrandians,  and  a  bloody  fight 
ensued ;  but  Honorius  entered  the  Leonina  as  victor 
on  the  14th  of  April.  Hundreds  of  slain  covered  the 
Neronian  field  at  the  foot  of  Monte  Pvlario,  and  many 
Romans  were  drowned  in  the  river.  Honorius,  how- 
ever, was  unable  to  pass  into  the  city  proper,  nor  did 
he  dare  remain  in  the  Leonina,  but  returned  to  his 
camp  in  the  Neronian  field.  Though  he  heard  that 
Godfrey  was  on  the  march,  his  hopes  were  fostered 
by  the  arrival  of  an  embassy  from  the  Greek  Emperor, 
who  acknowledged  him,  and  eagerly  seized  upon  the 
Roman  schism  as  an  opportunity  for  driving  the  Nor- 
mans from  Apulia  by  the  help  of  Alexander's  enemies. 
But  all  negotiations  were  broken  off  by  the  appear- 
ance of  Godfrey,  who  assumed  the  role  of  mediator. 
He  required  both  parties  to  lay  aside  their  arms  and 
both  popes  to  retire  to  their  bishoprics,  while  he  him- 
self would  go  to  Germany  and  let  the  question  be  de- 
cided there.  Honorius  withdrew  to  Parma  and  Alex- 
ander to  Lucca;  but  events  in  Germany,  in  which 
Hildebrand  had  a  hand,  decided  the  contest  in  favor 
of  Alexander. 

The  death  of  Henry  HI.,  leaving  as  his  heir  a  son 

1  Monte  Mario  rises  over  the  Ponte  Molle,  and  is  reached  by  the 
Via  di  Porta  Angelica,  which  issues  from  the  Piazza  of  St.  Peter. 


56  Age  of  Hildebrand. 

only  five  years  old,  gave  an  opportunity  to  the  lords, 
who  had  long  suffered  from  Henry's  oppressions,  to 
free  themselves;  and  on  every  side  parties  were 
formed  against  the  young  prince.  Agnes  had  chosen 
as  her  principal  counsellor  Henry,  Bishop  of  Augs- 
burg, a  man  of  large  experience  and  weighty  charac- 
ter ;  but  the  confidence  which  she  reposed  in  him  at 
once  aroused  the  jealousy  of  other  bishops  who  were 
candidates  for  the  favor  of  the  Empress.  They  were 
indignant  that  one  woman  should  control  so  many 
princes  and  bishops  through  a  man  concerning  whose 
relations  with  her  they  did  not  hesitate  to  circulate 
the  most  scandalous  reports.  They  also  declared  that 
the  young  prince  was  being  educated  entirely  under 
female  influence,  and  was  not  instructed  in  manly 
studies  or  chivalrous  sports ;  and  that  he  ought  to 
be  made  to  grow  up  outside  of  the  palace  walls, 
amid  assemblies  of  nobles  and  the  cares  of  state  and 
war. 

Accordingly,  Hanno  and  Siegfried,  the  Archbish- 
ops of  Cologne  and  Metz,  with  Otho  of  Bavaria  and 
Count  Ecbert,  contrived  a  plan  for  his  abduction. 
During  a  banquet  at  Kaiserswerth  Hanno  took  occas- 
ion in  the  prince's  presence  to  praise  the  beauty  of 
his  own  barge,  which  was  lying  in  the  stream,  and 
invited  Henry  to  go  on  board  and  inspect  it.  No 
sooner  had  he  mounted  the  deck,  however,  than  the 
oarsmen  rowed  away.  Henry  threw  himself  into  the 
river,  but  was  rescued  and  taken  to  Cologne,  where 
Hanno  was  ab.solute  master.  The  Empress's  efforts  to 
rouse  the  people  for  the  recovery  of  her  son  were  in- 
effectual, and  Hanno  convened  at  Cologne  a  council 


The  Empress  Agnes  a  Penitent.         57 

of  lords  and  bishops,  who  formally  approved  his  act 
and  placed  the  administration  of  the  empire  in  his 
hands,  thus  taking  the  regency  from  the  Empress. 

This  was  followed  by  a  complete  revolution  in  the 
attitude  of  the  empire  towards  the  Papacy.  A  coun- 
cil was  summoned  at  Augsburg  by  the  false  and  avar- 
icious Hanno  to  consider  the  papal  schism.  Damiani 
appeared  as  the  representative  of  the  Hildebrandian 
party,  and  Alexander  was  acknowledged  as  Pope. 
The  victory  of  the  Hildebrandians  was  complete, 
since  Guibert,  the  very  soul  of  the  imperialists,  was 
displaced,  and  the  chancellorship  of  Italy  was  be- 
stowed upon  Bishop  Gregory  of  Vercelli.  Alexan- 
der was  joyfully  received  by  his  partisans  in  January, 
1063.  Godfrey's  troops,  united  with  the  Norman 
forces,  held  possession  of  Rome,  though  they  could 
not  drive  their  opponents  from  the  Leonina;  and 
Alexander,  holding  only  the  city  proper,  tremblingly 
took  up  his  residence  in  the  Lateran. 

Meanwhile  the  Empress  Agnes,  disgusted  with  Ger- 
many, repaired  to  Rome,  where  she  recognized  Alex- 
ander as  Pope.  Twelve  years  before,  she  had  been 
crowned  at  her  husband's  side  in  St.  Peter's  amid  a 
throng  of  princes  and  knights.  She  now  entered 
Rome  as  a  penitent,  clad  in  a  black  woollen  robe, 
and  mounted  upon  an  insignificant  steed ;  but  she 
possessed  large  wealth  and  costly  ornaments,  which 
were  lavishly  bestowed  upon  the  Roman  churches  as 
votive  offerings,  or  consecrated  to  the  service  of  their 
alta-s.  She  embraced  the  religious  life  after  a  public 
confession  to  Damiani,  and  lived  thenceforth  austerely 
at  Rome  under  the  ministrations  of  Hildebrand,  who 


58  Age  of  Hildebrand. 

gained  over  her  a  power  which  he  afterwards  used 
in  his  deahngs  with  her  son. 

Though  the  Germans  had  abandoned  Honorius,  a 
large  part  of  the  Italian  clergy  adhered  to  him.  ?Ie 
maintained  a  correspondence  with  the  Empress  and 
with  her  partisans  in  Germany,  and  devoted  his 
wealth  to  the  increase  of  his  military  strength.  The 
barons  of  his  faction  in  and  near  Rome  held  the  cas- 
tle of  St.  Angelo,  and  kept  the  city  in  constant  alarm. 
Archbishop  Hanno,  beset  with  the  jealousies  of  his 
episcopal  brethren,  and  with  a  rising  enemy  in  the 
young  king,  was  at  length  supplanted  by  Adalbert, 
Archbishop  of  Bremen,  a  man  eloquent,  dignified,  and 
munificent,  who  became  the  guardian  and  counsellor 
of  Henry.  He  was  a  sturdy  imperialist,  and  exhorted 
his  party  in  Rome  to  hold  out,  Cadalous  to  repossess 
the  papal  chair,  and  Benzo  to  bring  him  once  more 
to  Rome.  His  free  expenditure  of  money  at  Parma 
for  a  new  expedition  to  Rome,  the  support  of  many 
Lombard  troops,  the  reaction  in  the  German  court, 
the  preoccupation  of  Guiscard  and  Richard  of  Capua 
in  southern  Italy,  and  the  lukewarmness  of  Godfrey 
enabled  him  to  appear  before  Rome  with  his  army  on 
the  4th  of  April,  1063.  He  obtained  possession  of 
St.  Peter's  by  night,  and  made  his  headquarters  at 
St.  Angelo.  Two  attempts  of  his  troops  to  reach  the 
Lateran  were  repulsed.  The  conflict  raged  endlessly. 
No  other  city  in  the  world  had  such  facilities  for  a 
city-war,  since  the  numerous  monuments  and  public 
works  furnished  so  many  points  for  fortification. 
Rome  was  a  forest  of  towers.  The  Romans  endured 
this  state  of  affairs  for  more  than  a  year,  while  the 


Retirement  of  Cadalous.  59 

two  popes,  the  one  in  the  Lateran  and  the  other  in 
St.  Angelo,  sang  masses,  hurled  bulls  and  decrees, 
and  vigorously  cursed  each  other. 

The  death-blow  to  the  hopes  of  Cadalous  was  the 
fall  of  Adalbert.  This  prelate,  with  all  his  fine  qual- 
ities, was  tainted  with  the  rapacious  instincts  which 
characterized  so  many  of  his  metropolitan  brethren 
who  ruthlessly  plundered  the  property  of  the  abbeys. 
The  young  king,  moreover,  was  left  to  devote  him- 
self to  idle  sports.  These  things  caused  a  combina- 
tion against  him  of  secular  princes,  led  by  Hanno  of 
Cologne  and  supported  by  Godfrey.  His  palace  was 
surrounded,  and  he  was  compelled  to  fly  for  his  Hfe 
to  a  distant  estate,  where  he  made  terms  by  the  sac- 
rifice of  the  larger  portion  of  his  vast  property.  The 
Romans  had  become  tired  of  Cadalous.  After  more 
than  a  year  in  St  Angelo  he  purchased  for  three  hun- 
dred pounds  of  silver  the  privilege  of  flight  to  north- 
ern Italy.  Hanno  now  summoned,  in  the  emperor's 
name,  a  council  at  Mantua  to  decide  the  question  of 
the  pontificate.  This  assembled  on  the  31st  of  May, 
1064,  and  declared  Alexander  to  be  the  lawful  Pope. 
Cadalous  retired  to  his  bishop  ic  at  Parma,  where  he 
lived  for  several  years,  never  renouncing  the  papal 
title.  Alexander  went  to  Rome  under  Godfrey's  pro- 
tection, and  the  opposing  party,  for  the  time  being, 
submitted  to  the  regimen  of  Hildebrand. 

Hildebrand  had  thus  accomplished  his  purpose. 
With  the  recognition  of  Alexander  the  feeble  efforts 
of  the  German  regency  to  assume  the  patriciate  were 
futile,  and  the  claim  of  the  crown  to  interfere  in  papal 
elections  could  now  be  more  effectively  met.     The 


6o  Age  of  Hi Ide brand, 

church  was  at  his  beck.  Never  had  such  activity 
pervaded  the  Lateran,  which  was  thronged  with  the 
most  distinguished  representatives  of  all  Christendom. 
Rome,  through  Hildebrand,  had  again  become  the 
metropolitan  city.  Every  attempt  at  insurrection  was 
held  in  check  by  the  fear  of  Godfrey  and  the  Normans. 

But  in  Milan  the  reform  battle  was  violently  re- 
newed. Milan  had  long  occupied  an  independent  at- 
titude towards  Rome.  Its  position  had  early  threat- 
ened the  universal  pretensions  of  the  Roman  bishop. 
The  fact  of  its  having  been  at  times  the  seat  of  the 
imperial  residence,  the  prominence  given  to  its  arch- 
bishopric by  the  disorders  which  followed  the  time  of 
Charlemagne,  its  conspicuous  position  as  the  centre 
of  resistance  to  the  Lombard  conquest,  its  firm  stand 
for  Catholic  orthodoxy  against  Lombard  Arianism, 
the  popular  agitations  growing  out  of  the  relations 
between  archbishop  and  emperor — all  had  tended  to 
develop  a  spirit  of  independence  and  to  make  the 
Milanese  a  distinct  people,  with  a  municipal  hfe  of 
their  own. 

The  independent  attitude  of  the  city  towards 
Rome  in  the  present  contest  was  favored  by  distance 
and  by  Rome's  preoccupation  with  German  affairs; 
but  in  Hildebrand's  scheme  the  domination  of  Milan 
by  Rome  was  a  necessity.  Marriage  at  this  time  was 
the  universal  privilege  of  the  Milanese  clergy.  Celi- 
bacy excited  suspicion,  and  concubinage  was  regarded 
as  a  heinous  offence  and  a  bar  to  ecclesiastical  pro- 
motion. When,  therefore,  Anselm,  a  native  of  Milan, 
was  made  Pope  by  tlie  Hildebrandian  and  celibate 
party,  Milan  embraced  the  cause  of  Cadalous. 


Fight  in  Milan  over  Clerical  Marriage.   6 


The  crusade  against  clerical  marriage  had  already 
been  begun  by  Landolfo,  Erlembaldo,  and  Arialdo, 
supported  by  the  Pataria,  and  had  resulted  in  a  gen- 
eral raid  on  the  clergy,  who  had  been  forced  to  pur- 
chase immunity  by  subscribing  an  obligation  to  celi- 
bacy.     A  papal  legation,  consisting  of  Anselm  and 
Damiani,  had  been  sent  in  1059  to  enforce  the  sub- 
mission of  the  clergy,  and  their  efforts  had  resulted 
in  an  outbreak  in  which  Damiani  and  Landolfo  were 
in  great  peril.    Landolfo  was  now  dead,  but  his  place 
had  been  taken  by  Erlembaldo,  a  man  vahant,  saga- 
cious, and  of  commanding  presence.      Alexander,  at 
Hildebrand's    suggestion,    selected    him   as   mihtary 
leader  in   the  war  against  sacerdotal  marriage.     A 
series  of  riots  followed,  and  Guido,  the  archbishop, 
after  vain  attempts  to  sustain  and  protect  the  clergy, 
was  driven  from  the  city,  and  the  preacher  Arialdo 
obtained  his  excommunication  by  Alexander  in  1066. 
Returning  some  time  after  to  the  city,  and  attempt- 
ing, in  disregard  of  the  excommunication,  to  officiate, 
he  was  nearly  beaten  to  death  by  the  followers  of 
Erlembaldo  and  Arialdo.     This  outrage  caused  a  re- 
action which   compelled   the   flight   of  the  fanatical 
Arialdo,  who  was  betrayed  by  a  priest  and  cruelly 
murdered.    Erlembaldo,  however,  soon  got  the  upper 
hand  again,  and  the  contest  was  carried  on  with  vary- 
ing fortune  until,  in  1067,  a  legation  sent  by  Alex- 
ander issued  a  constitution  which  protected  the  clergy 
from  persecution,  but  decreed  suspension  for  married 
and  concubinary  priests. 

The  reform-movement  kept  Alexander  in  constant 
agitation.    The  condition  of  Rome  remained  insecure, 


62  Age  of  Hildebrand. 

and  he  was  glad  to  be  absent  when  he  could.  His 
secular  power  was  at  the  lowest  ebb,  and  was  a  sub- 
ject of  jeering  among  the  great  Roman  families.  His 
part  in  the  civil  administration  was  an  empty  form. 
Both  the  civil  and  the  criminal  jurisdiction  were 
chiefly  in  the  hands  of  the  city  prefect,  and  the  strife 
for  this  office  filled  Rome  with  tumult.  The  Roman 
Cencius,  the  son  of  a  prefect,  disappointed  in  obtain- 
ing the  office  after  his  father,  barred  the  bridge  of 
Hadrian  on  the  city  side  w^ith  a  tower,  where  he 
placed  watchmen  to  exact  toll  from  passengers. 
When  a  Roman  noble  could  thus  control  the  en- 
trance to  St.  Peter's  it  may  be  judged  how  small 
was  the  Pope's  power  in  the  city.  Rome  was  divided 
into  two  great  camps.  The  Pope  could  command  no 
soldiers,  the  military  bands  being  independent  and 
in  the  pay  of  different  nobles.  His  only  adherents 
were  those  whom  he  could  procure  by  bribery,  or 
vassals  to  whom  he  had  granted  church  property  in 
fief;  and  as  the  patrimony  of  St.  Peter  was  nearly 
exhausted,  the  number  of  these  was  not  large. 

Hildebrand  would  gladly  have  brought  the  prefect- 
ure into  the  hands  of  the  reformists;  but  Cencius's 
successful  rival,  Cinthius,  who  was  on  intimate  terms 
with  Hildebrand,  the  Pope,  and  the  Milanese  re- 
formers, and  who  was  expected  to  unite  nobles, 
people,  and  soldiers  in  the  reform-movement,  took 
to  i)reaching  in  St.  Peter's  instead  of  attending  to 
his  proper  business.  "  Nothing  better  illustrates  the 
condition  of  Rome  at  that  time  than  the  spectacle 
of  Cencius  in  a  tower  at  the  bridge  of  St.  Angelo, 
robbing  and  murdering  wayfarers,  and  Cinthius  for- 


Great  Festival  at  Monte  Cassino.         63 


saking-  the  civil  administration  and  haranguing  in  St 
Peter's."  1 

The  close  of  Alexander's  pontificate  was  marked 
by  the  death  of  Godfrey. in  1069.  His  son  and  suc- 
cessor, Godfrey,  married  Beatrix,  the  only  daughter 
of  Mathilde  ;  so  that  the  Roman  see,  which  was  wise 
enough  to  recognize  the  principle  of  inheritance  in  the 
female  line,  continued  to  enjoy  the  protection  and  sup- 
port of  both  mother  and  daughter.  Peter  Damiani 
also  died  in  1072.  Shortly  before  his  death  he  par- 
ticipated in  perhaps  the  most  brilliant  church  festival 
ever  celebrated  in  Italy — the  consecration  of  the  new 
basilica  of  Monte  Cassino.^  The  great  age  of  this 
abbey,  its  wealth  and  numbers,  and  the  distinguished 
men  who  had  issued  from  it,  made  it  the  grandest 
monastic  establishment  in  Italy.  A  vast  assemblage 
gathered  on  this  occasion,  including  the  Pope,  Hilde- 
brand,  the  Norman  counts,  and  the  Lombard  princes. 
The  festival  lasted  for  eight  days.  It  had  a  political 
no  less  than  a  devotional  object.  It  celebrated  the 
alliance  of  Rome  with  the  Normans.  It  was  a  national 
Italian  festival,  and  therein  a  great  demonstration 
against  the  German  empire. 

The  death  of  Alexander  followed  soon  after,  on 
the  2 1  St  of  April,  1073,  after  a  pontificate  of  nearly 
twelve  years. 

1  Gregorovius. 

2  Monte  Cassino  is  fifty-five  miles  northwest  of  Naples.     See  Gre- 
gorovius, vol.  iv.,  p.  154. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

IIILDEBRAND    POPE — GREGORY    AND    HENRY    IV. — 
THE    REFORM    SYNOD. 

HERE  could  be  no  doubt  as  to  Alex- 
ander's successor.  Hildebrand  had  been 
virtually  Pope  during  two  pontificates. 
The  efforts  of  the  Clugny  party  against 
simony  and  clerical  marriage  had  been 
inspired  by  him,  though  he  had  begun  his  career  as 
the  chaplain  of  a  simoniacal  Pope.  On  him  who  had 
given  the  watchword  for  the  fight  with  the  empire 
the  conduct  of  that  struggle  now  devolved. 

On  the  death  of  Alexander,  Hildebrand,  without 
delay,  arranged  for  the  funeral  services  on  the  next 
day.  Ancient  usage  prescribed  that  a  Pope's  suc- 
cessor should  not  be  chosen  until  the  third  day  after 
the  burial.  The  clergy  were  assembled  in  the  Lat- 
eran  ^  church  to  celebrate  the  obsequies,  and  Hilde- 

1  The  Lateral!  church  derived  its  name  from  tlie  senator  Plautius 
Lateranus,  on  the  site  of  whose  house  it  stood.  The  Lateran  house 
was  given  in  the  fourth  century  to  the  P>ishop  of  Rome  as  his  resi- 
dence;  and  the  church  was  founded  by  Constantine.  Tlie  original 
church  was  replaced  by  another  in  the  beginning  of  the  tenth  cen- 
tury. The  name  of  St.  John  the  Baptist  was  given  to  it  in  the  sixth 
century,  Init  it  was  also  known  as  the  Basilica  of  Constantine,  and  as 
the  Ciolden  P.asilica,  from  its  rich  ornaments.  The  church  was  nearly 
destroyed  by  fire  during  the  pontificate  of  Clement  V.  (1305-14),  but 
was   rebuilt   by  him,  and  subsequently  enlarged  and  remodelled  by 

64 


Hildebrand  Chosen  by  Acclamation.      65 


brand  as  archdeacon  was  conducting  the  services, 
when  a  simultaneous  cry  arose  from  clergy  and  peo- 
ple :  **  Hildebrand  is  Pope !  St.  Peter  chooses  the 
archdeacon  Hildebrand!"  The  archdeacon  strove 
to  allay  the  tumult,  but  the  cardinal  Hugo  Candidus 
addressed  them,  saying,  "  Ye  know  well  that,  since 
the  days  of  the  blessed  Leo,  this  tried  and  prudent 
archdeacon  has  exalted  the  Roman  see  and  delivered 
this  city  from  many  perils ;  wherefore,  since  we  can- 
not find  any  one  better  qualified  for  the  government 
of  the  church  or  the  protection  of  the  city,  we,  the 
bishops  and  cardinals,  with  one  voice  elect  him  as 
the  pastor  and  bishop  of  your  souls."  The  people 
responded  with  shouts,  and  Hildebrand  was  immedi- 
ately borne  to  the  church  St.  Peter  ad  Vincula,^  and 
enthroned  with  the  usual  ceremonies.  The  decree 
of  election  describes  him  as  a  lover  of  justice  and 
equity,  brave  in  misfortune,  moderate  in  prosperity, 
and  adorned  with  good  morals,  chaste,  modest,  tem- 
perate, hospitable,  knowing  how  to  rule  his  own 
household  well,  nobly  educated,  and  instructed  from 
infancy  in  the  bosom  of  the  church.^ 

It  is  interesting  to  compare  this  document  with  the 

many  of  his  successors.  It  was  regarded  as  supreme  over  all  the 
churches  of  the  world. 

1  Known  as  S.  Pietro  in  Vincoli,  on  the  Esquiline,  not  far  from 
the  baths  of  Titus.  It  was  built  in  442  by  Eudoxia,  the  wife  of  Val- 
entinian  III.  The  name  is  derived  from  the  legend  that  the  mother 
of  the  Empress  brought  from  Jerusalem  the  chain  of  Peter,  giving  half 
to  Constantinople  and  the  other  half  to  her  daughter.  The  chain 
which  the  apostle  had  worn  before  his  death  was  also  preserved  in 
Rome,  and  as  Pope  Leo  held  the  two  in  his  hands,  the  ends  miraculously 
united.  The  church  was  rebuilt  in  the  eighth  century  and  altered 
into  its  present  form  in  1705.  It  contains  the  "  Moses  "  of  Michel- 
angelo. 
,  2  For  the  entire  document,  see  Baronius,  "  Annales  Ecclesiastic!. " 


66  Age  of  Hilde brand. 

election  decree  adopted  by  the  council  of  1059,  the 
special  programme  of  the  Hildebrandian  party.  In 
the  former  the  Emperor  is  not  mentioned.  Accord- 
ing to  the  latter  the  choice  was  to  be  made  first  by 
the  cardinal  bishops,  after  which  the  clergy  were  to 
be  called  in.  The  Roman  clergy  of  all  grades  appear 
as  special  electors  of  Hildebrand,  while  the  bishops, 
abbots,  and  cardinals  are  mentioned  only  as  being 
present.  The  method  of  Hildebrand's  election  is 
thus  carried  back  of  the  terms  of  the  decree  of  1059 
to  the  old  practice  of  election  by  the  Roman  clergy, 
with  the  consent  of  the  neighboring  bishops  and  of 
the  people. 

That  Hildebrand  may  have  been  surprised  by  the 
manner  of  his  election  is  not  improbable.  That  the 
election  itself  was  a  surprise  is  incredible.  He  must 
have  known  that  his  name  would  be  the  first  to  be 
suggested  by  his  party,  as  it  had  been  on  the  death 
of  Leo  IX.i 

Messengers  were  sent  to  Henry  IV.  to  apprise 
him  of  the  election.  It  is  not  Hkely  that  Hildebrand 
cared  much  about  the  assent  or  dissent  of  the  King, 
but  he  had  himself  drawn  or  inspired  the  election  de- 

1  See  Langen,  "  Geschichte  der  Romischen  Kirche  von  Gregor 
VII.  bis  Innocenz  III.,"  p.  3  ff.,  and  Carl  Mirbt,  "Die  Wahl 
Gregors  VII."  Langen  thinks  that  the  election  was  not  improvised, 
and  that  the  election  document  was  already  drawn  up  in  expectation 
of  it.  Mirbt  holds  that  it  was  unexpected,  and  that  the  election  doc- 
ument is  not  to  be  regarded  as  an  official  announcement  of  an  election 
consummated  by  the  competent  bodies.  The  register  of  election  and 
Gregory's  own  representations  agree  as  to  the  time  of  the  election, 
and  differ  as  to  the  motive  and  77iode.  According  to  the  register  it  was 
designed;  according  to  Gregory  it  was  unexpected.  The  register  says 
that  the  cardinals  acted  as  electors,  and  says  nothing  of  irregularity. 
Gregory  ascribes  the  initiative  to  the  people. 


Hildebrand  Asserts  Himself.  67 

cree  of  1059,  which,  though  it  was  one  factor  of  the 
movement  to  free  the  papal  election  from  the  inter- 
ference of  the  German  throne,  had  recognized,  how- 
ever vaguely,  the  authority  of  the  German  sovereign 
in  the  election  ;  and  the  omission  to  notify  him  would 
have  precipitated  an  untimely  conflict  with  the  Ger- 
man court.  Hildebrand  also  sent  letters  to  various 
dignitaries,  in  which  he  styled  himself  *'  Bishop  Elect 
of  Rome,"  related  the  circumstances  of  his  election, 
and  asked  their  prayers  for  his  protection  against  the 
danger  which  he  could  not  escape.  He  did  not  wait 
for  Henry's  recognition  to  begin  his  official  duties/ 
but  plunged  into  them  at  once.  He  struck  the  key- 
note of  his  policy  with  no  gentle  or  uncertain  hand. 
The  tone  of  his  deliverances  is  that  of  one  who  has 
hitherto  held  himself  in  check  for  prudential  reasons, 
but  who  now  feels  free  to  assert  himself  without  re- 
straint. He  had  reached  the  point  where  he  could 
formulate  in  the  roundest  terms  his  theory  of  papal 
sovereignty,  and  he  at  once  gave  voice  to  his  claim  to 
the  right  of  dominion  over  all  worldly  powers.  He 
had  known  how  to  wait  and  how  to  gain  his  ends  by 
roundabout  ways.  He  at  once  became  imperious, 
dictatorial,  and  insolent. 

From  a  nineteenth-century  point  of  view  it  is  diffi- 
cult to  understand  such  assumption.     The  idea  of  the 

1  The  question  whether  he  sought  and  obtained  the  imperial  con- 
sent has  been  hotly  discussed.  His  enemies  claim  that  he  did  not, 
and  that  his  election  was  therefore  illegal.  They  claim  further  that 
the  royal  assent  was  necessary  to  his  being  a  candidate.  The  subject 
is  exhaustively  treated  by  Mirbt,  "  Die  Wahl  Gregors  VII."  He  con- 
cludes that  the  royal  assent  was  not  obtained  before  the  election,  but 
that  Gregory  sought  and  received  it  afterwards.  Compare  Langen, 
**  Geschichte,"  etc.,  pp.  6,  7,  notes. 


68  Age  of  Hildebrand, 

secular  sovereignty  of  the  church  is  one  which  this 
age  neither  comprehends  nor  tolerates ;  but  the  sen- 
timent and  the  conditions  of  the  eleventh  century 
made  both  Hildebrand  and  his  monstrous  assumptions 
possible.  The  mediaeval  mind  knew  the  powers  of 
the  unseen  world  only  through  the  Roman  Church, 
and  did  not  dream  of  challenging  its  right  to  repre- 
sent, interpret,  and  enforce  them.  Hildebrand's  con- 
ception appealed  to  it  none  the  less  powerfully  because 
it  was  chimerical,  f  His  radical,  stupendous  mistake, 
which  the  society  of  his  age -had  not  been  educated 
to  detect,  was  the  belief  that  he  could  reaHze  an 
ideal  so  divinely  spiritual  as  that  of  the  kingdom  of 
God  by  external  forces  and  secular  methods ;  that  he 
could  carve  out  with  the  sword  and  shape  with  the 
deft  fingers  of  ecclesiastical  diplomacy  that  kingdom 
which  is  not  of  this  world,  and  which  is  righteousness 
and  joy  and  peace.  The  political  no  less  than  the 
moral  and  intellectual  conditions  of  his  time  favored 
his  attempt.  The  manifold  divisions  of  the  old  em- 
pire of  Charlemagne  and  Otto,  the  presence  of  the 
Islamites  in  Spain,  the  feeble  sovereignty  of  Ger- 
many, the  recent  Norman  conquests  in  Italy,  and  the 
transfer  of  England  to  the  Normans,  all  invited  the 
grasp  of  a  master  hand.  ^ 

He  put  forth  that  hand  at  once.  While  still  await- 
ing his  formal  inauguration  as  Pope,  a  legate  was  des- 
patched to  France  to  inform  the  legates  there  of  his 
election,  and  to  protect  the  rights  of  St.  Peter  in  Spain, 
"  whose  land  from  of  old  belongs  to  that  saint." 
Henry  IV.  was  not  left  for  a  moment  in  doubt  as 
to  the  range  and  absoluteness  of  the  Pope's  intent. 


He  Demands  the  Emperor  s  Submission,  69 

Hildebrand  at  once  presented  the  alternative  of  sub- 
mission or  the  sword.  Commissioners  were  promptly 
sent  to  him  to  come  to  an  understanding  as  to  what 
was  for  the  advantage  of  the  church  and  the  honor  of 
the  empire.  If  the  King  shall  refuse  to  Hsten,  Hilde- 
brand will  guard  himself  against  the  menace  of  the 
prophet  Jeremiah :  ''  Cursed  be  he  that  doeth  the 
work  of  the  Lord  deceitfully,  and  cursed  be  he  that 
keepeth  his  hand  from  blood."  He  will  conclude 
an  agreement  with  Henry  which  shall  guarantee  the 
rights  of  the  church  as  he  understands  them.  In  case 
Henry  shall  not  submit,  which  he  thinks  probable,  he 
will  gird  himself  for  a  decisive  battle. 

Meanwhile  his  own  election  was  under  discussion 
at  the  German  court.  A  strong  party  of  German 
and  Lombard  bishops  urged  Henry  to  cancel  a  papal 
election  made  without  his  authority,  and  warned  him 
that  if  he  did  not  promptly  nip  the  violence  of  Hil- 
debrand in  the  bud  he  himself  would  be  the  principal 
sufferer.  The  King  hesitated,  but  finally  sent  Count 
Ebrard  to  call  Hildebrand  to  account.  Hildebrand 
replied  that  the  position  had  been  forced  upon  him 
by  the  Romans,  but  that  he  had  delayed  his  inaugu- 
ration until  the  King  and  the  German  princes  should 
have  been  informed.  Henry,  who  w^as  really  power- 
less to  change  the  situation  of  affairs,  accepted  the  ex- 
planation, and  appointed  Gregory  of  Vercelli,  the  chan- 
cellor of  the  Italian  kingdom,  to  act  as  commissioner 
at  the  Pope's  formal  installation.  An  immediate 
and  open  conflict  was  thus  avoided,  but  no  friendly 
relation  for  the  future  was  established  ;  for,  only  a  few 
days  before  his  installation,  Hildebrand,  in  a  letter 


JO  Age  of  Hildebrand. 


to  Beatrix  and  Mathilde,  expressed  himself  more 
threateningly  than  before  concerning  the  King.  He 
declared  that  he  intended  to  send  messengers  to 
Henry  to  summon  him  back  to  his  love  for  the 
Roman  Church,  and  to  represent  to  him  the  becom- 
ing mode  of  assuming  the  imperial  dignity ;  and  that 
he  would  resist  him  to  blood  rather  than  perish 
through  participation  in  his  wickedness. 

On  the  30th  of  June,  1073,  Hildebrand  was  inau- 
gurated under  the  title  of  Gregory  VH.,  in  the  pres- 
ence of  Agnes  and  Beatrix,  and  with  Gregory  of  Ver- 
celli  as  royal  commissioner.  The  name  Gregory  was 
a.ssumed  in  remembrance  of  Gregory  VI.,  and  the 
number  seven  was  a  side  stroke  at  the  empire,  since 
it  recognized  as  a  legitimate  Pope  one  whose  pontif- 
icate had  been  annulled  by  imperial  authority. 

Foreseeing  that  a  conflict  with  Germany  was  im- 
minent, Gregory  at  once  took  measures,  by  a  journey 
to  southern  Italy,  to  secure  the  aid  of  the  Normans. 
He  obtained  a  renewed  pledge  of  fealty  from  Guis- 
card,  and  appointed  a  meeting  with  him.  He  corre- 
sponded with  the  Emperor  Michael  of  Constantinople 
as  to  the  reinstatement  of  friendly  relations  between 
Rome  and  Byzantium,  but  was  particular  to  desig- 
nate the  church  of  Constantinople  as  the  daughter  of 
the  Roman  Church.  Much  to  his  disgust,  Guiscard 
failed  to  meet  him,  as  agreed,  at  Monte  Cassino ;  but 
he  concluded  an  agreement  with  Prince  Landolfo  for 
the  protection  of  papal  rights  over  Benevento,  and 
received  the  oath  of  fealty  from  Richard  of  Capua, 
who  also  engaged  to  give  the  same  oath  to  Henry 
IV.,  if  he  should  be  requested  to  do  so  by  the  Pope, 


The  Saxons  Revolt.  yi 


but  without  detriment  to  his  fidelity  to  the  Roman 
Church. 

Immediately  after  Gregory's  inauguration  the  Sax- 
ons broke  out  in  revolt.  Adalbert,  Henry's  guard- 
ian, had  made  enemies  of  the  Saxon  nobles  and  had 
aroused  against  them  the  suspicions  of  the  King,  who, 
with  a  view  to  holding  them  in  check,  had  erected 
fortresses  in  their  territory,  the  garrisons  of  which 
committed  many  depredations.  By  these  proceed- 
ings the  whole  body  of  the  Saxons  was  embittered, 
and  took  part  in  the  insurrection  under  the  leader- 
ship of  Otto  of  Nordheim.  The  contest  assumed  the 
character  of  a  religious  war,  and  the  three  prelates 
who  were  friendly  to  Henry  were  forced  to  flee  from 
the  country.  Thuringia  was  also  in  arms.  Henry's 
castles  were  besieged  and  his  revenues  intercepted, 
and  his  chief  vassals  refused  to  aid  him. 

In  these  straits  he  wrote  to  Gregory,  who  was  still 
in  the  south  of  Italy,  a  humble  letter,  confessing  his 
guilt  in  faihng  to  show  due  honor  to  the  priesthood 
and  to  use  his  sword  for  the  punishment  of  evil-doers, 
and  entreating  the  Pope's  pardon  for  having  laid 
hands  on  church  property  and  for  having  sold  epis- 
copal positions  to  the  unworthy  and  simoniacal. 
Gregory  forthwith  took  advantage  of  this  to  extend 
his  own  power.  He  commanded  Henry  to  conclude 
a  truce  with  the  Saxons  and  to  submit  the  decision 
of  the  contest  to  the  papal  legates.  Henry  had  taken 
care  not  to  request  the  Pope's  mediation  in  the  Saxon 
aflfair.  He  was  anxious  only  to  prevent  a  rupture  at 
a  time  when  he  was  weakened  by  the  revolt ;  and 
distrusting  the  fidelity  of  his  great  vassals,  and  per- 


72  Age  of  Hildebrand, 

ceiving  that  his  troops  were  not  well  disposed  towards 
him,  he  resolved  to  treat  with  the  Saxons  himself. 

Fifteen  bishops  and  several  princes  repaired,  on  the 
King's  behalf,  to  the  Saxon  camp,  and  a  treaty  was 
subscribed  of  which  the  principal  feature  was  Henry's 
agreement  to  withdraw  the  garrisons  from  the  castles 
erected  by  him  in  Saxony.  The  order  to  this  effect 
was  issued  on  the  spot,  but  was  slowly  executed. 
Henry  was  especially  reluctant  to  relinquish  Hartz- 
burg,  built  upon  a  height  which  commanded  an  im- 
portant territory,  and  very  strongly  fortified.  The 
officers  of  the  fortress  refused  to  open  its  gates,  and 
Henry,  glad  of  an  excuse  to  prolong  the  delay,  pro- 
posed a  diet  of  all  the  princes  of  Germany  to  adjust 
this  and  similar  questions.  The  diet  was  summoned 
for  the  loth  of  March,  1074,  but  too  late  to  prevent 
the  uprising  of  the  Saxons,  provoked  by  the  delay, 
to  enforce  the  fulfilment  of  the  pledge.  Henry  gave 
orders  to  dismantle  the  fortresses,  only  stipulating 
that  the  palace  and  church  erected  by  him  at  Hartz- 
burg  should  be  unmolested  ;  but  on  the  24th  of  Feb- 
ruary the  insurgents,  eighty  thousand  strong,  de- 
stroyed not  only  the  military  works,  but  the  church 
also,  plundered  the  treasures,  and  even  dug  up  the 
bones  of  Henrj^'s  brother  and  son. 

The  King  sent  a  deputation  to  Rome  to  expose  the 
cruelty  and  sacrilege  of  the  Saxons,  and  to  demand 
the  Pope's  censure ;  but  Gregory  did  not  care  to  in- 
terfere just  then.  It  was  rumored  that  the  Saxon 
revolt  had  been  fomented  by  emissaries  from  Rome, 
and  that  the  rebels  had  justified  themselves  by  the 
Pope's  authority.     Gregory  was  in  no  haste  to  con- 


The  Pope  Contemplates  a  Crusade.       j^i 

demn  those  who  seemed  to  be  armed  in  the  interest 
of  the  church,  and  he  was  not  sorry  for  anything 
which  kept  Henry  on  the  other  side  of  the  Alps. 
Moreover,  he  was  now  preparing  his  decisive  blow  at 
simony  and  the  secularization  of  the  bishops.  Fully 
aware  of  the  perils  of  his  undertaking,  he  neglected 
no  source  which  seemed  to  promise  material  aid.  He 
reminded  Count  William  of  Burgundy  how,  in  the 
presence  of  Alexander  H.,  and  at  the  tomb  of  Peter, 
he  had  vowed  to  be  ever  ready  for  the  defence  of  the 
church.  He  should  therefore  hold  his  army  in  readi- 
ness to  come  to  Rome,  and  should  exert  himself  to 
enlist  the  aid  of  other  princes.  He  is  seeking,  he  con- 
tinues, to  collect  a  great  army,  not  in  order  to  shed 
the  blood  of  Christians,  but  to  overawe  them,  that  they 
may  the  sooner  submit  themselves  to  righteousness. 
Perhaps  William  can,  after  appeasing  the  Normans, 
lead  his  army  to  Constantinople,  to  deliver  the  Christ- 
ians there  from  the  Saracens. 

That  Gregory  seriously  contemplated  this  object 
soon  appeared,  when  news  came  that  the  Saracens 
had  advanced  almost  to  the  walls  of  Constantinople; 
and  he  issued,  on  the  ist  of  March,  1074,  a  formal 
summons  to  Christians  to  deliver  the  brethren  in  the 
East  from  the  hands  of  the  infidels.  The  call  did 
not  issue  in  a  crusade,  but  the  idea  of  a  crusade  was 
broached  in  the  word  "  brethren."  The  deliverance 
of  Oriental  Christians  from  the  Saracen  yoke  was 
indeed  contemplated,  but  with  it  their  subjection  to 
the  papal  authority ;  for  it  was  not  a  Gregorian  idea 
to  rescue  from  the  infidels  Greeks  who  were  under 
ban,  only  to  leave  them  in  their  insubordination  to 


74  Age  of  Hi  lei e  brand. 


Rome.  It  will  soon  appear  from  Gregory's  own  words 
that  he  entertained  the  thought  of  going  in  person  to 
the  East  with  an  army,  "  in  order  to  strengthen  the 
Christians  there  in  their  faith." 

On  the  13th  of  March,  1074,  Gregory  opened  at 
Rome  the  first  great  reform  synod.  The  official  rec- 
ords are  wanting.  The  German  and  Lombard  bishops 
were  absent.  The  synod  enacted  that  simoniacally 
consecrated  priests  should  not  officiate ;  that  those 
who  had  obtained  their  churches  by  simony  should 
surrender  them;  that  clergy  living  in  **  fornication," 
under  which  term  marriage  was  included  as  well  as 
concubinage,  should  not  perform  clerical  functions, 
and  that  laymen  should  not  avail  themselves  of  them, 
since  their  blessing  changes  into  a  curse  and  their 
prayer  into  sin.  Here  is  to  be  observed  the  Gregor- 
ian doctrine  that  sacramental  efficacy  depends  on 
the  worthiness  of  the  ministrant.  Robert  Guiscard, 
who  at  that  moment  was  besieging  Benevento,  was 
anathematized,  with  all  his  followers,  and  Philip  I. 
of  France  was  threatened  with  excommunication  un- 
less he  should  justify  himself  before  the  apostolic  nun- 
cios against  the  charge  of  simony.  The  council  closed 
with  the  excommunication  of  five  German  princes  for 
simony. 

Excommunication,  ban,  and  anathema  were  used 
as  practically  synonymous  terms.  It  is  hardly  neces- 
sary to  remind  the  reader  of  the  popular  conviction 
that  in  the  clergy  was  vested  the  destiny  of  each  soul, 
and  the  power  of  admission  to  heaven  and  of  exclu- 
sion from  eternal  life;  and  that  witliout  the  recep- 
tion f)f  the  sacraments  salvation  was  impossible.    This 


Ban  and  Interdict.  75 

conviction  was  the  fulcrum  of  the  great  lever  which 
Gregory  and  his  successors  applied  with  such  power. 
Excommunication  did  not  confine  its  operation  to  de- 
linquencies in  faith  or  morals,  but  extended  to  purely 
secular  transgressions.  The  ban  deprived  its  victim 
of  the  sacraments,  and  extended  to  all  who  might 
have  intercourse  with  him.  Hence  it  practically  re- 
leased all  the  subjects  of  an  excommunicated  sovereign 
from  their  allegiance  to  him.  No  Christian  might 
speak  or  eat  with  the  excommunicate.  He  must  live 
hated  and  alone  in  this  world  and  be  prepared  for 
damnation  in  the  next.  Interdict  was  an  extension 
of  excommunication  to  a  whole  district  or  kingdom. 
Under  interdict  the  nation  was  deprived  of  all  exterior 
exercise  of  its  religion.  The  altars  were  despoiled, 
the  crosses,  relics,  and  images  laid  on  the  ground  and 
covered,  the  bells  were  removed  from  their  towers, 
mass  was  celebrated  with  closed  doors,  and  none  but 
priests  were  admitted.  No  religious  rite  was  allowed 
to  the  laity  except  the  baptism  of  new-born  infants 
and  communion  to  the  dying.  The  dead,  refused 
burial  in  consecrated  ground,  were  thrown  into 
ditches,  or  buried  in  common  fields  without  funeral 
rites.  Marriages  were  celebrated  in  the  churchyards, 
the  use  of  meat  was  prohibited,  and  people  were  for- 
bidden to  salute  each  other,  to  shave  their  beards,  or 
to  care  for  their  dress. 

The  decrees  of  the  council  were  not  favorably  re- 
ceived in  France,  Germany,  England,  and-Lombardy. 
Opposition  was  increased  by  Gregory's  reckless  vio- 
lence in  attempting  to  enforce  them.  Murmurs  began 
to  be  heard  that  the  Pope  was  a  heretic,  setting  up  an 


76  Age  of  Hildebrand, 

insane  dogma  against  St.  Paul's  permission  to  marry, 
endeavoring  to  compel  men  to  live  like  angels,  and 
thereby  leading  them  to  lasciviousness.  If  he  should 
persist  it  would  be  seen  where  he  would  find  his 
angels  for  the  service  of  the  church.  The  German 
priests,  among  whom  cehbacy  was  rare,  scouted  the 
edict.  The  Archbishop  of  Mainz,  on  attempting  to 
announce  it  to  his  clergy,  was  greeted  with  an  ex- 
plosion of  cries  and  threats  which  made  him  tremble 
for  his  life.  In  Lombardy  the  spirit  of  resistance 
was  furious.  In  France  the  Archbishop  of  Rouen 
was  driven  from  his  pulpit  with  stones. 

The  Germans  were  the  thorn  in  Gregory's  flesh. 
Henry,  indeed,  by  his  compliance  with  the  Pope's  de- 
mand for  the  dismissal  of  sundry  simoniacal  officials, 
appeared  to  be  wholly  submissive  to  his  will ;  but  his 
apparent  submission  was  only  the  result  of  temporary 
necessity,  and  the  reaction  was  not  long  in  coming. 
The  captains  of  Milan,  who  derived  their  profit  from 
simony,  conspired  with  the  King,  and  engaged  to  de- 
stroy the  Pataria  and  to  kill  Erlembaldo.  Guibert, 
the  Archbishop  of  Ravenna,  immediately  after  the 
synod,  had  begun  his  intrigues  in  Rome,  seeking 
conspirators  against  the  Pope,  and  joining  forces  with 
Cencius,  the  partisan  of  Cadalous.  Elements  favor- 
able to  Guibert's  plots  were  not  wanting  in  Rome. 
The  Pope  had  submitted  to  the  Roman  clergy  the  al- 
ternative of  living  in  common  in  apostolic  poverty,  or 
returning  to  private  life  and  renouncing  all  churchly 
emoluments.  Many  preferred  the  latter,  and  were 
consequently  embittered  against  Gregory.  Hundreds 
of  clergy  were  living  in  concubinage,  and  their  chil- 


Orgies  in  St.  Peter  s.  77 

dren  and  nephews  were  accustomed  to  inherit  their 
livings.  In  St.  Peter's  more  than  sixty  married  war- 
dens, wearing  mitres,  announced  themselves  as  priests, 
said  masses,  promised  prayers  for  money,  and  appro- 
priated the  offerings  brought  for  the  pardon  of  sins. 
They  held  orgies  by  night  in  the  church,  and  the  steps 
of  the  altar  were  polluted  with  fornication  and  mur- 
der. Gregory  made  bad  blood  by  stopping  these 
performances  and  forbidding  all  celebrations  in  the 
church  before  nine  in  the  morning.  Guibert,  having 
rallied  these  disaffected  elements,  now  returned  to 
Ravenna,  and  Henry  found  in  Italy,  and  in  St.  Peter's 
itself,  as  much  inflammable  material  as  he  could  desire. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

THE  INVESTITURE  DECREE — CENCIUS  ATTACKS 
THE  POPE — THE  SYNOD  OF  WORMS — GREG- 
ORY'S ABDICATION  DEMANDED. 


HE  effect  of  all  this  appeared  when  the 
Pope,  towards  the  middle  of  June,  under- 
took, with  the  promised  help  of  Beatrix 
and  Godfrey,  his  expedition  against  the 
Normans.  Guibert  had  by  this  time  ex- 
cited an  uprising  in  Lombardy,  which  made  it  impos- 
sible for  Mathilde  and  Beatrix  to  fulfil  their  promise 
of  aid,  and  Gregory  was  obliged  to  return  to  Rome. 
A  fresh  instance  of  his  audacity  was  given  by  his 
memorial  addressed,  in  September,  to  the  entire 
French  episcopate,  based  upon  exaggerated  reports 
of  the  general  prevalence  of  crime  and  licentiousness. 
Gregory  declared  that  the  King  was  mainly  responsi- 
ble for  this  state  of  things  ;  that  he  had  spent  his  whole 
life  in  crime,  and  had  thus  by  his  example  plunged 
his  people  into  ruin  ;  that  only  lately  he  had  perpe- 
trated a  flagrant  act  of  extortion  upon  some  mer- 
chants. The  bishops  were  to  blame  for  not  rebuking 
him.  They  must  urge  him  to  mend  his  ways  under 
threat  of  papal  penalties;  and  if  he  remained  obstin- 
ate they  were  to  suspend  intercourse  with  him  and 

7« 


Sum7no7is  to  a  Crusade.  79 

to  lay  France  under  interdict.  This  failing,  the  coun- 
try must  be  wrested  from  him  by  any  means.  A 
little  later,  in  a  letter  to  the  Bishop  of  Rheims,  he  de- 
scribed the  King  as  a  plundering  wolf,  an  unrighteous 
tyrant,  and  an  enemy  of  God  and  religion.  To  the 
clergy  of  Germany  he  addressed  a  letter  demanding 
open  resistance  to  all  bishops  who  should  refuse  the 
decrees  against  simony  and  concubinage,  and  forbid- 
ding the  reception  of  any  ministries  from  simoniacal 
or  concubinary  priests.  To  Henry  he  complained  of 
the  attempts  of  self-seeking  men  to  create  distrust 
between  himself  and  the  King,  and  announced  his  in- 
tention of  summoning  the  Christia»s  of  the  West  to 
a  crusade  on  behalf  of  the  Eastern  Christians.  Al- 
ready, he  said,  fifty  thousand  men  were  ready  to  fol- 
low him.  The  church  of  Constantinople  was  striving 
after  harmony  with  the  papal  see.  He  would  follow 
the  example  of  former  popes  who  had  journeyed  to 
the  East  to  strengthen  the  faith  of  Christians,  and 
during  this  expedition  he  would  intrust  the  Roman 
Church  to  the  care  of  the  King.  The  general  sum- 
mons to  the  crusade  was  issued  in  December,  1074.  y 
Gregory  now  addressed  himself  to  the  task  of^ 
bringing  the  north  of  Europe  under  papal  control ;  to 
which  end  he  wrote  to  Swen,  the  King  of  Denmark, 
reminding  him  of  his  duties  as  a  sovereign,  and  ex- 
pressing his  expectation  of  receiving  delegates  from 
the  King  for  the  adjustment  of  certain  ecclesiastical 
matters,  especially  the  establishment  of  a  metropoli- 
tan see  in  Denmark.  This  measure  was  a  politic 
scheme  in  the  papal  interest,  since,  if  successful,  it 
would  take  the  Danish  sees  out  of  the  jurisdiction  of 


/ 


8o  Age  of  Hildebrand. 

the  refractory  Bishop  of  Hamburg  and  Bremen,  sep- 
arate them  from  direct  German  influence,  and  thus 
render  them  more  manageable  by  the  papal  legates. 
The  Pope  further  wrote  that  he  would  be  pleased  to 
know  to  what  extent  the  King  would  be  wilHng  to 
place  his  army  at  the  service  of  the  Roman  Church, 
and  that  he  hoped  yet  to  see  his  son  at  the  head  of 
affairs  in  Apulia  as  the  defender  of  the  apostolic 
throne.  Truly  a  far-reaching  and  ingenious  plan —  6- 
to  separate  the  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction  of  Denmark 
from  Germany,  to  enlist  the  power  of  a  Scandinavian 
prince,  and  to  provide  for  a  Scandinavian  sovereignty 
in  southern  Italy. 

The  second  great  Roman  synod  was  held  in  the 
Lateran  on  the  24th  of  February,  1075,  and  was 
numerously  attended.  The  principal  subject  of  con- 
sideration was  lay  investiture. 

This  practice  rested  on  the  principle  that  the  ruler 
of  a  realm  had  the  right  to  appoint  bishops.  It  was 
strongly  maintained  in  Germany  because  the  bishop- 
rics and  abbeys  there  had  become,  to  all  intents  and 
purposes,  political  organizations,  with  rights  of  coin- 
age, toll,  and  civil  jurisdiction,  and  with  correspond- 
ing military  duties.  On  the  death  of  a  bishop  his  ring 
and  staff  were  brought  to  the  King;  and  when  the 
King  had  chosen  a  successor  he  put  the  new  bishop 
or  abbot  into  possession  of  the  temporalities  of  his 
fief  by  "  investing  "  him  with  the  staff  and  ring  and 
receiving  his  oath  of  fealty.  This  ceremony  preceded 
his  consecration.  As  the  bishops  and  abbots  were  ac- 
customed to  give  large  presents  to  the  King,  this  prac- 
tice of  investiture  naturally  allied  itself  with  simony. 


The  Synod  Abolishes  Lay  Investiture,    8i 

The  decree  of  the  synod  entirely  abrogated  the 
right  of  investiture  by  the  temporal  sovereign.  It 
deposed  every  bishop  or  abbot  who  should  receive 
it  from  any  layman,  interdicting  him  from  all  com- 
munion with  the  church  until  he  should  have  aban- 
doned the  benefice  thus  obtained.  If  any  emperor  or 
other  secular  potentate  should  grant  investiture  of  a 
bishopric  or  other  inferior  dignity  he  should  suffer  the 
same  penalty. 

In  this  decree  Gregory  gave  the  watchword  for  a 
war  of  a  hundred  years  between  the  church  and  the 
secular  power.  **  This  statute  made  a  revolution  of 
the  whole  feudal  system  throughout  Europe,  as  re- 
garded the  relation  of  the  church,  now  dominant,  to 
the  state.  In  the  empire  it  annulled  the  precarious 
power  of  the  sovereign  over  almost  half  his  subjects. 
All  the  great  prelates  and  abbots,  who  were  at  the 
same  time  the  princes,  the  nobles,  the  counsellors,  the 
leaders  in  the  diets  and  national  assemblies,  became, 
to  a  great  degree,  independent  of  the  crown;  the 
Emperor  had  no  concern,  unless  indirectly,  in  their 
promotion,  no  power  over  their  degradation.  Their 
lands  and  estates  were  as  inviolable  as  their  persons. 
Every  benefice,  on  the  other  hand,  thus  dissevered 
from  the  crown,  was  held,  if  not  directly,  yet  at  the 
pleasure  of  the  Pope.  For  as  with  him  was  the  sole 
judgment  (the  laity  being  excluded)  as  to  the  vaHdity 
of  the  election,  with  him  was  the  decision  by  what 
offences  the  dignity  might  be  forfeited ;  and  as  the 
estates  and  endowments  were  now  inalienable  and 
were  withdrawn  from  the  national  property  and  be- 
came that  of  the  church  and  of  God,  the  Pope  might 


82  Age  of  Hildebrand. 

be,  in  fact,  liege  lord,  temporal  and  spiritual,  of  half 
the  world."  ^ 

For  some  time  after  the  synod  Gregory  was  occu- 
pied in  carrying  out  its  decrees,  in  attempting  to 
establish  the  papal  supremacy  in  Hungary  under  the 
guise  of  mediating  between  King  Solomon  and  his 
rival  Gensa,  and  in  the  effort  to  become  the  political 
and  ecclesiastical  ruler  of  Russia.  He  also  renewed  his 
efforts  to  acquire  for  himself  a  new  support  in  the 
kingdom  of  Denmark.  Henry,  meanwhile,  had  begun 
to  act  with  great  vigor.  He  threw  himself  into  the 
movement  of  the  German  cities  against  the  preten- 
sions and  oppressions  of  the  higher  nobility,  and  dis- 
played real  skill  and  energy  in  attaching  them  to 
himself.  The  Archbishop  of  Mainz  and  the  Dukes 
of  Lorraine,  Bohemia,  and  Bavaria  joined  him,  with 
Rudolph  of  Suabia.  The  Saxons  had  broken  with 
the  South- German  princes,  and  Henry  had  not  for- 
gotten the  desecration  of  Hartzburg.  In  June,  1075, 
he  marched  against  them  with  a  splendid  army,  fell 
upon  them  at  Langensalza,  near  Hohenburg,  and 
utterly  routed  them.  The  victory  became  a  massa- 
cre. It  was  said  that  scarcely  any  escaped  of  the 
sixty  thousand  infantry  which  formed  the  bulk  of  the 
Saxon  army. 

This  victory,  which  made  Henry  master  of  all  Ger- 
many, braced  his  courage  for  the  encounter  with  the 
Pope.  The  second  Roman  synod  had  put  an  end  to 
every  pretence  of  friendly  relations.  The  investiture 
decree  bore  very  hardly  upon  Henry,  whose  prede- 
ce.ssors  from  the  time  of  Henry  II.  had  found  their 

1  Milnian,  "  History  of  Latin  Christianity,"  bk.  vii.,  chap.  ii. 


Henry  Openly  Breaks  with  Gregory.      83 


principal  strength  in  the  episcopacy.  The  possessions 
of  the  clergy  comprised  a  considerable  part  of  the 
soil  of  the  empire,  and  so  long  as  the  King  nominated 
the  bishops  he  held  in  his  hands  the  control  of  these 
territories  and  of  their  revenues.  The  decree,  as  we 
have  seen,  withdrew  at  one  stroke  all  these  estates 
from  the  national  property  and  placed  them  at  the 
command  of  the  Pope. 

Any  lingering  hope  which  Gregory  might  have 
entertained  of  peaceable  relations  with  Henry  was 
soon  dissipated.  Erlembaldo  had  been  killed  at 
Milan  shortly  before  the  victory  of  Langensalza,  and 
the  Milanese  had  at  once  sent  a  deputation  to  Henry 
asking  for  the  appointment  of  an  archbishop,  as  the 
chair  had  been  practically  vacant  since  the  resignation 
of  the  aged  Guido  di  Valate  in  1069.  Henry  nom- 
inated Tedaldo,  the  leader  of  the  disaffected  bishops, 
who  a  year  later  excommunicated  Gregory  himself. 
Gregory  forbade  Tedaldo  to  accept  consecration,  and 
addressed  a  peremptory  letter  to  Henry  charging  him 
to  confess  to  a  bishop  and  to  submit  to  penance  for 
having  held  intercourse  with  the  excommunicate  and 
simoniacal,  and  defending  at  length  the  grounds  of  the 
investiture  decree.  Henry,  elated  with  his  victory 
over  the  Saxons,  was  in  no  mood  to  submit  to  papal 
dictation.  The  Pope's  letter  reached  him  at  Goslar 
at  Christmas,-  and  was  so  ungraciously  received  that 
the  legates,  according  to  their  instructions,  summoned 
the  King  to  appear  before  the  next  synod  at  Rome. 
Meanwhile  the  storm  had  broken  at  Rome.  The 
plots  of  Guibert  and  Hugo  Candidus  came  to  a  head 
at  the  same  time  that  the  Pope's  letter  was  received 


84  Age  of  Hildebrand, 

at  Goslar.  Cencius,  the  head  of  the  malcontents  in 
the  city,  and  master  of  St.  Angelo,  being  suspected 
of  dealings  with  Guibert,  was  attacked,  seized,  and 
narrowly  escaped  with  his  life  through  the  interces- 
sion of  Mathilde.  He  gave  hostages  and  remained 
quiet  for  a  time",  but  was  all  the  while  secretly  plot- 
ting revenge  and  devising  a  plan  for  Gregory's  de- 
struction, possibly  with  Henry's  connivance. 

The  Christmas-eve  scene  of  1075  is  one  of  the 
most  striking  in  the  history  of  mediaeval  Rome.  The 
rain  fell  in  torrents,  and  the  Romans  were  mostly 
within  doors.  The  Pope,  with  a  few  priests,  was 
celebrating  midnight  mass  at  the  altar  of  the  manger 
in  Santa  Maria  Maggiore,  one  of  the  most  popular 
churches  in  Rome,  but  situated  on  the  Esquiline,  a 
quarter  with  a  bad  reputation  and  frequented  by  the 
vagabond  shepherds  of  the  Campagna.  Suddenly  a 
fierce  cry  and  the  clash  of  arms  were  heard,  and 
Cencius  and  his  soldiers  burst  into  the  church  and 
rushed  with  drawn  swords  to  the  altar.  Cencius 
seized  the  Pope  by  the  hair,  dragged  him  from  the 
building,  and,  placing  him  on  a  horse  behind  a  soldier, 
conveyed  him  to  one  of  his  strongholds  in  the  region 
Parione.  The  city  was  aroused,  and  resounded  with 
the  peal  of  trumpets  and  the  booming  of  bells.  The 
people  flew  to  arms  at  the  appeal  of  the  clergy ;  the 
gates  were  barred,  and  the  streets  were  aglare  with 
the  red  light  of  torches.  The  Pope  was  thrown  into 
a  chamber  of  Cencius's  castle,  where  a  man  and  a 
woman  who  had  in  some  way  managed  to  enter  with 
the  crowd  kindly  covered  him  from  the  cold  and 
dressed  his  wounds.     Cencius,  with  drawn  sword  and 


The  Pope  a  Prisoner.  85 

m 

fearful  imprecations,  appeared  before  the  Pope  and 
demanded  of  him  an  order  for  the  deHvery  of  his 
treasure  and  castles,  which  Gregory  refused.  The 
male  and  female  attendants  assailed  the  prisoner  with 
a  storm  of  abuse,  in  which  the  name  of  Mathilde  was 
frequently  heard. 

Thus  passed  the  night.  The  morning  saw  the 
people,  still  ignorant  of  the  Pope's  fate,  thronging  to 
the  Capitol.  The  report  of  his  imprisonment  in  the 
tower  of  Cencius  was  the  signal  for  a  general  rush 
to  that  point  and  a  furious  assault.  The  cowardly 
bravo,  seeing  himself  lost,  threw  himself  at  Gregory's 
feet,  imploring  mercy.  Gregory  appears  at  his  best 
in  this  crisis.  He  declared  that  he  freely  forgave  his 
personal  injuries,  but  that  Cencius's  sins  against  God 
and  the  church  must  be  expiated  by  a  pilgrimage  to 
Jerusalem.  Cencius  managed  to  escape.  His  peni- 
tence lasted  only  as  long  as  his  danger,  and  he  was 
soon  at  his  old  work  of  pillaging  the  domains  of  the 
church.  The  Pope  was  brought  out,  stained  with 
blood,  and  was  carried  back  to  Santa  Maria,  where 
he  completed  the  mass  which  the  brigands  had  inter- 
rupted, and  then  returned  to  the  Lateran. 

Gregory  now  determined  to  proceed  to  extremes. 
Henry  was  already  under  summons  to  appear  at  the 
Easter  synod.  Gregory  demanded  that  he  should 
restore  the  imprisoned  Saxon  bishops  and  call  a  coun- 
cil at  which  the  Pope  should  appear,  so  that  the 
bishops  might  be  canonically  judged  and  the  excom- 
municated counsellors  dismissed.  He  declared  that 
if  the  King  should  refuse  he  would  cut  him  off  like  a 
rotten  branch. 


86  Age  of  Hildebrand, 

The  answer  to  this  insolent  demand  was  the  Ger- 
man national  synod  at  Worms  on  the  24th  of  Janu- 
ary, 1076.  Hugo  Candidus,  the  cardinal  who,  on  the 
occasion  of  Hildebrand's  election,  had  extolled  his 
virtues  to  the  Roman  people,  appeared  with  a  biog- 
raphy of  the  Pope,  arraigning  him  as  the  worst  of  men, 
charging  him  with  having  obtained  the  papal  office 
by  bribery  and  violence,  and  with  licentiousness  and 
necromancy.  He  also  presented  a  forged  letter  from 
the  Roman  senate,  clergy,  and  people,  demanding 
Gregory's  deposition.  The  King  was  present,  with 
nearly  all  the  German  bishops.  Only  two  had  the 
courage  to  declare  uncanonical  the  condemnation  of 
an  absentee,  particularly  the  Pope,  against  whom  no 
bishop  could  prefer  charges ;  but  William  of  Utrecht 
submitted  to  these  the  alternative  of  affixing  their 
signatures  or  renouncing  their  allegiance  to  the  King, 
and  they  yielded.  A  decree  was  passed  containing 
a  long  list  of  charges  against  Gregory,  among  which 
were  committing  ecclesiastical  administration  to  the 
hands  of  the  people  (referring  to  the  Pataria),  break- 
ing his  oath  not  to  assume  the  papal  chair,  his  un- 
canonical election,  and  his  intimate  relations  with 
Beatrix,  "  so  that  it  is  common  report  that  papal  de- 
cisions and  decrees  are  framed  by  certain  women  and 
that  the  church  is  governed  by  a  female  saint."  On 
these  grounds  the  council  declared  that  they  re- 
nounced their  allegiance  to  Gregory  and  no  longer 
recognized  him  as  Pope. 

For  his  fight  with  Gregory,  Henry  sought  confed- 
erates in  Italy.  He  sent  two  bishops  to  Lombardy, 
where  a  synod  at  Piacenza  adopted  the  Worms  decree. 


Gregory  s  Abdication  Demanded.         87 

The  time  had  now  arrived  when  he  had  been  cited  to 
appear  before  the  Roman  synod,  which  assembled  in 
the  Lateran  on  the  22d  of  February.  The  reverend 
fathers  were  at  first  occupied  in  discussing  the  good 
omen  conveyed  by  a  remarkable  ^^<g,  on  the  shell 
of  which  appeared  serpents  erecting  themselves  and 
falling  down  again.  While  they  were  examining 
this  marvel,  Roland  of  Parma,  the  royal  messenger, 
entered  the  assembly.  When  the  opening  hymn  was 
finished,  Roland,  without  waiting  for  the  Pope  to 
speak,  addressed  him  with  the  words :  **  The  King, 
with  all  German  and  Italian  bishops,  commands  thee 
to  descend  from  the  usurped  chair  of  St.  Peter;  for 
only  by  their  will  and  the  imperial  grant  can  any  one 
attain  this  dignity."  He  then  proceeded  to  summon 
the  Roman  clergy  to  meet  the  King  at  Whitsuntide 
in  order  to  receive  a  new  Pope  from  him ;  at  the 
same  time  delivering  a  letter  of  the  King  to  the  clergy 
and  people  of  Rome,  in  which  **  the  monk  Hilde- 
brand  "  was  designated  as  **  the  usurper  of  the  papal 
chair,"  and  the  Romans  were  summoned  to  expel 
him,  and,  with  the  King  and  all  the  bishops,  to  elect 
a  new  Pope.^  To  this  was  appended  a  letter  to 
Gregory  himself,  commanding  him,  on  the  ground  of 
the  decree  of  Worms  and  on  the  authority  of  the 
Patrician  of  the  Romans,  to  renounce  the  pontificate. 
Still  another  letter  was  addressed  by  the  King  to  the 
Roman  synod,  superscribed :  **  Henry,  King  not  by 
usurpation  but  by  divine  ordainment,  to  Hildebrand, 
no  more  Pope,  but  false  monk,"  and  concluding  with  : 
"Step  down!  Step  down,  thou  eternally  damned!" 
1  See  Mirbt,  "  Die  Wahl  Gregors  VII.,"  p.  ii. 


88  Age  of  H  tide  brand. 

Bishop  John  of  Porto  sprang  up,  shouting  *'  Seize 
him!"  and  the  city  prefect  and  the  civil  officers  and 
soldiers,  with  drawn  swords,  fell  upon  Roland  and 
would  have  slain  him  but  for  the  protection  of  the 
Pope,  who  covered  him  with  his  own  person. 

The  synod,  restored  at  last  to  order,  proceeded  to 
vigorous  measures.  The  Lombard  and  Roman  bish- 
ops who  had  subscribed  the  Worms  decree  were 
promptly  excommunicated.  Gregory  issued  the  fol- 
lowing edict:  ''  I  forbid  King  Henry  the  rule  of  the 
whole  German  and  Italian  kingdom,  and  release  all 
Christians  from  pledges  given  or  to  be  given  to  him, 
and  forbid  any  one  to  serve  him  as  King ;  .  .  .  and 
because  he  was  disobedient  as  a  Christian,  company- 
ing  with  excommunicated  persons  and  committing 
many  transgressions,  I  anathematize  him."  ^ 

This  declaration  is  noteworthy  as  carrying  the 
Gregorian  doctrine  of  the  Papacy.  It  is  an  advance 
on  that  of  Nicholas  I.,  the  first  Pope  who  attempted 
to  apply  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction  to  monarchs. 
Nicholas  declared  that  princes,  with  all  believers,  are 
committed  to  the  church  tor  the  care  of  their  souls, 
and  are  therefore  subject  to  its  penalties.  Gregory  |/ 
excommunicated   Henry  not  merely  as  a  Christian 


1  Langen  liolds  that  in  this  utterance  the  deposition  and  not  merely 
the  suspension  of  the  King  is  proclaimed.  So  Giesebrecht,"  Geschichte 
der  deutschen  Kaiserzeit."  The  opposite  view  is  held  by  Martens  in 
Dove's  "  Zeitschrift  f.  Kirchenrecht  "  (1882).  Mirbt  exhaustively 
discusses  the  question  in  his  careful  monograph,  "  Die  Absetzung 
Heinrichs  IV.  durch  Gregor  VII.  in  der  Tublicistik  jener  Zeit " 
(Leipzig,  1890).  Langen's  view  appears  to  be  justified  by  Gregory's 
own  words  at  the  synod  of  February  11,  1079.  The  majority  of 
authorities  recognize  no  ditlerence  between  this  declaration  and  that 
of  March  7,  io8o. 


Right  to  Dethrone  Kings  Claimed,       89 

prelate,  but  as  king  of  kings.  He  was  not  satisfied 
with  the  ecclesiastical  punishment  of  excommunica- 
tion, but  claimed  dethronement  as  his  special  prerog- 
ative. Dethronement  was  not  to  be  regarded  as  a 
consequence  of  excommunication,  but  as  a  distinct 
punishment. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

CANOSA — RUDOLPH  OF  SUABIA — GREGORY  AND 
WILLIAM  THE  CONQUEROR. 

LL  previous  papal  bans  were  feeble  in 
comparison  with  this  thunderbolt.  With 
all  the  popular  recognition  of  the  Pope's 
power  of  blessing  and  cursing,  the  audac- 
ity of  this  proclamation,  depriving  of  his 
crown  the  head  of  an  empire  and  releasing  his  sub- 
jects from  their  allegiance,  filled  European  Christen- 
dom with  amazement,  if  not  with  terror, 

Gregory  followed  up  the  ban  of  Henry  with  the 
deposition  of  the  Bishop  of  Worms  and  the  excom- 
munication of  those  who  took  part  in  the  synod  at 
Piacenza.  The  sentence  of  Henry  was  published  in 
an  encyclical  addressed  "  to  all  who  desire  to  belong 
to  the  sheep  of  St.  Peter."  Unable  to  foresee  the 
consequences  of  his  act,  Gregory  hastened  to  make 
overtures  to  Robert  Guiscard.  Meanwhile  a  reaction 
had  begun  in  Germany,  and  recantations  began  to 
flow  in  from  the  subscribers  of  the  Worms  decree. 
The  Lombard  bishops  were  less  pliable,  and  at  the 
instigation  of  Guibert  they  assembled  at  Pavia  im- 
mediately after  Easter,  and  formally  laid  Gregory 
under  ban.     Henry,  immediately  after  the  Worms 

90 


The  Oath  to  the  E7npress  Disregarded,    91 


synod,  increased  his  severity  towards  the  Saxons, 
rebuilt  his  castles,  and  erected  some  new  ones;  and 
by  garrisons  and  extortionate  levies  endeavored  to 
bend  the  stubborn  spirit  of  that  people.  From  Sax- 
ony he  passed  to  Cologne,  and  thence  to  Utrecht, 
where  he  first  learned  of  the  sentence  of  excommun- 
ication. William,  the  Bishop  of  Utrecht,  encouraged 
him  to  treat  it  with  contempt,  and  spoke  of  it  to  the  con- 
gregation, after  mass,  in  terms  of  ridicule.  William's 
sudden  death  soon  after  was  interpreted  by  popular 
superstition  as  a  divine  judgment  upon  his  presump- 
tion. The  King  summoned  a  new  synod  at  Worms 
to  appoint  a  successor  to  Gregory ;  but  several  of  his 
friendly  bishops  unexpectedly  died ;  Godfrey  of  Lor- 
raine was  murdered  at  Antwerp,  a  new  uprising  in 
Saxony  was  threatened,  and  the  synod  did  not  take 
place. 

In  September  Gregory  summoned  Germany  to 
prepare  for  the  choice  of  a  King  according  to  his 
pleasure.  Concerning  the  oath  given  to  the  Empress 
in  case  her  son  should  die  before  her,  he  declared 
that  she  was  to  be  consulted  after  Henry's  deposition, 
and  that  if  her  consent  should  not  be  given  to  the 
papal  plan,  the  apostolic  chair  would  dissolve  all  im- 
peding bonds.  Evidently  the  Pope  did  not  yet  know 
how  Agnes  would  regard  Henry's  deposition ;  but  he 
was  resolved  to  carry  out  his  policy  in  any  case,  and 
so  trifling  a  thing  as  a  solemn  oath  to  a  sovereign 
was  not  to  be  allowed  to  stand  in  the  way. 

Henry's  following  constantly  diminished.  Many 
of  the  German  princes  saw  in  the  Pope's  decree  an 
opportunity  of  freeing  themselves  from  a  King  whom 


92  Age  of  H tide  brand. 

they  detested.  A  formidable  conspiracy  was  already 
on  foot,  led  by  the  Dukes  Rudolph  of  Suabia,  Welf 
of  Bavaria,  and  Berthold  of  Carinthia,  with  the  Bish- 
ops of  Wiirzburg  and  Metz.  On  the  i6th  of  Octo- 
ber, 1076,  the  Diet  of  Tribur  was  convened,  which 
resolved  to  acknowledge  the  deposition  and  to  pro- 
ce'ed  to  a  new  election.  The  diet  sat  for  seven  days. 
Henry,  close  by  at  Oppenheim,  negotiated  with  the 
assembly  in  vain,  succeeding  only  in  obtaining  the 
appointment  of  a  diet  at  Augsburg  in  February,  at 
which  the  Pope  was  to  appear  and  decide  on  the 
succession  to  the  throne.  It  was,  however,  provided 
that  if  the  King  should  remain  for  a  year  without 
obtaining  absolution  from  the  ban,  he  should  uncon- 
ditionally forfeit  the  crown.  Henry  engaged  to  con- 
fine himself  to  the  administration  of  public  business, 
and  not  to  set  foot  in  a  church ;  and  the  princes  swore 
that,  if  he  should  keep  his  oath,  they  would  escort 
him  to  Rome  to  receive  the  imperial  crown,  and 
afterwards  join  him  in  expelling  the  Normans  from 
Apulia  and  Calabria.  Henry  issued  an  edict  to  the 
German  nation  recalling  the  decree  of  Worms,  and  in 
a  letter  to  the  Pope  promised  him  obedience  and  sat- 
isfaction. 

Gregory  announced  to  the  German  bishops  and 
princes  his  intention  of  being  present  at  Augsburg  in 
February ;  but  Henry  determined  to  forestall  his 
journey  by  going  to  Rome  himself.  In  some  way 
his  intention  became  known,  and  the  papal  dukes 
guarded  the  Alpine  passes  in  order  to  prevent  his 
journey.  The  King  accordingly  set  out  from  Spires 
before  Christmas,  accompanied  by  his  wife  and  son, 


Henry  Crosses  Mount  Cents.  93 


and  thence  travelled  by  way  of  Burgundy  to  the  foot 
of  Mount  Cenis.  Here  his  mother-in-law,  the  Mar- 
chioness of  Susa,  and  her  son  Amadeus  demanded  the 
cession  of  five  rich  bishoprics  as  the  price  of  his  pas- 
sage through  their  territory.  The  passage  of  the 
mountain  was  terrible.  The  winter  was  unusually 
severe  ;  the  mountain  gorges  were  choked  with  snow, 
and  the  summits  and  slopes  coated  with  ice.  The 
horses  could  not  keep  their  feet.  The  Queen  and  her 
young  son,  with  the  women  of  the  corte'ge,  were 
placed  in  extemporized  drags  of  skins,  and  were  thus 
drawn  down  by  the  guides. 

In  the  meantime  the  Pope  had  set  out  for  Ger- 
many, and,  having  crossed  the  Apennines  on  his  way 
to  Mantua,  was  met  by  the  news  of  Henry's  arrival 
in  Italy.  Uncertain  whether  he  came  as  a  suppliant 
or  at  the  head  of  an  army,  'Gregory  turned  aside  to 
Canosa,  a  strong  fortress  of  Mathilde  on  the  right 
bank  of  the  Ofanto,  about  fifteen  miles  from  the 
Adriatic.^  The  castle  crowned  a  commanding  height, 
and  was  surrounded  by  three  walls.  Gregory  could 
not  have  chosen  a  more  secure  asylum  at  the  very 
gates  of  a  hostile  country.  He  feared  the  union  of 
the  King  with  the  Lombards,  and  was  distressed  by 
the  thought  of  the  horrors  of  war  which  Henry  might 
bring  into  Italy. 

1  Canosa  is  now  reached  from  Reggio  in  eight  hours.  This  castle 
was  destroyed  in  1255.  Mathilde  had  four  castles  in  the  neighbor- 
hood, which  are  now  pointed  out  at  Quattrocastella.  The  height 
commands  a  magnificent  view  of  the  Apennines  and  of  the  Lombard 
plain  from  Lucca  to  Modena.  Dean  Stanley  gives  an  interesting  ac- 
count of  his  visit  in  1863  ("  Life  and  Letters,"  vol.  ii.,  p.  137).  A 
rough  but  graphic  picture  may  be  found  in  "  Italy  from  the  Alps  to 
Etna,"  by  Stieler,  Paulus,  and  Caden  (trans,  by  F.  E.  Trollope). 


94  Age  of  Hilde brand. 

The  King  was  met  at  Turin  by  the  excommunicated 
bishops.  He  could  not  disguise  the  weakness  of  his 
escort,  but  pretended  that  he  had  come  only  for  their 
^akes,  to  demand  of  the  Pope  the  reasons  for  his 
sentence.  The  bishops  entreated  him  not  to  acknowl- 
edge the  power  of  Gregory ;  yet  they  found  his 
position  so  weak  that  they  resolved  to  submit  for  the 
time,  in  the  hope  that,  after  his  interview  with  Greg- 
ory, he  might  be  able  to  join  them  again  and  free 
himself  and  his  kingdom  from  the  papal  hands.  The 
excommunicated  prelates  of  Germany  also  made  their 
way  to  Canosa,  and  presented  themselves  at  the 
gates,  barefoot  and  in  woollen  shirts,  asking  to  be 
received  to  penitence.  The  Pope,  after  admitting 
them,  had  them  shut  up  in  separate  cells,  with  only 
bread  and  water  until  evening.  After  several  days 
he  received  them,  imposed  rigorous  penances,  and 
finally  released  them  from  excommunication  and  dis- 
missed them  with  the  charge  to  render  no  aid  or 
homage  to  Henry  until  he  should  have  satisfied  the 
church. 

Henry,  having  reached  Canosa,  obtained  an  inter- 
view with  Mathilde,  and  sent  through  her  a  request 
to  the  Pope  to  be  released  from  the  ban,  which  was 
refused;  the  Pope  insisting  that  Henry  should 
acknowledge  his  deposition  and  declare  himself  un- 
worthy to  reign.  While  these  negotiations  were  still 
in  progress,  Henry  suddenly  appeared  at  thercastle 
gate  on  the  25th  of  January,  1077,  with  the  excom- 
municated members  of  his  suite.  He  was  admitted 
only  as  far  as  the  second  enceinte.  He  wore  the 
garb  of  a  penitent,  and  with  bare  feet  stood  in  the 


A  Brutal  Pope.  95 


snow,  fasting,  and  shivering  in  the  icy  wind  until 
evening.  Thus  he  stood  for  three  days,  a  spectacle 
to  move  all  hearts  save  that  of  the  representative  of 
Jesus  Christ.  Mathilde  entreated  for  him  in  vain. 
At  last  Henry,  worn  out,  retired  to  the  Chapel  of  St. 
Nicholas,  where  he  sought  the  intercession  of  Hugo, 
the  Abbot  of  Clugny.  Hugo  declared  that  only 
Mathilde  could  prevail  with  the  Pope ;  and  the  coun- 
tess, exchanging  tears  for  reproaches,  finally  obtained 
a  reluctant  consent  to  Henry's  admission.  The  King 
knelt  in  tears,  implored  forgiveness,  and  received  the 
terms  of  submission.  He  was  to  appear  at  the  place 
and  time  appointed  by  the  Pope,  to  answer  the 
charges  of  his  subjects.  He  must  guarantee  the  Pope 
safe-conduct  thither.  If  he  should  be  found  guilty 
he  should  resign  his  kingdom  and  pledge  himself  not 
to  seek  revenge  for  his  deposition.  Until  that  time 
he  was  not  to  assume  the  insignia  of  royalty,  nor  ap- 
propriate any  part  of  the  royal  revenue  except  what 
might  be  necessary  for  the  maintenance  of  himself 
and  his  attendants.  All  his  subjects  were  to  be  re- 
leased from  their  oath  of  allegiance,  and,  if  restored, 
he  was  to  rule  the  kingdom  according  to  the  Pope's 
dictation.^ 

On  his  return  from  Canosa,  Henry  was  met  by  the    \ 
Lombard  bishops,  who  were  enraged  at  him  no  less 
than  at  the  Pope,  and  who  reproached  him  for  his 
pusillanimity  in  return  for  all  that  they  had  done  for 
him.     There  was  a  general  demand  that  he  should 

1  The  story  that  the  Pope  endeavored,  in  the  sacrament  which  fol- 
lowed, to  make  Henry  appeal  to  Heaven  for  the  sincerity  of  his  con- 
fession and  the  sanction  of  Gregory's  brutality,  lacks  confirmation. 


g6  Age  of  H  tide  brand. 


abdicate  in  favor  of  his  son  Conrad,  and  that  they 
should  march  to  Rome  and  elect  another  Pope  who 
should  crown  the  young  Emperor.  The  state  of  affairs 
was  so  threatening  that  Gregory,  who  had  left  Can- 
osa,  thought  it  most  prudent  to  return.  Henry  was 
coldly  received  in  the  Lombard  cities.  He  sent  to 
the  Pope  from  Monza,  asking  to  be  crowned  King  of 
Italy  by  certain  bishops  not  under  interdict;  but  the 
Pope  refused. 

Gregory  had  overreached  himself.  The  Papacy 
was  not  strong  enough  to  bear  such  a  strain.  The 
sentiment  of  humanity  was  not  dead  nor  entirely 
overpowered  by  superstition.  Gregory  had  given  his 
enemies  a  point  of  attack  upon  his  personal  character 
by  an  act  more  worthy  of  a  follower  of  Attila  or 
Genseric  than  of  the  disciple  of  the  gentle  Christ. 
He  might  be  the  Vicegerent  of  God,  but  he  had  none 
the  less  written  himself  down  a  brute.  The  monarch- 
ical sentiment  was  not  extinguished  in  Germany. 
Henry  began  to  recover  strength  and  to  throw  off 
the  appearance  of  submission.  He  openly  reinstated 
his  old  counsellors  and  resumed  communication  with 
the  Pope's  enemies.  He  was  in  Italy  with  leaders 
who  were  ready  to  risk  everything  against  Gregory, 

The  revolted  German  princes  had  gone  too  far  to 
retreat,  and  were  compelled  to  proceed  to  the  King's 
deposition.  The  place  of  the  diet  was  changed  from 
Aug.sburg  to  Forchheim,  and  the  time  to  the  13th  of 
March,  1077.  The  Pope  promised  to  appear,  and 
sent  to  Henry  requiring  his  attendance,  a  requisition 
which  Henry  evaded.  The  Pope,  however,  was  de- 
tained, and  the  assembly  met  in  the  presence  of  the 


RudolpJi  of  Sitabia  Elected  King,        97 

papal  legates,  and  elected  Rudolph  of  Suabia  as  Ger- 
man King.  The  conditions  imposed  were  that  the 
King  should  employ  no  simony  in  filhng  the  bishops' 
chairs,  and  that  the  German  throne  should  no  longer 
be  hereditary — a  provision  which  would  give  the 
Pope  a  decisive  voice  in  its  occupation.  On  the 
26th  of  March  Rudolph  was  anointed  at  Mainz. 

A  civil  war  was  thus  begun  in  Germany  which 
lasted  for  seventeen  years.  A  bloody  riot  took 
place  at  Mainz  on  the  very  day  of  the  coronation. 
Worms  closed  its  gates  against  the  new  King;  the 
Bishop  of  Augsburg  returned  to  Henry's  party ; 
at  Zurich  Rudolph  was  greeted  with  a  rising  of  the 
populace  excited  by  the  simoniacal  clergy ;  and  at  St. 
Gall,  where  he  had  appointed  an  abbot,  the  monks 
broke  out  in  revolt  and  compelled  the  abbot  to  flee 
for  his  life. 

Henry  now  resolved  to  return  to  Germany  and 
fight.  He  was  joined  by  reinforcements  as  he  ad- 
vanced, by  many  lay  lords,  and  by  many  towns  which 
sent  him  troops.  A  large  party  of  the  clergy  even 
in  Suabia,  Rudolph's  province,  adhered  to  him.  The 
loyal  sentiment  was  reviving;  not  only  the  personal 
sentiment  towards  Henry,  but  the  idea  that  the  royal 
no  less  than  the  papal  authority  was  of  God.  The 
Pope  was  forced  to  leave  Rudolph  in  the  strait  into 
which  he  had  brought  him.  Rudolph  was  received 
in  Saxony,  and  Henry  marched  into  Bavaria  and 
confiscated  the  domains  of  Welf.  Some  of  Rudolph's 
vassals  deserted  to  him,  and  some  others  were  luke- 
warm. The  war  went  on. — a  war  of  castle  against 
castle,  borough  against  borough,  a  chaos  of  murders. 


98  Age  0/  Hilde brand. 


conflagrations,  and  robberies.  Agriculture  declined, 
famine  extended  into  the  fertile  cantons  of  Bavaria 
and  Suabia,  and  the  borders  of  the  Rhine  were  laid 
waste. 

Amid  these  bloody  disorders  Gregory  never  ceased 
to  claim  that  the  questions  in  dispute  should  be  re- 
ferred to  him.  In  May  he  wrote  for  a  safe-conduct 
across  the  Alps  that  he  might  summon  the  two  Kings 
to  submit  to  his  arbitration.  Whichever  should  sub- 
mit was  to  be  recognized  as  King  at  an  assembly  of 
laity  and  clergy  in  the  Pope's  commission.  All  this 
was  the  more  strange  as  he  had  already  sent  to 
Rudolph,  with  his  benediction,  a  crown  wath  the  in- 
scription, "  Petra  dedit  Petro,  Petrus  diadema  Rodol- 
pho."  The  Saxons  did  not  relish  this  proposal,  since 
it  placed  Rudolph  on  the  same  ground  with  the  ex- 
communicated Henry,  before  the  same  tribunal. 

Henry  now  marched  to  Franconia,  and  Rudolph 
to  Wiirzburg,  which  had  declared  for  Henry,  and 
which  he  proceeded  to  besiege.  The  two  armies 
faced  each  other  with  the  Neckar  between.  An 
agreement  was  made  for  a  conference  of  the  digni- 
taries of  the  empire  at  Augsburg  for  the  purpose  of 
settling  the  whole  question,  and  a  commission  for  this 
conference  was  issued  by  the  papal  legates.  Rudolph 
thereupon  abandoned  the  siege  of  Wiirzburg  and 
returned  to  Saxony,  and  Henry  went  to  Suabia  and 
occupied  himself  with  burning  castles  and  churches 
and  other  depredations.  This  state  of  affairs  did  not 
consist  with  Gregory's  proposed  visit  to  Germany,  for 
which  his  safe-conduct  had  not  arrived  ;  besides  which 
he  began  the  year  1078  with  the  burial  of  his  friend, 


Death  of  the  Empress  Agnes,  99 

the  Empress  Agnes,  who,  since  Henry's  deposition, 
had  continued  to  lead  an  austere  reHgious  Hfe  at 
Rome.  Her  zeal  against  simoniacs  and  married 
priests,  and  her  sacrifice  of  maternal  tenderness  to  the 
interests  of  the  church,  were  subjects  of  boasting  at 
the  Lateran.  By  her  death  Gregory  lost  his  most 
efficient  instrument  for  conciliating  Henry,  an  ardent 
admirer,  and  an  active  promoter  of  his  plans.  About 
the  same  time  he  was  also  deprived  of  one  of  his 
most  faithful  adherents  in  Rome  by  the  assassination 
of  the  prefect  Cinthius,  a  bold  defender  of  the  church 
against  the  Roman  barons.  All  these  causes  kept 
him  in  Italy,  where  he  was  busily  occupied  with  his 
efforts  to  extend  his  power  in  Spain  and  Corsica. 
He  consoled  himself  for  his  failure  to  reach  Germany 
with  the  expectation  of  terminating  the  German  con- 
test at  the  approaching  Roman  synod. 

This  assembly  was  convoked  on  the  25  th  of  Feb- 
ruary, 1078.  Both  Henry  and  Rudolph  were  present 
by  their  deputies.  Henry's  envoys  affirmed  his  sub- 
mission to  the  Pope,  and  declared  that  his  deference 
to  the  Pope's  impending  decision  was  the  only  rea- 
son why  he  had  not  suppressed  Rudolph  by  force 
of  arms.  A  disposition  to  condemn  Rudolph  at  once 
was  manifested  by  some  of  the  delegates,  but  Greg- 
ory deferred  his  decision  until  Saturday,  when  he 
decreed  that  an  assembly  should  be  held  in  Germany, 
under  his  personal  direction  or  that  of  his  legate,  to 
decide  the  contest  for  the  throne.  Rudolph  received 
the  Pope's  blessing,  but  was  treated  as  helpless  and 
without  special  respect.  The  synod  also  renewed  the 
excommunication  of  the  Normans  for  attacking  papal 


lOO  Age  of  Hildcbrand. 

territory,  and  that  of  Tedaldo  of  Milan  and  Guibert 
of  Ravenna. 

Rudolph  was  naturally  irritated  at  the  Pope's  in- 
consistency in  acknowledging-  him  as  King  and  re- 
newing Henry's  excommunication  and  deposition,  and 
yet  treating  both  Kings  as  parties  to  an  undecided 
contest.  Rudolph's  followers  did  not  hesitate  to 
represent  this  inconsistency  to  Gregory,  to  his  serious 
embarrassment,  since  he  could  not  gainsay  the  facts. 
It  was  evident  that,  since  the  power  was  now  on 
Henry's  side,  the  Pope  preferred  reconciliation  with 
him,  and  was  quite  ready  to  leave  Rudolph  in  the 
lurch  and  to  keep  him  merely  as  a  menace  to  Henry. 
Rudolph  was  compelled  to  seek  the  alliance  of  France 
and  of  Hungary  without  w^aiting  for  the  diet.  The 
Pope  again  endeavored  to  enlist  the  aid  of  the  Nor- 
mans ;  but  on  the  7th  of  August  Henry  and  Rudolph 
joined  battle  at  Melrichstadt,  in  Franconia,  without 
a  decisive  result.  Both  Kings  sent  messengers  to 
Rome,  each  hoping  to  convince  the  Pope  that  he  had 
been  victorious,  and  on  that  ground  to  obtain  a  dec- 
laration in  his  favor.  For  the  representatives  of 
Rudolph,  Gregory,  not  yet  knowing  how  far  he  might 
succeed  in  his  attempts  against  Henry,  had  only 
bombastic  words  on  the  greatness  of  St.  Peter's  au- 
thority, vague  promises,  and  exhortations  to  hope 
for  the  best. 

On  the  iith  of  February,  1079,  another  .synod 
was  held  at  the  Lateran,  by  which  the  case  of  Beren- 
gar  of  Tours  was  finally  disposed  of.  Gregory  him- 
self would  have  been  satisfied  with  Berengar's  general 
declaration   that  the  bread  and   wine,  when  conse- 


Berengars  Case  Finally  Decided.       loi 


crated,  are  the  body  and  blood  of  Christ;  but  hints 
began  to  circulate  that  the  Pope  was  compromis- 
ing with  a  heretic.  A  declaration  was  submitted  to 
Berengar  that  the  bread  and  wine  are  not  merely 
consecrated  symbols,  but  the  true  body  and  blood  of 
Christ  in  sensible  wise  (sensiLaliter),  veritably  grasped 
by  the  hands  of  the  priest  and  manducated  by  the 
teeth  of  the  believing  recipient.  The  Pope  at  once 
demanded  Berengar's  subscription  to  this.  Beren- 
gar submitted,  and  retired  with  a  letter  of  protection 
from  Gregory.^  The  German  question  then  came 
up.  Rudolph's  commissioners  complained  bitterly  of 
Henry's  misdeeds  and  presented  a  letter  addressed 
to  the  synod.  In  this  it  was  charged  that  at  the  last 
Roman  council  it  had  been  questioned  whether  Henry 
should  be  excommunicated,  while  in  fact  he  had  been 
already  several  times  excommunicated.  Three  years 
before,  he  had  been  excommunicated  by  the  synod 
and  had  not  improved  since  that  time.  Being  con- 
ditionally absolved,  he  had  not  kept  his  promises,  but, 
on  the  contrary,  had  abused  the  papal  legates.  His 
excommunication  and  Rudolph's  recognition  fol- 
lowed ;  notwithstanding  which  he  had  desolated  Ger- 
many and  had  laid  violent  hands  upon  church  prop- 
erty especially.  The  Pope  ought  at  least  to  keep 
the  excommunication  binding  until  he  should  have 
given  satisfaction.  After  Henry's  commissioners  had 
been  heard  in  his  defence,  the  opinions  of  the  synod 
were   divided ;    but   the   Pope    pronounced   Henry's 

1  Gregory  was  charged  with  being  secretly  in  sympathy  with  Be- 
rengar's views.  See  Langen,  p.  103,  note,  and  Jacobi,  art.  "  Beren- 
gar von  Tours  "  in  Herzog's  "  Real  Encyklopadie." 


I02  Age  of  Hilde brand, 

statements  false  and  declared  that  he  had  deposed 
and  had  never  restored  him.  An  oath  was  exacted 
from  the  commissioners  of  both  parties  to  give  the 
Pope  a  safe-conduct  to  the  assembly  in  Germany, 
and  Gregory  wrote  encouragingly  to  Rudolph  and  the 
Saxons,  summoning  them  to  fight. 

In  his  efforts  to  extend  the  authority  of  the  Roman 
see,  Gregory  did  not  overlook  England.  But  he  found 
himself  confronted  there  with  a  King  of  larger  mould 
than  Henry.  William  the  Conqueror  was  brave, 
enterprising,  and  ambitious,  vehement  though  politic 
and  artful,  severe  though  not  ungenerous,  a  man  fully 
able  to  measure  swords  with  Gregory,  with  an  equal 
force  of  will,  equally  alive  to  his  own  interests,  and 
not  likely  to  brook  tamely  the  imperious  insolence 
of  the  Italian  monk.  Gregory  demanded  of  William, 
through  Lanfranc,  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  the 
payment  of  Peter's  pence,^  which  he  had  pledged  to 
Alexander  II.,  and  the  profession  of  fealty  to  the 
Holy  See.  As  Lanfranc  did  not  exhibit  as  much 
zeal  in  the  matter  as  the  Pope  thought  he  should,  he 
received  a  sharp  reminder  of  his  duty  ;  to  which  he 
replied  that  he  had  advised  the  King  to  comply  with 
the  Pope's  demand,  and  for  further  information  re- 
ferred him  to  William's  letter.  In  this  letter  William 
refused  the  profession  of  obedience  to  Rome.     The 


1  The  origin  of  this  annual  tribute  to  the  Roman  see  is  uncertain, 
though  it  is  traced  back  to  Saxon  England.  It  consisted  of  the  pay- 
ment of  a  silver  penny  by  every  family  possessing  land  or  cattle  of  the 
yearly  value  of  thirty  pence.  Rankc  ascribes  its  introduction  to  King 
O^a  (755-794)'  ff^r  the  purpose  of  paying  for  the  education  of  the 
clergy  and  of  aiding  pilgrims.  This,  however,  is  very  doubtful.  Lin- 
gard  thinks  it  is  not  earlier  than  the  time  of  Alfred. 


Gregory  Meets  his  Match.  103 


Peter's  pence  he  would  pay,  because  his  predecessors 
had  paid  it ;  but  they  had  never  bound  themselves  to 
obey  the  Roman  see.  It  was  a  manly  and  dignified 
utterance.  Gregory  had  found  his  match.  The 
Conqueror  kept  his  promise,  but  he  was  not  disposed 
to  favor  a  close  intimacy  between  the  Primate  of 
England  and  the  Pope.  Gregory's  complaints  grew 
louder,  until  at  last  Hubert,  his  legate  in  England, 
was  commanded  to  admonish  William  and  to  threaten 
him  with  the  anger  of  Peter.  It  may  be  imagined 
how  much  effect  this  stage-thunder  produced  upon 
the  stalwart  Norman. 


CHAPTER  X. 

HENRY    BESIEGES    ROME — GREGORY'S    FATAL   TRI- 
UMPH— HIS    DEATH. 


HREE  legates  had  been  selected  by 
Gregory  to  decide  finally  the  contest  for 
the  German  throne.  One  of  these,  the 
Patriarch  of  Aquileia,  turned  traitor  to 
the  Pope  and  detained  the  others  in 
Italy,  so  that  May  was  well  advanced  when  they 
reached  Germany.  It  was  arranged  that  the  busi- 
ness should  be  transacted  at  Wijrzburg,  and  that 
a  truce  should  be  observed  until  after  the  meeting. 
But  Menry  came  to  the  assembly  accompanied  by 
troops  in  order  to  force  the  condemnation  of  Rudolph, 
and  Rudolph  remained  away  and  prepared  for  battle, 
so  that  the  legates  accomplished  nothing.  One  of 
them,  Bishop  Ulrich  of  Padua,  hastened  to  Rome 
before  his  colleagues  in  order  to  plead  the  cause  of 
Menry  ;  but  besides  being  already  suspected  by  the 
Pope,  he  was  pubHcly  contradicted  by  a  monk,  an 
emissary  of  Rudolph,  who  accused  Henry  of  perjury, 
and  was  confirmed  by  the  third  legate,  Peter  of  Al- 
bano.  Gregory  wrote  to  Rudolph,  assuring  him  of 
his  neutrality  and  justice,  and  urging  liim  to  patience. 
At  the  beginning  of  1080  the  two  rivals  again  tried 
104 


Henry  Again  Deposed.  105 

conclusions.  At  Flurchheim  in  Thuringia,  Henry- 
was  defeated,  his  camp  was  abandoned,  and  he  and 
his  Bavarian  troops  took  to  flight.  Again  both  par- 
ties sent  messengers  to  Rome.  Rudolph  announced 
his  victory  and  Henry's  flight,  and  demanded  that 
the  Pope  should  no  more  flatter  Henry,  to  the  con- 
tempt of  his  holy  name.  Henry  threatened  the  Pope 
that  if  the  ban  were  not  laid  upon  Rudolph  a  new 
Pope  would  be  elected.  These  envoys  waited  in 
Rome  for  the  synod  of  March,  1080.  Then,  although 
his  representatives  did  not  have  a  fair  hearing,  Henry 
was  again  deposed  and  Rudolph  was  acknowledged. 
The  Pope  interdicted  Henry  from  the  government  of 
all  Italy  and  Germany,  and  deprived  him  of  all  royal 
power  and  dignity.  His  decree  concluded  thus : 
"  And  now%  ye  apostolic  princes,  let  the  whole  world 
know  that  if  it  is  in  your  power  to  bind  and  loose  in 
heaven,  ye  can  also  on  earth,  from  empire  and  king- 
dom, from  duchies,  principalities,  countships,  and  all 
human  possessions,  according  to  their  deserts,  from 
each  and  every  one  take,  and  to  them  give.  If  you 
can  rule  over  the  spiritual,  so,  surely,  can  you  rule 
over  the  secular.  Exercise  your  judgment  on  Henry 
so  boldly  that  all  may  know  that  he  falls,, not  by 
accident,  but  by  your  power,  in  order  that  he  be 
brought  to  repentance,  and  his  soul  be  saved  in  the 
day  of  judgment."  A  sharper  definition  of  Gregory's 
theocracy  was  impossible. 

With  all  the  anxiety  attendant  upon  the  German 
disturbances,  Gregory  was  unremitting  in  his  atten- 
tion to  foreign  nations  and  their  relations  to  the 
Roman  see.     He  caused  young  foreigners  to  be  sent 


io6  Age  of  Hildebrand. 

to  Rome  to  be  educated  in  the  Roman  faith  and  pol- 
ity, that  they  might  return  as  apostles  to  their  coun- 
trymen. Norway,  Denmark,  Bohemia,  Poland,  Eng- 
land, occupied  him  in  turn.  But  the  storm  which 
his  violence  towards  Henry  had  raised  was  now  about 
to  break  on  his  own  head.  On  Whitsunday,  loSo,*^ 
there  assembled  at  Mainz  nineteen  bishops,  who  re- 
nounced their  allegiance  to  Gregory  and  adjourned, 
after  inviting  the  Lombard  bishops  to  a  synod  at 
Brixen,  which  met  on  the  25th  of  June.  With  Henry 
himself  there  were  present  many  German  and  Lom- 
bard lords  attached  to  his  party,  the  cardinal  Hugo 
Candidus,  and  thirty  bishops.  The  Pope  was  for- 
mally charged  with  irreligious  conduct,  simony,  and 
preaching  sacrilege  and  incendiarism ;  with  being  a 
defender  of  perjurers  and  homicides,  a  sharer  in 
Berengar's  heresy,  a  necromancer,  and  possessed  with 
a  demon.  **  For  these  reasons,"  the  document  con- 
cluded, *'  we  judge  him  canonically  worthy  of  depo- 
sition and  expulsion." 

The  assembly  at  once  proceeded  to  the  election  of  ^ 
a  new  Pope,  and  their  choice  fell  upon  Guibert  of 
Ravenna,  who  was  present — an  old  enemy  of  Greg- 
ory, of  high  birth,  learned,  skilled  in  politics,  and  far 
more  dangerous  than  Cadalous  had  been.  Henry 
knelt  and  paid  him  homage  before  the  assembly. 

The  Pope,  meanwhile,  had  gone  to  Lower  Italy  in 
order  to  form  a  league  with  Robert  Guiscard.  Rob- 
ert was  released  from  ban,  took  the  oath  of  fealty  to 
the  Pope,  and  was  invested  as,  "  by  the  grace  of  God, 
Duke  of  Apulia,  Calabria,  and  Sicily."  He  prpmised 
to  aid  the  Pope  in  the  maintenance  of  the  papal  pre- 


Death  of  Rudolph.  107 

rogatives,  to  protect  him  in  the  possession  of  papal 
authority,  and,  after  the  Pope's  death,  to  assist,  on 
requisition,  the  cardinals,  clergy,  and  laity  in  the 
choice  and  inauguration  of  a  successor.  The  terrible 
consequences  of  this  compact  will  soon  appear. 

In  view  of  the  situation  of  affairs,  it  seems  strange 
that  Gregory  should  have  required  the  Bishops  of 
Calabria  and  ApuHa,  just  about  this  time,  to  send 
troops  to  the  aid  of  the  deposed  Emperor  Michael  of 
Constantinople,  who  had  taken  refuge  in  Italy.  The 
requisition  was  plainly  a  consequence  of  the  agree- 
ment with  Guiscard.  Nothing  came  of  the  attempt 
to  aid  Michael,  but  the  expedition  to  the  East  pre- 
vented Guiscard  from  sending  troops  to  the  Pope's 
assistance  against  Guibert.  His  inclination  to  do  so 
in  any  event  may  well  be  doubted,  and,  to  all  appear- 
ance, the  crafty  Norman  was  contemplating  this  with- 
drawal of  troops  from  Italy  at  the  very  time  of  his 
treaty  with  the  Pope.  The  absolution  from  ban  was 
very  desirable,  both  to  consecrate  the  expedition  to 
the  East  and  to  secure  the  possessions  in  Italy  which 
Robert  would  be  compelled  to  leave  without  the 
protection  of  his  own  sword. 

Henry,  feeling  that  he  could  not  settle  matters 
with  Rome  until  he  had  finally  disposed  of  Rudolph, 
undertook,  in  the  beginning  of  autumn,  a  new  invas- 
ion of  Saxony.  The  armies  met,  on  the  13th  of  ^ 
October,  about  three  leagues  from  Leipzig.  The 
Saxons  were  victorious,  but  Rudolph  was  slain. 

At  the  synod  of  1081  the  ban  against  Henry  was 
renewed ;  but  the  news  of  Rudolph's  death  and  of 
Henry's   march  to   Rome   threw   Gregory  into  the 


io8  Age  of  Hildebrand, 


greatest  agitation.  He  demanded  immediate  help 
from  his  supporters  in  Germany,  and  began  to  think 
of  the  choice  of  a  new  anti-king.  He  also  applied 
to  the  Normans,  and  requested  Abbot  Desiderius,  of 
Monte  Cassino,  to  ascertain  Guiscard's  disposition 
towards  the  Roman  Church — a  strange  request,  when 
he  had  so  recently  invested  Guiscard  as  the  protector 
of  the  papal  interests.  He  desired  to  know  if,  after 
Easter,  Robert  would  come  to  his  assistance  with  an 
army,  and  how  many  soldiers  he  could  place  at  his 
disposal.  Henry  meanwhile  had  reached  Italy  and 
had  pushed  forward  to  Ravenna,  and  on  Friday,  the 
2 1st  of  May,  stood  with  Guibert  before  the  gates  of 
Rome. 

His  army  was  small.  He  had  hoped  to  increase  it 
in  Ravenna,  and  to  win  the  support  of  Guiscard ;  but 
the  cunning  duke,  deaf  to  Henry's  as  to  Gregory's 
appeal,  sailed  after  Easter  for  Durazzo.  Henry, 
however,  received  the  crown  of  Italy,  and  caused  ^ 
Guibert  to  be  acknowledged  as  Clement  III.  by  the 
Lombards  at  Pavia.  He  endeavored  in  vain  to  win 
over  the  Roman  clergy.  As  the  Romans,  contrary 
to  his  expectation,  refused  to  open  their  gates  to 
him,  he  had  himself  crowned  with  the  imperial  crown 
by  Guibert  in  the  royal  tent.  The  heat  of  the  sum- 
mer and  the  exhalations  from  the  Campagna  soon 
began  to  tell  upon  his  forces,  and  after  forty  days  he 
withdrew  into  Tuscany,  made  an  ineffectual  attempt 
against  Florence,  arrived  in  Lombardy  in  August, 
and  attacked  the  garrisons  of  Mathilde.  Guiscard 
answered  the  Pope's  entreaties  for  aid  by  pleading 
the  demands  of  his  expedition  to  the  East.     Mean- 


Henry  s  League  with  Alexius.         109 

while  the  Saxons,  on  the  9th  of  August,  chose  Her- 
mann, Count  of  Luxembourg,  as  King  of  Germany ; 
but  the  other  German  provinces  remained  faithful 
to  Henry,  and  a  strong  force  was  raised  against 
Hermann. 

Guiscard's  enterprise  was,  ostensibly,  against  Alex- 
ius Comnenus,  who  had  supplanted  Michael  Ducas  on 
the  throne  of  Constantinople.  This  usurpation  in- 
volved a  personal  disappointment  to  Guiscard,  since 
his  daughter  had  been  betrothed  at  a  tender  age 
to  Constantine,  Michael's  son  and  heir.  With  a 
powerful  force  he  attacked  Durazzo,^  on  the  coast 
of  lUyria.  While  Durazzo  was  thus  threatened,  Alex- 
ius applied  to  Henry,  congratulating  him  on  his  suc- 
cess in  a  pious  and  just  war,  complaining  that  his 
own  empire  was  disturbed  by  Guiscard,  and  asking 
his  alliance.  The  message  was  accompanied  with  a 
large  sum  of  money  and  valuable  presents,  with  a 
promise  of  more ;  and  Henry  at  once  formed  a  league 
with  Alexius  against  Guiscard.  His  motive  was 
twofold — he  needed  the  money,  and  the  prolongation 
of  the  war  in  the  East  would  keep  Guiscard  from 
coming  to  Gregory's  assistance. 

In  the  beginning  of  1082  Henry  again  appeared 
before  Rome  and  besieged  it  for  forty  days ;  but  the 
Leonina  held  out,  and  an  attempt  of  confederates 
within  the  walls  to  fire  the  buildings  adjoining  St. 
Peter's  failed.  After  capturing  some  friends  of  the 
Pope,  among  them  the  Bishops  of  Sutri  and  Ostia,  he 
sent  one  division  of  his  troops  to  Tivoli  and  another 
to  Tuscany,  where  he  again  endeavored  to  secure  the 

1  See  Gibbon,  "  Decline  and  Fall,"  chap.  Ivi. 


1 1  o  Age  of  Hildebra  nd, 

alliance  of  Mathilde,  who,  in  Guiscard's  absence,  ap- 
peared to  be  Gregory's  only  support  in  Italy.  Ma- 
thilde, however,  remained  firm.  Animated  by  the 
bishops  and  clergy  of  Gregory's  party,  she  fought, 
negotiated,  won  over  several  Italian  lords  by  means 
of  presents,  burned  the  castles  of  others,  and  sent 
sums  of  mone}^  to  Rome,  to  raise  which  she  did  not 
hesitate  to  despoil  the  church  at  Canosa  of  its  golden 
vases  and  silver  candelabra.  A  third  part  of  Henry's 
army  was  sent  to  Apulia  to  join  the  Norman  forces 
of  Jordan  of  Capua,  Guiscard's  nephew,  who  had 
pledged  his  services  to  the  German  King.  This  last 
movement  decided  Guiscard  to  return,  and  put  an 
end  to  Henry's  attempts  to  strengthen  himself  in 
southern  Italy. 

>-  Rome  itself  now  began  to  show  signs  of  discontent 
at  the  stubborn  resistance  of  Gregory.  An  assembly 
of  bishops,  abbots,  cardinals,  and  archpriests  was  held 
on  the  4th  of  May,  1082,  to  consider  whether  the 
church  treasures  could  be  applied  to  military  ex- 
penses. The  decision  was  "No!"  An  encyclical 
followed  from  Gregory,  addressed  to  all  Christendom, 
and  intended  to  stir  up  the  zeal  of  the  faithful  for  the 
restoration  of  the  church  to  her  former  glory.  By 
November  Henry  was  back  again  at  Rome.  Seven 
months  later  the  Milanese  troops  of  Tedaldo,  and  the 
Saxons  under  Wigbert  of  Thuringia,  scaled  the  walls, 
threw  down  the  sleepy  sentinels,  got  possession  of  a 
tower,  and  Henry's  soldiers  poured  into  the  Leonina. 
A  bloody  fight  raged  round  St.  Peter's.  The  ^o-\ 
mans  intrenched  themselves  in  the  portico,  but  were 
driven  out.     The  besiegers  endeavored   to  capture 


An  Orthodox  Abbot  among  Heretics.    1 1 1 

the  Pope,  but  he  escaped  to  St.  Angelo,  through  the 
loopholes  of  which  he  could  look  down  upon  the 
penitent  of  Canosa  with  the  antipope  at  his  side,  sur- 
rounded with  knights,  bishops,  and  Roman  nobles, 
and  moving  triumphantly  towards  St.  Peter's. 
.  Henry  thus  held  the  key  to  the  whole  city.  The 
people  were  growing  weary  of  the  siege,  and  provis- 
ions were  becoming  scarce.  He  endeavored  to  win 
over  the  Romans  by  a  public  appeal.  He  declared 
that  his  refusal  to  submit  to  the  Roman  Church  was 
Gregory's  own  fault.  Gregory  had  brought  the 
church  to  the  verge  of  destruction.  He  had  claimed 
that  he  was  subject  to  no  one's  judgment,  and  had 
forgotten  that  Christ  says,  '*  Whosoever  will  be  great 
among  you  shall  be  your  servant."  He  who  styles 
himself  "the  servant  of  servants"  must  not  subdue 
the  servants  of  God  by  force. 

At  this  juncture  ambassadors  from  Alexius  of 
Constantinople  arrived  to  demand  Henry's  promised 
expedition  into  Apulia,  where  Jordan  of  Capua  was 
now  fighting  the  returned  Guiscard.  Jordan  com- 
pelled Desiderius,  the  Abbot  of  Monte  Cassino,  to 
accompany  him  to  Rome  in  order  to  mediate  a  peace 
between  the  King  and  the  Pope.  He  rendered  hom- 
age to  Henry,  and,  upon  a  large  payment,  received 
Capua  as  an  imperial  fief;  though  the  brave  abbot 
assured  him  that  the  investiture  would  be  valid  only 
after  Henry  should  have  been  crowned  Emperor. 
At  Jordan's  request  the  King  confirmed  to  Desiderius 
the  possession  of  his  noble  abbey ;  but  the  orthodox 
abbot  writhed  under  the  necessity  which  detained 
him  for  days  in  such  a  nest  of  heretics  and  compelled 


112  Age  of  Hildebraiid. 

him  to  discuss  the  burning  questions  of  the  day  with 
the  "  Antichrist  "  Guibert. 

It  was  finally  agreed  by  the  representatives  of  the 
Romans,  the  Pope,  and  Henry,  that  the  Pope  should 
summon  in  November  a  synod  to  decide  upon  the 
King's  claims.  Henry  swore  to  prevent  no  bishop 
from  being  present ;  but  in  a  secret  article  the  Romans 
pledged  themselves  to  help  him  to  his  coronation 
within  a  given  time,  whether  Gregory  should  be  dead 
or  should  have  escaped.  In  the  former  case  a  new 
Pope  should  be  chosen,  who  would  crown  him,  and 
the  Roman  people  would  swear  fealty  to  him. 

At  this  synod  only  a  few  bishops,  mostly  from 
Lower  Italy,  appeared.  Those  who  had  committed 
themselves  to  Guibert  could  not  obey  Gregory's 
summons,  and  Henry,  in  violation  of  his  agreement, 
had  prevented  some  of  Gregory's  partisans  from  ap- 
proaching Rome.  Gregory  wished  to  renew  the  ban 
against  the  King,  but  was  restrained  by  the  synod 
and  obliged  to  content  himself  with  a  general  excom- 
munication of  those  who  had  hindered  the  prelates 
from  attending  the  council. 

But  Guiscard  had  finally  sent  a  supply  of  money, 
the  judicious  distribution  of  which  by  the  Pope  among 
the  Roman  nobility  quickly  changed  the  current  of 
affairs.  The  promise  of  Henry's  coronation  was 
evaded  by  the  miserable  subterfuge  that  they  had 
promised  that  the  Pope  should  give  the  crowu — not 
that  he  should  anoint  and  crown  the  King.  If  he 
should  be  truly  penitent — that  is  to  say,  if  he  would 
resign  his  authority  into  the  Pope's  hands — he  should 
receive  the  crown  with  the  Pope's  blessing;  if  not,  he 


A   Venal  and  Fickle  City.  113 

should  still  receive  the  crown  let  down  to  him  from 
St.  Angelo  at  the  end  of  a  rod.  Indeed,  it  was 
wholly  a  question  of  money.  The  Romans  were  for 
sale  to  the  highest  bidder,  and  if  Henry  had  had 
more  money  he  could  quickly  have  gained  possession 
of  the  city.  There  was  nothing  for  him  but  to  resume 
the  siege.  The  Romans  had  destroyed  the  fortress 
which  he  had  thrown  up  near  St.  Peter's.  He  made 
some  incursions  into  the  Campagna,  and  then  started 
upon  an  expedition  to  Apulia;  but  he  had  scarcely 
entered  the  Norman  territory  when  he  was  summoned 
back  to  Rome  by  the  news  that  the  city  had  again 
fallen  away  from  Gregory.  The  change  had  come 
through  the  people,  who  were  tired  of  the  conflict, 
rather  than  through  the  nobles.  The  Romans  had  ^ 
fought  for  the  Pope,  but  the  representative  of  the 
Prince  of  Peace  would  give  them  no  hope  of  peace. 

Henry  arrived  at  Rome  on  the  21st  of  March, 
1084,  accompanied  by  his  wife  and  several  German 
and  Italian  bishops  and  nobles.  Gregory  would 
sooner  die  than  yield  to  the  King.  He  still  held  St. 
Angelo,  a  great  part  of  the  nobility  adhered  to  him, 
and  the  stronger  positions  in  the  city  were  still  in  the 
power  of  his  partisans.  His  nephew,  Rusticus,  occu- 
pied the  Ccelian  and  the  Palatine,  the  Corsi  the  Cap- 
itol, and  the  Pierleoni  the  Tiber  Island.  Henry  sum- 
moned Gregory  before  a  parHament  of  the  Romans, 
the  nobles,  and  the  bishops  of  his  camp ;  and  on 
his  failure  to  appear  he  was  declared  deposed  and 
Guibert  was  acknowledged  as  Pope.  On  that  Palm 
Sunday  Gregory  might  see  Henry  and  Guibert  en- 
tering, through  the  Lateran  Gate,  into   St.  Peter's, 


114  Age  of  Hildebra nd. 

where  Guibert  was  enthroned  as  Clement  III.  At 
the  Easter  celebration  Guibert  crowned  Henry  and 
his  wife  with  the  imperial  diadem,  and  the  Romans 
conferred  on  him  the  patriciate. 

Making  the  Capitol  his  headquarters,  Henry  pro- 
ceeded to  storm  the  fortresses  of  Rome,  especially 
St.  Angelo,  while  Gregory's  messengers  hastened  to 
Guiscard  to  summon  him  to  the  rescue.  Guiscard 
resolved  to  comply,  since  he  knew  that  Gregory's 
fall  meant  the  turning  of  Henry's  arms  against  him- 
self. He  broke  camp  in  May  with  six  thousand 
horse  and  thirty  thousand  foot,  among  whom  were 
large  numbers  of  Saracens,  now  hastening  to  the 
succor  of  the  church  which  had  branded  and  fought 
them  as  infidels.  Henry's  force  had  been  weakened 
by  his  dismissal  of  the  greater  part  of  the  Lombard 
troops,  and  he  could  neither  resist  the  Normans  nor 
maintain  himself  in  the  city  against  the  fickle  Romans. 
Leaving  orders  for  the  demolition  of  the  towers  on 
the  Capitol  and  the  walls  of  the  Leonina,  he  withdrew 
to  Civita  Castellana.  Three  days  after  his  departure 
the  Norman  horsemen  were  thundering  at  the  Lat- 
eran  Gate. 

Guiscard,  uncertain  whether  Henry's  withdrawal 
was  not  a  ruse  to  fall  upon  his  rear,  remained  for 
three  days  encamped  before  the  city.  The  Romans 
kept  the  gates  closed.  Their  Emperor  had  forsaken 
them,  and  they  were  confronted  with  the  torments 
of  a  siege  by  the  Normans  and  the  ferocious  Sara- 
cens, whom  the  Pope  had  summoned.  On  the  even- 
ing of  the  28th  of  May  Guiscard's  troops  carried  the 
Tower  of  St.  Lorenzo  and  forced  an  entrance.     The 


\ 


Guiscard  Comes  to  Gregory  s  Relief.     115 

Romans  fought  desperately,  but  Guiscard  forced  his 
way  over  the  bridge  to  St.  Angelo,  freed  the  Pope, 
and  conducted  him  to   the  Lateran.     The  imperial 
party  rallied  and  threw  themselves  upon  the  invad- 
ers ;  but  Guiscard's  son,  Roger,  hastened  to  the  reHef 
of  his  father  with  a  thousand  horse,  and  Guiscard,  in 
order  to  save  himself,  caused  a  part  of  the  city  to  be 
set  on  fire.     The  days  of  Alaric  seemed  to  have  re- 
turned.      Rome    lay    sacked     and    in    ruins    before  I 
Gregory's  eyes.    The  burned  churches,  the  outraged  V 
maids  and  matrons,  the  corpses  of  the  Romans,  the  A 
bands  of  citizens  led  away  with  ropes  into  slavery, 
the    children   and   youth   sold    like    cattle,  cried   to    ^, 
Heaven  against  him.      Leo  the  Great  had  protected 
the  city  from  Attila,  and   had  mitigated  its  fate  at 
the  hands  of  Genseric ;  but  it  was  Gregory,  the  vice- 
gerent of  God  on  earth,  the  representative  of  Jesus 
Christ,  who  had  invited  to  their  hellish  work  those 
fiends  against  whom  he  had  launched  so  many  curses. 
It  is  open  to  doubt  whether  the  burning  of  Rome  in   1 
64  was  the  act  of  Nero ;  but  history  does  not  hesitate 
to  lay  the  burning  and   sack   of  Rome  in    1084  to 
Gregory  VII. 

The  Romans  were  compelled  to  renew  their  oath 
to  Gregory,  but  it  availed  Httle.  His  career  ended 
amid  the  ruin  and  misery  which  his  arrogance  and 
obstinacy  had  brought  upon  Rome.  Guiscard  took 
hostages  and  left  a  garrison  in  St.  Angelo,  and,  under 
the  escort  of  his  Norman  and  Saracen  friends,  Greg- 
ory left  Rome,  never  to  return,  and  went  to  Salerno. 

Here  he  uttered  once  more  the  now  impotent  ban 
against  Henry  and  Guibert,  and  issued  a  last  encycli- 


1 1 6  Age  of  Hilde brand. 

cal,  depicting  in  the  darkest  colors  the  condition  of 
the  church.  The  news  which  he  received  was  not  of 
a  character  to  raise  his  spirits.  Guibert  was  back  in 
Rome.  Henry  had  gone  to  Germany,  and  Gregory's 
most  faithful  partisans  there  had  been  deposed  and 
banished.  Mathilde  was  in  peril  in  Lombardy ;  he 
himself  was  separated  from  her,  in  a  strange  city, 
surrounded  by  the  Normans,  whom  he  had  so  often 
accused  of  gross  manners  and  rapacious  instincts. 
He  was  dependent  on  their  chief,  whom  he  could  not 
trust.  The  infirmities  of  age  were  upon  him,  and  he 
was  seized  with  a  fatal  sickness.  When  the  cardinals 
and  bishops  who  surrounded  his  couch  praised  him 
for  his  labors,  he  repHed,  '*  I  put  my  trust  only  in  this, 
that  I  have  loved  righteousness  and  hated  iniquity." 
When  they  expressed  their  fears  as  to  what  might 
befall  them  after  his  death,  he  said,  "  I  will  go  thither 
and  commend  you  with  earnest  prayer  to  the  God  of 
pity."  Being  asked  to  name  his  successor,  he  sug- 
gested three  names — Desiderius  of  Monte  Cassino, 
Otto  of  Ostia,  and  Hugo  of  Lyons.  In  reply  to  the 
question  whether  he  gave  remission  to  those  whom 
he  had  excommunicated,  he  declared  that,  with  the 
exception  of  Henry,  Guibert,  and  the  other  leaders 
of  the  uprising  against  him,  he  absolved  all  zvho  cer- 
tainly believed  that  he  possessed  tJie  poiver  of  the  apos- 
tolic prinees,  Peter  and  Paul  /  His  last  words  were, 
"  I  have  loved  righteousness  and  hated  iniquity." 
Did  he  believe  it?  It  is  not  for  us  to  say.  There  is 
no  delusion  like  moral  delusion.  If  he  was  sincere, 
we  can  only  pray  to  be  delivered  from  the  righteous- 
ness which  Hildebrand  loved. 


Gregory  Rests  at  Salerno.  1 1 7 


He  died  on  the  25th  of  May,  1085,  probably  over 
seventy  years  of  age.  He  had  occupied  the  papal 
chair  for  twelve  years  and  some  months.  He  was 
buried  at  Salerno,  in  the  church  of  St.  Matthew,  and 
a  sumptuous  chapel  was  erected  over  his  tomb  four 
centuries  later.  Rome  has  no  memorial  of  him  ex- 
cept a  single  inscription  on  a  stone  buried  in  the  wall 
of  a  chapel  in  Santa  Prudentiana.^ 

1  "  Tempore  Gregorii  Septeni  Praesulis  Almi 
Presbiter  Eximius  Praeclarus  Vir  Benedictus 
Moribus  Ecclesiam  Renovavit  Funditus  Istam.   ..." 

See  Gregorovius,  vol.  iv.,  p.  246,  note. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

CHARACTER  AND  POLICY  OF  GREGORY  YII. 

HE  severest  critic  of  Hildebrand  is  com- 
pelled to  concede  his  greatness.  He  was 
the  creator  of  the  political  Papacy  of  the 
middle  ages;  the  man  who  grasped  the 
opportunity  presented  by  the  political 
disintegration  of  Europe,  and  who  strove  to  realize, 
through  the  church  alone,  that  unity  which  the 
church  and  the  empire  together  had  accomplished, 
after  a  fashion,  in  former  days.  It  has  been  justly -1 
said  that  the  Gregorian  ideas  were  not  invented  nor 
first  propounded  by  Hildebrand ;  that  "  they  had 
been  long  before  a  part  of  mediaeval  Christianity,  in- 
terwoven with  its  most  vital  doctrines;  but  he  was 
the  first  who  dared  to  apply  them  to  the  world  as  he 
found  it.^  His  was  that  rarest  and  grandest  of  gifts, 
an  intellectual  courage  and  power  of  imaginative  be- 
lief which,  when  it  has  convinced  itself  of  aught, 
accepts  it  fully  with  all  its  consequences  and  shrinks 
not  from  acting  at  once  upon  it."  ^  No  one  before 
him  had  so  clearly  perceived  the  full  logical  conse- 
quences of  the  fundamental  and  universally  accepted 
positions   of  the   Roman   Church,   and   no   one   had 

1  Bryce,  "The  Holy  Roman  Empire,"  chap,  x.,  p.  i6o. 
ii8 


His  Principles  Included  his  Policy.     1 19 

made  the  attempt  on  such  a  scale  to  translate  the 
logic  into  fact  in  the  polity  of  the  church. 

Nature  endowed  him  with  an  indomitable  will,  a 
restless  energy,  a  dauntless  courage,  a  clear  percep- 
tion, an  imperious  temper,  an  instinct  of  leadership, 
and  an  intellect  of  superior  power  and  grasp.  His 
education  intensified  his  native  powers  by  narrowing 
their  range.  He  was  trained  to  rule  in  the  school  of 
implicit  obedience.  He  was  the  child  of  the  Roman 
Church,  inspired  from  childhood  with  the  highest 
ideas  of  its  prerogative,  and  reared  under  conditions 
which  developed  knowledge  of  men,  self-restraint, 
persistence,  and  diplomatic  subtlety.  The  discipline 
of  a  monk  taught  him  to  subordinate  all  personal 
affections,  opinions,  and  interests  to  the  one  object 
of  advancing  the  power  of  the  church.  He  rose  ^ 
above  the  moral  level  of  his  age  only  on  the  side  of 
the  grosser  vices.  He  was  untainted  with  the  licen- 
tiousness which  characterized  his  time  and,  to  a  large 
extent,  the  members  of  his  profession.  On  the  other 
hand,  his  ideals  of  veracity,  justice,  and  charity  were 
those  of  a  secular  mediaeval  despot.  If  it  be  deemed 
too  severe  to  say  that  in  him  principle  was  habitually 
subordinated  to  polic)^,  it  must  nevertheless  be  ad- 
mitted that  his  controlling  principle  included  most 
phases  of  policy.  No  conflict  between  principle  and 
policy  emerged  where  his  ecclesiastical  ideal  was  in  V 
question.  If  he  did  not  formally  adopt,  his  course 
nevertheless  ran  dangerously  close  to  the  edge  of 
the  principle  that  the  end  justifies  the  means. 

His  natural  disposition  was  stern  and  inflexible,  and 
his  bearing    haughty    and    insolent.     Those    tender 


I20  Age  of  Hilde brand. 

sensibilities  which  the  austerities  of  the  cloister  never 
stifled  in  Bernard  of  Clairvaux  had  no  place  in  Hilde- 
brand.  The  man  was  merged  in  the  ecclesiastic.  If 
he  ever  seemed  to  conciliate  or  yield,  it  was  only  the 
momentary  relaxation  of  the  hand  in  order  to  take  a 
firmer  grip.  Europe  was  a  chess-board  on  which  he 
played  kings,  knights,  and  bishops,  and  his  combi-T 
nations  and  moves  revealed  the  genius  of  a  statesman. 
In  the  execution  of  his  schemes,  his  prodigious  force 
of  will,  his  courage  which  rose  with  danger,  his  deft- 
ness in  handling  the  factors  of  his  complex  problems, 
the  momentum  under  which  he  drove  forward  to  his 
ends,  extort  admiration  from  those  who  most  severely 
censure  his  aims  and  methods. 

His  theocratic  conception  was  magnificent  though 
essentially  impracticable.  The  best  proof  of  its  im- 
practicableness  was  his  own  inability  to  realize  it. 
A  theorist  or  a  dreamer  might  have  evolved  it,  but 
only  the  audacity  of  genius  would  deliberately  have 
undertaken  to  carry  it  out.  Nor  were  the  results  of 
his  attempt  by  any  means  insignificant.  They  can- 
not be  better  stated  than  by  Sir  James  Stephen : 
"  He  found  the  Papacy  dependent  on  the  empire ;  he 
sustained  it  by  alliances  almost  commensurate  with 
the  Italian  peninsula.  He  found  the  Papacy  electoral 
by  the  Roman  people  and  clergy ;  he  left  it  electoral 
by  a  college  of  papal  nomination.  He  found  the 
Emperor  the  virtual  patron  of  the  Holy  See;  he 
wrested  that  power  from  his  hands.  He  found  the 
secular  clergy  the  allies  and  dependents  of  the  secular 
power ;  he  converted  them  into  the  inalienable  auxil- 
iaries of  his  own.     He  found  the  higher  ecclesiastics 


A  Fatal  Sincerity.  1 2 1 

in  servitude  to  the  temporal  sovereigns ;  he  delivered 
them  from  that  yoke  to  subjugate  them  to  the  Roman 
tiara.  He  found  the  patronage  of  the  church  the  mere 
desecrated  spoil  and  merchandise  of  princes ;  he  re- 
duced it  within  the  dominion  of  the  supreme  pontiff." 

He  was  a  politician  rather  than  a  theologian.  His  . 
type  of  Christianity  was  shaped  by  church  tradition 
and  not  by  the  New  Testament.  His  ecclesiastical 
claims  were  founded  largely  upon  the  fabled  Dona- 
tion of  Constantine  and  the  forged  Isidorian  Decretals. 
It  is  only  just  to  say  that  these  claims  were  made  for  * 
the  church  and  not  for  himself.  He  struck  at  real 
and  flagrant  abuses  in  the  church,  but  it  is  not  easy 
to  decide  whether  or  not  the  principal  motive  for 
these  attacks  lay  in  his  sense  of  the  moral  enormity 
of  simony  and  priestly  concubinage  and  marriage. 
Both  were  incompatible  with  his  ideal  of  a  centralized 
organization,  detached  from  all  social  ties,  and  wielded 
solely  in  the  interests  of  the  absolute  and  universal 
supremacy  of  the  Roman  see.  While  his  sincerity 
may  be  freely  conceded  and  due  allowance  made  for 
the  conditions  of  his  age  and  training,  it  is  also  to  be 
remembered  that  the  same  age  and  the  same  training 
produced  better  men  than  himself,  and  that  his  sin- 
cerity deluged  a  century  with  blood  and  tears.  With 
him  the  church  became  a  secular  power  which  could 
maintain  itself  in  the  competition  with  other  secular 
powers  only  by  the  employment  of  secular  methods. 
The  consequences  were  appalling,  and  did  not  cease 
with  his  death. ^ 

1  A  valuable  collection  of  modern  opinions  of  Hildebrand  is  con- 
tained in  the  forthcoming  volume  of  the  late  Dr.  Schaff's  "  History  of 


i 


1 2  2  Age  of  Hildebra  nd. 

Gregory's  policy  exhibits  a  development  and  en- 
"/largement  of  the  aims  of  his  predecessors.  The 
tendency  of  his  legislation  was  to  extend  the  power 
of  the  Papacy  over  the  bishops.  His  policy  may  be 
characterized  in  a  word  as  that  of  intense  centraliza- 
tion. He  aimed  especially  to  break  down  the  power 
of  the  metropolitans,  since  there  was  danger  of  the 
metropolitan  sees  assuming  the  character  of  provin- 
cial papacies.  He  arrogated  to  himself  the  right  to 
nominate  the  metropolitans,  and  also  the  ancient 
metropoHtan  rights  in  the  choice  of  bishops.  He  laid 
down  the  principle  that  only  the  Pope  or  his  legates 
could  depose  and  reinstate  bishops ;  and  by  confirm- 
ing the  general  right  of  appeal  to  Rome  he  interfered 
with  the  bishops'  power  of  judgment.  Great  stress 
was  laid  on  the  institution  of  legates,  who  were  em- 
powered to  call  synods,  carry  out  decrees,  exercise 
judgment  upon  refractory  bishops,  and  especially 
break  the  resistance  of  the  metropolitans.  These 
officials  travelled  from  place  to  place,  secure  of  the 
Pope's  support,  and  made  themselves  infamous  by 
their  extortions,  demanding  their  maintenance  from 
the  church,  and  receiving  it  according  to  an  arbitrary 
assessment.^ 

On  the  authority  of  the  Isidorian  Decretals,  Greg- 
ory also  struck  at  the  synods  of  the  larger  ecclesias- 
tical communities,  and,  with  these,  at  the  national  de- 
velopment of  the  church ;  claiming  that  every  synod 

the  Christian  Church."     I  am  under  obligation  to  his  son,  the  Rev. 
David  Schley  Scliaff,  for  furnishing  me  with  the  advance  sheets. 

1  Some  complaints  of  contemporaries  on  this  subject  may  be  found 
collected  in  Gieseler's  "  Ecclesiastical  History,"  H.  B.  Smith's  ed,, 
vol.  ii.,  p.  374. 


The  Pope  is  Lord  of  Kings  mid  Princes.  1 23 


required  papal  confirmation  to  make  its  decrees  valid. 
Church  property  was  to  be  entirely  freed  from  lay 
control.  Though  church  officers  received  their  tem- 
poral possessions  from  the  crown,  they  were  not  to 
receive  their  investiture  with  these  from  the  royal 
giver,  but  from  the  Pope.  This  is  the  capstone  of  his 
polity — the  centralization  of  all  church  property  in 
the  papal  see. 

The  empire  was  treated  as  a  fief  of  St.  Peter,  and 
the  right  of  confirming  or  rejecting  the  future  King  x/ 
was  demanded  of  the  German  princes  by  the  Pope ; 
while  of  the  King  himself  was  required  the  oath  of 
personal  homage  and  obedience  to  the  Pope  in  all 
things.  The  Emperor's  first  duty  was  the  service  of 
St.  Peter.  Besides  Germany,  Gregory  claimed,  on 
the  ground  of  the  Donation  of  Constantine,  Sardinia, 
Corsica,  a  great  part  of  Middle  Italy,  Spain,  Hungary, 
and  Saxony,  as  the  property  of  the  Roman  Church. 

■  He  demanded  the  oath  of  fealty  from  William  of 
England,  from  the  King  of  Denmark,  and  from  the 
Count  of  Provence,  and  assumed  the  authority  to 
make  the  Prince  of  Dalmatia  King.  Wherever  his 
claim  was  resisted,  he  urged  the  duty  of  princes  to 
obey  the  Pope  and  to  regard  themselves,  before  all, 
as  the  servants  of  the  church.  The  Pope  is  the  lord 
of  kingdoms  and  princedoms,  and  can  give  and  take 
them  at  his  pleasure.  Accordingly,  as  we  have  seen, 
he  threatened  Philip  of  France  with  deposition  and 
actually  deposed  Henry  IV. 

j^  His  policy  embraced  all  Christendom.  He  main- 
tained relations  with  Africa  and  Armenia,  and  the 
ulterior  purpose  of  the  crusades  was  the  subjection 


124  ^^^  of  Hilde brand, 

of  the  schismatic  Greek  Church  to  the  Roman  see. 
He  claimed  the  disposal  of  all  ecclesiastical  and  of  all 
secular  power.  He  claimed  the  right  to  judge  every 
one  and  to  be  judged  by  none ;  and  while  appeaHng 
for  the  justification  of  this  right  to  the  forged  Decre- 
tals, he  likewise  asserted  the  right  of  the  Pope  to 
create  new  privileges  as  circumstances  might  require. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

URBAN    II. — MATHILDE — CONRAD'S    TREACHERY — 
SYNOD    OF    PIACENZA — THE    FIRST    CRUSADE. 

REGORY  had  nominated  as  his  succes- 
sor, among  others,  Desiderius,  the  Abbot 
of  Monte  Cassino,  a  man  of  high  birth 
and  Hberal  education,  but  far  advanced 
in  years.  When  summoned  to  the  chair, 
Desiderius  manifested  the  greatest  reluctance.  His 
age  made  the  retirement  of  his  monastery  grateful, 
and  he  shrank  from  involving  himself,  especially  as 
a  leader,  in  the  formidable  complications  which  Greg- 
ory had  bequeathed  to  his  successor.  Guibert,  or 
Clement  III.,  was  acting  as  Pope  at  Ravenna.  De- 
siderius was  at  last  persuaded  to  go  to  Rome,  and 
after  many  remonstrances  and  refusals  was  inaugu- 
rated as  Victor  TIL,  on  the  9th  of  May,  1086.  He 
was  but  the  shadow  of  a  Pope.  The  single  year  of 
his  pontificate  was  largely  spent  in  journeys  between 
Rome  and  Monte  Cassino,  that  peaceful  and  beloved 
retreat  to  which  the  poor  old  man's  heart  was  always 
turning.  His  principal  and  almost  his  only  official 
act  was  to  anathematize  Guibert  at  a  council  in  Bene- 
vento,  after  which  he  hurried  back,  sick,  to  Monte 
Cassino,  and,  after  charging  the   bishops  and  pres- 

125 


126  Age  of  Hildeh'a nd. 

byters  who  were  present  to  choose  as  his  successor 
Otto  of  Ostia,  expired  on  the    i6th  of  September,/ 
1087. 

The  year  passed  without  a  Pope.  On  the  8th  of  , 
March,  1088,  the  council  assembled  and  elected  Otto 
of  Ostia  as  Urban  11.  He  was  a  Frenchman  from 
Chatillon,  near  Rheims,  and  had  been  reared  under 
the  monastic  discipline  of  Clugny.  He  was  an  ac- 
complished orator  and  diplomatist,  with  a  stronger 
understanding  than  Desiderius,  and  the  Gregorians 
thought  that  they  saw  in  him  one  who  would  carry 
out  Gregory's  policy,  as  he  publicly  announced  his 
intention  of  doing.  His  position  was  difficult.  In 
Germany,  Hermann,  after  his  overthrow  by  the  Em- 
peror, had  died  not  long  before  Urban's  accession, 
and  the  Saxons,  with  nearly  all  the  papal  bishops, 
were  inclining  to  Henry.  Conrad,  Henry's  son,  had 
been  for  nearly  a  year  in  Lombardy,  and  the  Emperor 
was  threatening  to  come  thither  himself,  to  destroy 
Mathilde  and  to  establish  Guibert  in  Rome.  Rome 
itself  was  a  scene  of  anarchy,  distracted  by  street 
fights,  baronial  tyranny,  and  the  misery  of  the  pov- 
erty-stricken populace. 

Urban,  after  spending  nearly  a  year  in  Sicily,  re- 
turned to  Rome  under  a  Norman  escort  and  took  up 
his  residence  on  the  Tiber  Island,  so  poor  that  the 
Roman  matrons  gave  him  alms.  Guibert  commanded  -^ 
the  greater  part  of  the  city.  Henry,  who  was  weary 
of  the  strife,  was  inclined  to  give  up  Guibert  (Clem- 
ent III.),  but  was  dissuaded  by  the  excommunicated 
bishops,  who  .stood  or  fell  with  the  antipope.  But 
Clement  could  not  long  maintain  himself  in  Rome, 


Mathilde  Marries  Welf  of  Bavaria.     1 2  7 

and  in  the  course  of  the  year  1089  he  was  expelled, 
and  required  to  swear  that  he  would  not  return. 

Urban  meanwhile  was  delighted  by  receiving  from 
Sancho  of  Aragon  submission  and  pledge  of  tribute, 
and  also  a  very  submissive  letter  from  the  French 
King.  Knowing  that  the  enfeebled  party  of  Mathilde 
was  inclined  to  come  to  terms  with  Henry,  he  con- 
ceived the  idea  of  bringing  about  her  marriage  with 
a  view  of  securing  thereby  a  helper  for  the  church. 
Accordingly,  Mathilde,  then  forty  years  old,  was  per- 
suaded to  give  her  hand  to  the  seventeen-year-old 
Duke  Welf  of  Bavaria.  This  alliance  so  strengthened 
the  papal  party  that  Henry  was  compelled  to  return 
to  Italy  in  the  spring  of  1090,  and  began  after  Easter 
the  siege  of  Mantua,  Mathilde's  stronghold.  Urban 
was  again  forced  to  quit  Rome  by  the  increasing 
power  of  the  imperial  party  and  the  defection  of 
the  Roman  people.  Henry's  advance  moved  them 
to  turn  again  to  their  Emperor,  and  in  1091  they 
possessed  themselves  of  St.  Angelo  and  called  back 
Clement. 

The  fall  of  Mantua  and  other  cities  in  that  same 
year,  the  discouragement  of  Mathilde's  party,  and 
the  defection  of  Rome  frightened  the  Gregorians. 
The  cunning  of  the  priests,  aided  by  the  greed  of  the 
elder  Welf  and  the  fanaticism  of  Mathilde,  framed  an 
infamous  plot  to  alienate  Henry's  eldest  son  from  his 
father.  Conrad  was  Henry's  representative  in  Italy. 
He  inherited  his  father's  vacillating  temperament 
without  his  passionate  energy,  was  attractive  in  per- 
son and  incUned  to  peaceful  pursuits.  Mathilde  and 
her  clergy  held  out  to  him  the  immediate  possession 


1 2  8  Age  of  Hildebra nd. 

of  the  kingdom  of  Italy ;  and  his  treachery  to  his 
father  was  explained  and  justified  by  a  hideous 
slander  to  the  effect  that  the  Emperor  had  attempted 
to  make  him  commit  incest  with  the  Empress.  Ma- 
thilde's  complicity  in  this  unnatural  act  is  a  blot  upon 
her  fame,  and,  with  her  absurd  marriage,  attests  the 
baneful  character  of  the  influences  invited  by  her  de- 
votion to  the  Gregorian  policy.  She  sent  Conrad  to 
the  Pope,  who  absolved  him  from  his  obligations  to 
his  father.  The  most  sacred  natural  ties  counted  for  >( 
nothing  against  papal  ambitions.  This  act  of  treach- 
ery was  followed  by  Milan's  defection  from  Henry, 
with  Lodi,  Piacenza,  and  Cremona.  The  four  cities 
concluded  a  twenty  years'  treaty  with  Mathilde  and 
her  husband,  and  Conrad  was  crowned  King  of  Italy 
at  Milan,  in  1093.  Henry  was  driven  to  desperation 
by  his  son's  ingratitude.  He  shut  himself  up  and 
seriously  meditated  suicide.^ 

Though  the  Guibertists  occupied  the  Lateran,  St. 
Angelo,  and  other  strong  points.  Urban  was  never- 
theless able  to  return  to  Rome  after  an  absence  of 
nearly  two  years.  His  condition  was  pitiable.  The 
Abbot  Godfrey  of  Vendome  sold  his  own  posses- 
sions and  furnished  him  with  money  with  which  he 
bribed  the  guardian  of  the  Lateran,  and  on  Easter, 
1094,  he,  for  the  first  time,  took  his  seat  on  the 
Lateran  throne.  It  is  a  sorry  spectacle — a  poor  old 
man,  who,  with  the  money  of  a  foreign  abbot,  has 
purchased  the  papal  residence,  looking  out  from  the 

1  See  his  piteous  letters  to  Louis  of  France  and  to  Abbot  Hugo  of 
Clugny,  in  Villemain,  "Histoire  de  Gr^goire  VII.,"  vol.  ii.,  pp.  390, 
399- 


The  Synod  of  Piacenza  and  Praxedis.  129 


desolate  Lateran  upon  the  ruined  churches  and  the 
silent,  filthy  streets  patrolled  by  assassins  and  vaga- 
bonds, and  the  Emperor  shut  up  in  a  Lombard  city 
and  contemplating  self-murder,  while  round  him  the 
provinces  are  being  desolated  with  fire  and  sword ; 
it  all  was  a  bitter  reminder  of  Hildebrand,  who  had 
'Moved  righteousness  and  hated  iniquity." 

On  the  1st  of  March,  1095,  Urban  held  the  great 
Synod  of  Piacenza,  at  which  four  thousand  clergy 
and  nearly  thirty  thousand  laymen  assembled.  The 
business  had  to  be  transacted  for  the  most  part  in  the 
open  air.  Here  appeared  Praxedis  or  Adelais  of 
Russia,  Henry's  second  wife,  and  shamelessly  detailed 
to  the  council  certain  alleged  monstrosities  of  the  Em- 
peror's domestic  life,  among  which  were  his  urging 
her  to  incest  with  Conrad,  and  compeUing  her  to  sub- 
mit to  promiscuous  violation  by  his  court  and  camp. 
Even  with  our  knowledge  of  the  license  of  that  age 
it  is  impossible  to  credit  a  bestiality  so  horrible. 
The  most  meagre  charity  is  content  to  ascribe  such  a 
story  to  diabolical  malice  voiced  by  an  infamous 
woman.  Not  so  the  papal  council.  Without  wait- 
ing for  any  defence  from  Henry,  the  charges  were 
indorsed  by  the  synod,  and  the  Empress  zvas  excused 
from  penitential  diseipline  as  an  unassenting  vietini ! 
With  their  holy  zeal  thus  kindled,  the  councillors 
were  now  prepared  to  give  a  warm  reception  to  the 
embassy  from  Constantinople,  which  presented  a  plea 
for  aid  against  the  Saracens.  Assurances  of  help 
were  given,  and  many  pledged  themselves  under 
oath. 

This  synod  struck  the  last  blow  at  Henry's  fame 


130  Age  of  Hildebrand. 

and  popularity.  Its  reception  of  the  charges  of 
Praxedis  almost  totally  ruined  the  imperial  party  in 
Lombardy.  Some  of  Henry's  most  faithful  partisans 
deserted  to  Conrad  and  Mathilde.  A  treaty  was 
concluded  between  Urban  and  Conrad,  according  to 
which  Conrad  guaranteed  to  the  Pope  personal  se- 
curity, papal  dignity,  and  the  prerogative  of  St.  Peter 
both  in  and  outside  of  Rome ;  while  the  Pope  adopted 
Conrad  as  the  son  of  the  Roman  Church,  agreed  to 
help  him  to  the  German  crown,  and,  on  his  arrival  at 
Rome,  to  crown  him  Emperor.  He  also  gave  his 
support  to  Conrad's  request  for  the  hand  of  the 
daughter  of  Roger  of  Sicily,  who  was  still  a  child. 

The  project  of  the  crusade  ripened  fast.  Latin 
Christendom  was  in  some  measure  prepared  for  this 
movement.  It  had  floated  through  the  mind  of 
Gregory  VII.,  though  his  immediate  object  was  not 
the  recovery  of  the  Holy  Land,  but  the  defence  of 
the  Greek  empire  against  the  Seljuks,  in  return  for 
which  it  was  to  render  submission  to  the  Pope.  Peter 
of  Amiens,  better  known  as  Peter  the  Hermit,  who 
had  himself  visited  Palestine  and  witnessed  the  suf- 
ferings of  the  Christians,  received  from  Urban,  on 
his  return  to  Rome,  permission  to  announce  the  full 
deliverance  of  Jerusalem.  He  traversed  Italy  and 
crossed  the  Alps,  barefoot  and  bareheaded,  riding 
upon  a  mule  and  bearing  a  crucifix,  and  preaching  in 
pulpits,  on  the  roads,  and  in  the  market-places.  His 
influence  was  extraordinary.  France  especially  was 
prepared  by  his  appeals  to  break  out  into  a  flame  of 
religious  zeal. 

From  the    i8th  to  the  28th  of  November,  1095, 


Urban  Preaches  the  Crusade.  1 3 1 


was  held  the  great  Synod   of   Clermont,  composed 
of  about  two  hundred  bishops  and  abbots,  mostly 
French,  but  with  a  sprinkling  of  Italians  and  Span- 
iards.    Urban  himself,   at  whose  side  stood  Peter, 
addressed  the  people  in  the  public  square,  and  de- 
picted impressively  the  atrocities  of  the  Saracens,  the 
downfall  of  the  Greek  empire,  and  the  defilement  of 
the   Holy  Sepulchre,  and  summoned  his  hearers  to 
enUst  for  the  work  of  rescue.      He  was  answered  by 
a  tremendous  shout,  "  Deus  vult!"  and  the  Pope  at 
once  declared  that  those  words  should  be  the  battle- 
cry  of  the  crusade.      Every  volunteer  must  first  re- 
ceive the  priestly  blessing,  and  then  fasten  the  cross 
upon  his  breast.     The  next  day   Urban   appointed 
Adhemar,  the  Bishop  of  Puy,  to  represent  him  in 
leading  the  crusade.     The  general   enthusiasm  was 
increased  by  the  announcement  that  Count  Raymond 
of  Toulouse,  with  his  entire  force,  had  taken  the  cross. 
The  call  to  the  crusade  did  not  receive  an  enthus- 
iastic response  in  Rome.     Little  zeal  was  evoked  for 
the  rescue  of  a  city  which  a  Roman  Emperor  had  once 
destroyed,  and  of  the  destruction  of  which  the  Romans 
were  daily  reminded  by  the  Arch  of  Titus  and  by 
the  despised  population  of  the  Ghetto.    The  Romans 
were  not  slow  to  perceive  that  the  crusade  would 
divert  funds  which  otherwise  would  come  to  Rome. 
To  the  Normans,  who  had  tried  their  spear-points  on 
the   Moslems  in   Sicily,  the   summons  was  welcome. 
Norman  Italy  ruled  the  first  crusade  through  Bohe- 
mond  and  Tancred.      Germany  was  cold,   and  was 
distracted,  besides,  by  its  own  civil  troubles.     The 
weakness  of  the  imperial  idea  was  disclosed  by  the 


132  Age  of  Hilde brand. 

failure  of  the  secular  head  of  Christendom  to  unfurl 
the  banner  of  the  crusade.  The  Papacy  assumed  the 
office  which  belonged  to  the  empire ;  and  as  the 
movement  which  united  Christendom  proceeded  from 
the  church,  it  proved  that  the  church  and  not  the 
empire  was  the  uniting  force  of  European  society. 
In  England  the  Normans  were  occupied  with  securing 
their  possessions,  and  Spain  was  busy  with  a  crusade  in 
her  own  kingdom.  The  romantic  narrative  of  this  ex- 
pedition belongs  to  another  volume  of  this  series. 

The  marriage  of  Mathilde  had  been,  as  every  one 
knew,  only  a  political  device.  Mathilde  did  not  want 
a  husband,  but  a  helper  in  the  fight  with  Henry. 
Welf,  on  the  other  hand,  who  wanted  to  possess  and 
govern  her  territories,  was  treated  by  her  as  a  pre- 
sumptuous boy.  The  fact  now  appeared,  which  had 
been  concealed  from  the  Welfs,  that  her  property 
was  already  formally  bequeathed  to  the  church  by 
the  deed  given  to  Gregory.  Welf,  after  the  Council 
of  Piacenza,  separated  from  Mathilde,  feeling  himself 
defrauded  in  his  bargain ;  and  the  sagacious  Urban 
lent  his  aid  to  the  separation  as  readily  as  he  had 
promoted  the  marriage,  since  he  had  reaped  the  ad- 
vantage of  the  alliance  and  was  now  glad  to  get  out 
of  the  way  any  pretender  to  Mathilde's  property. 
The  grounds  publicly  alleged  for  the  separation  were 
perhaps  better  suited  to  an  eleventh-century  audience 
than  to  decent  readers  of  the  present  day.  The  re- 
lations of  Welf  with  the  saintly  Mathilde  had  no 
doubt  been  of  a  platonic  character;  but  the  old  Welf 
was  ablaze  with  wrath  when  he  found  that  his  son 
had  been  used  only  as  a  papal  puppet,  and  that  the 


Praxedis  Ca'nonized.  133 

vast  estates  of  the  countess  were  out  of  his  reach. 
He  at  once  betook  himself  to  Henry,  his  excommun- 
icated enemy,  who  came  out  of  his  retirement,  while 
the  Welfs  hastened  to  Germany  to  strengthen  the 
imperial  party,  and  Henry  followed  them,  leaving 
northern  Italy  to  Mathilde. 

The  resistance  of  Clement's  partisans  at  Rome  was 
feeble,  and  Urban,  through  the  treachery  of  the 
garrison,  gained  possession  of  St.  Angelo,  and,  being 
thus  able  to  call  himself  master  of  Rome,  returned  to 
southern  Italy  to  strengthen  his  alliance  with  the 
Normans.  On  the  24th  of  April,  1099,  at  a  council 
in  St.  Peter's,  he  renewed  all  his  own  and  Gregory's 
decrees,  and  **  enthroned,"  to  use  his  own  term,  the 
vile  Praxedis,  who  had  ended  her  life  in  an  Italian 
cloister,  ordering  that  the  day  of  her  death  and  that 
of  her  canonization  should  both  be  celebrated  in 
future.  On  the  29th  of  July  he  died  at  Rome,  in  the 
castle  of  the  Pierleoni,  too  soon  to  rejoice  over  the 
capture  of  Jerusalem  by  the  crusaders.  He  lives  in 
history  as  the  inspirer  of  the  first  crusade.  He  had 
not  maintained  the  Papacy  at  the  high  level  of  the 
Gregorian  ideal.  While  fully  committed  to  Greg- 
ory's policy,  he  was  a  man  of  smaller  mould  than 
Hildebrand,  more  pliable,  and  more  cautious.  In  his 
effort  to  maintain  himself  against  Henry,  some  of  his 
measures  drew  upon  him  the  reproaches  of  the  strong 
Gregorians :  and  in  dogmatic  decisions,  in  which  he 
occasionally  contradicted  himself,  he  sometimes  made 
concessions  which  menaced  the  integrity  of  the  Gre- 
gorian system  and  arrayed  against  him  the  powerful 
party  of  Clugny. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

PASCHAL  II. — DEATH   OF   HENRY  IV. — HENRY  V. — 
THE    INVESTITURE    CONTEST. 

HE  line  of  the  history  for  the  next  twenty- 
three  years  is  woven  of  many  strands, 
but  one  thread  runs  continuously  through 
the  whole — the  investiture  contest.  The 
beginning  of  this  fight  was  the  famous 
decree  of  the  synod  of  1075,  afterwards  ratified  by 
Urban  in  1099. 

The  Papacy  remained  in  the  hands  of  the  Gregor- 
ians.  Rainer,  a  monk  of  Clugny  and  Abbot  of  St. 
Laurentius,  was  installed  on  the  14th  of  August, 
1099,  as  Paschal  II.  Clement  did  not  hesitate  to 
renew  the  struggle  with  him,  but  the  struggle  was 
brief.  Paschal's  first  act  was  to  drive  him,  with 
the  aid  of  Count  Roger,  out  of  Albano,  where  he 
had  put  himself  under  the  protection  of  the  Cam- 
pagna  counts.  He  retired  to  Civita  Castellana,  and 
suddenly  died  there  in  the  autumn  of  11 00.  As  his 
followers  boasted  of  the  numerous  miracles  wrought 
at  his  tomb  in  Ravenna,  Paschal  caused  his  corpse  to 
be  exhumed  and  thrown  into  the  river.  The  Pope 
had  already  interested  himself  in  the  crusade,  issuing 
a  call  to  the  bishops  and  abbots  of  France  to  send 

134 


A 71  Aiitipope  on  Horseback,  135 


troops  to  the  East ;  and  on  hearing  of  the  capture  of 
Jerusalem  he  addressed  a  congratulatory  letter  to  the 
crusaders,  expressing  his  joy  at  the  discovery  of  the 
holy  lance  and  of  a  portion  of  the  cross.  In  his 
summons  to  France  he  declared  the  object  of  the 
crusade  to  be  to  bring  the  Eastern  Church  "  into  the 
condition  in  which  it  ought  to  be  " ;  and  in  his  letter 
to  the  crusaders  he  again  voices  Gregory's  idea  of 
the  chief  object  of  a  crusade — to  subject  the  Eastern 
Church  to  Rome — since  he  commands  obedience  to 
his  legate,  **  in  order  to  regulate  everything  in  the 
church,  delivered  from  the  Saracens,  according  to  the 
canons." 

The  Guibertists  took  advantage  of  his  absence  in 
Melfi,  at  his  first  synod,  to  set  up  a  new  antipope, 
Theodoric  of  St.  Rufina,  who  was  enthroned  by  night 
in  St.  Peter's,  but  never  enjoyed  his  new  dignity, 
since  he  was  at  once  compelled  to  flee,  and  was  soon 
after  arrested  and  imprisoned.  The  irrepressible 
Guibertists  immediately  elected  another  Pope,  Albert 
of  Sabina,  whose  term  of  office  was  a  trifle  longer 
than  his  predecessor's,  and  who  enjoyed  besides  the 
honor  of  a  public  appearance  in  Rome.  Paschal's 
followers  stripped  him  of  his  pallium  and  led  him 
through  the  streets  seated  on  a  horse  with  his  face  to 
the  tail. 

The  efforts  to  establish  the  papal  supremacy  in 
England  have  already  been  noticed.  The  Norman 
kings  did  not  prove  to  be  docile  subjects  of  the  Pope. 
Lanfranc,  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  had  recog- 
nized the  sovereign's  right  of  investiture,  and  Gregory 
VII.  had  not  ventured  beyond  threats  to  William  I. 


6  A^r  of  Hildebrand, 


William  Rufus  maintained  the  right  of  royal  investi- 
ture, and  after  a  long  delay  selected  Angelm  for  the 
chair  of  Canterbury,  made  vacant  by  the  death  of 
Lanfranc.  Anselm,  who  belonged  to  the  Gregorian 
party,  at  first  refused  the  honor,  but  finally  consented 
on  condition  that  he  should  be  recognized  by  Urban, 
and  asked  permission  to  go  to  Rome  and  receive  the 
pallium  ^  from  him.  William  refused  on  the  ground 
that  England  was  still  undecided  between  Urban  and 
Clement,  but  sent  privately  to  Rome  and  obtained 
the  pallium  for  Anselm,  which  w^as  brought  to  Eng- 
land by  a  papal  legate,  and  Urban  was  acknowledged. 
But  a  new  quarrel  soon  broke  out,  which  resulted  in 
Anselm's  exile.  He  retired  to  Rome  and  was  honor- 
ably received  by  Urban  as  a  martyr  to  the  cause  of 
religion,  though  neither  Urban  nor  Paschal  ventured 
upon  strong  measures  against  the  King.  Anselm, 
during  his  residence  at  Rome,  became  strongly  im- 
bued with  the  Gregorian  ideas  concerning  investiture. 
On  his  return  to  England  under  Henry  I.,  trouble 
broke  out  again.  Henry  urged  him  to  receive  the 
archbishopric  of  Canterbury  again  by  royal  investi- 
ture ;  but  Anselm  was  under  instructions  from  Rome 
to  carry  out  the  decrees  of  1099  in  England,  where 
they  had  been  ungraciously  received.  His  attempt 
to  enforce  them  was  met  by  the  opposition  and 
threats  of  King,  priests,  bishops,  and  clergy.      Refus- 

1  The  pallium  was  a  white  woollen  scarf  of  a  handbreadth,  adorned 
with  six  black  crosses,  and  worn  by  the  highest  dignitaries  of  the 
church  on  the  most  solemn  occasions.  From  the  sixth  century  the 
popes  claimed  that  every  metropolitan  or  archbishop  must  obtain 
the  pallium  from  Rome,  before  which  he  was  not  in  possession  of 
his  title  of  archbishop  or  of  his  full  authority. 


Peace  in  Germany.  137 

ing  to  receive  the  see  of  Canterbury  by  royal  investi- 
ture, the  King  finally  requested  him  to  go  himself  to 
Rome  and  ask  for  his  sovereign  the  privilege  of  in- 
vestiture, threatening  that  England  would  break  with 
Rome  if  the  request  should  be  refused.  He  then 
purposely  delayed  Anselm's  return.  Anselm  had 
secretly  given  instructions  that  such  a  permission,  if 
granted,  should  not  come  into  the  hands  of  the  papal 
legate  in  England ;  but  Paschal  refused.  **  The  King," 
he  said,  ''  wants  to  appoint  bishops  himself ;  but  a 
man  cannot  make  a  god,  and  priests  are  called  in 
Scripture  representatives  of  God." 

Henry  IV.,  as  we  have  seen,  had  returned  to  Ger- 
many in  1097.  His  presence  created  a  revolution 
in  his  favor;  and  at  a  diet  at  Mainz  he  took  the 
opportunity  to  urge  the  princes  and  bishops  to  pass 
over  the  succession  of  his  ungrateful  son  Conrad,  and 
devolve  it  on  his  second  son  Henry.  This  was  done 
about  a  year  later  at  the  Diet  of  Cologne,  and  Henry 
was  anointed  at  Aix-la-Chapelle,  under  oath  that, 
during  his  father's  life  and  without  his  permission,  he 
would  neither  claim  the  government  of  the  empire 
nor  even  of  the  patrimonial  territories.  All  fear  of 
a  contention  between  the  brothers  was  removed  by 
the  death  of  Conrad  at  Florence  in  July,  iioi,  de- 
spised and  forsaken.  A  season  of  peace  seemed  to 
be  dawning  for  Henry.  The  princes  of  Saxony, 
Bohemia,  and  other  parts  of  Germany  attached  them- 
selves to  him ;  reHgious  animosities  abated,  and  even 
ecclesiastics  of  the  papal  party  accepted  promotions 
at  his  hands.  He  proclaimed  a  peace  of  four  years, 
exacting  of  the  princes  a  solemn  oath  to  maintain  it 


138  Age  of  Hildebra7id. 

under  the  heaviest  penalties.  Commerce  and  agri- 
culture revived,  and  all  clashes  and  conditions  rejoiced 
and  throve  in  the  genial  atmosphere  of  peace. 

But  the  excommunication  was  still  in  force,  and 
Henry  desired  to  be  reconciled  to  the  church.  The 
death  of  Guibert  had  afforded  an  opportunity  for  an 
adjustment  with  Paschal  on  more  favorable  terms, 
but  Henry  had  not  availed  himself  of  it.  He  was 
urged,  and  possibly  was  disposed,  to  recognize  Pas- 
chal, and  proposed  to  visit  Rome  and  submit  the  dis- 
pute to  a  general  council ;  but  this  design  was  not 
carried  out,  and  at  a  synod  of  Italian  and  foreign 
bishops  in  March,  1 102,  Paschal  renewed  the  excom- 
munication in  the  following  terms:  "Because  the 
King  Henry  has  never  ceased  to  rend  the  vesture  of 
Christ — that  is,  to  lay  waste  the  church  by  plunder 
and  conflagration,  to  defile  it  by  his  sensualities,  his 
perjuries,  and  his  homicides — and  hath,  therefore, 
first  by  Pope  Gregory  of  blessed  memory,  afterwards 
by  the  most  holy  Urban,  my  predecessor,  on  account 
of  his  contumacy,  been  excommunicated  and  con- 
demned, we  also,  in  this  our  synod,  by  the  judgment 
of  the  whole  church,  deliver  him  up  to  a  perpetual 
anathema." 

This  act  did  not  immediately  affect  Henry's  rela- 
tions to  Germany,  nor  provoke  him  to  hostilities. 
He  seems  not  to  have  abandoned  the  hope  of  recon- 
ciliation with  the  Pope,  and  publicly  announced  his 
intention,  as  soon  as  that  should  have  been  effected, 
to  make  over  the  empire  to  young  Henry  and  to  go 
on  a  cru.sade  to  Palestine. 

That  passive  submission  to  papal  claims  was  not 


The  Liegers  speak  Their  Mind.       139 

universal  may  be  seen  from  the  Pope's  experience  in 
Belgium.  In  January,  1102,  he  issued  a  summons 
to  Count  Robert  of  Flanders,  just  returned  from 
Jerusalem,  to  oppose  the  adherents  of  Henry  in 
Liege,  and  to  follow  up  Henry  himself,  **  that  chief 
of  heretics,"  with  all  his  might.  He  could  offer  no 
more  acceptable  sacrifice  to  God  than  to  fight  him 
who  would  assume  the  sovereignty  of  the  church  and 
introduce  simony.  The  Liegers  replied  that,  with  all 
respect  to  the  papal  authority,  they  were  inclined  to 
found  their  right  against  the  Pope  on  the  ancient 
episcopal  constitution.  ''  According  to  the  ancient 
tradition,"  they  said,  ''  we  have  our  bishop,  arch- 
bishop, and  provincial  synod;  and  whatever  is  de- 
cided at  this  synod  according  to  Holy  Scripture  is 
not  to  be  referred  to  Rome.  Such  reference  is  proper 
only  in  weightier  matters  on  which  Scripture  does 
not  pronounce.  We  reject  those  Roman  legates  who 
run  about  only  to  enrich  themselves.  They  may  be 
known  by  their  fruits,  which  are  not  improvement  of 
life  and  morals,  but  murder  and  sacrilege.  We  are 
excommunicated  because  we  hold  by  the  old  rules 
and  are  not  carried  about  by  every  wind  of  teaching." 
They  go  on  to  recall  the  atrocities  which,  from  Sil- 
vester to  Gregory  VH.,  have  resulted  from  the 
avarice  of  the  Roman  see,  and  how  the  imperial 
power  has  proved  mightier  than  the  bans  of  the  last 
three  popes.  They  appeal  to  Gregory  the  Great,  ac- 
cording to  whom  only  secular  princes  are  to  bear  the 
sword,  even  against  heretics.  Hildebrand  had  been  the 
first  to  lift  himself  against  the  royal  crown  and  to  gird 
himself  with  the  sword  of  war  against  the  Emperor. 


140  Age  of  Hildebrand. 

Henry  I.  of  England  was  not  satisfied  with  the 
Pope's  answer  on  the  investiture  question.  He  de- 
clared that  he  would  lay  Anselm  under  royal  ban  if 
he  should  refuse  to  consecrate  bishops  or  abbots 
nominated  by  himself.  Another  embassy  to  the 
Pope  was  equally  unsuccessful.  The  Pope  exhorted 
Anselm  to  stand  firm,  confirmed  him  in  the  primacy 
of  England,  and  thus  made  him  responsible,  not  to 
the  legate,  but  only  to  the  Roman  see  itself.  He 
informed  him  that  at  the  late  Lateran  synod  he  had 
emphasized  the  decree  that  no  cleric  is  to  be  the 
vassal  of  a  layman  or  to  receive  from  a  lay  hand  a 
church  or  church  property.  The  Pope  sought  to 
appease  Henry  by  ascribing  to  him  personally  a  most 
compliant  disposition  towards  the  see,  and  his  resist- 
ance to  the  curia  to  the  influence  of  evil  advisers. 
He  praised  him  for  his  respect  to  the  clergy,  and 
would  only  warn  him  against  those  who  would  per- 
suade him  to  the  act  of  investiture. 

At  Benevento,  in  August,  the  Pope  was  visited  by 
an  English  commissioner  with  the  report  that  Henry's 
commissioners  to  Rome  had  announced  that  Paschal 
had  orally  confirmed  Henry's  investitures.  As  this 
statement  had  been  contradicted  by  Anselm's  com- 
missioners, a  new  delegation  had  been  sent  to  ascer- 
tain the  facts.  The  Pope  roundly  denied  the  report, 
and  banned  the  commissioners  who  had  announced 
it,  and  all  who,  by  reason  of  it,  had  given  or  received 
investiture  or  consecration.  In  the  spring  of  1103 
Henry  again  sent  Anselm  to  Rome  with  his  decided 
refusal  to  renounce  investiture,  even  if  it  should  cost 
him  his  crown.      Paschal  replied  that  he  would  not 


A  nother  A  ntipope.  141 

grant  it,  if  it  should  cost  him  his  head,  and  forbade 
Anselm  all  intercourse  with  those  invested  by  the 
King.  The  question  came  up  again  at  the  Lateran 
synod  of  1105,  but  without  any  result  beyond  the 
excommunication  of  the  King's  counsellors,  and  of  all 
who  had  allowed  themselves  to  be  invested  by  him. 
Paschal's  attention  was  now  occupied  by  a  contest 
nearer  home.  The  family  of  Colonna  possessed  a 
castle  among  the  Latian  hills,  which  overhung  the 
Labican  road  five  miles  from  Tusculum,  together 
with  the  villages  of  Monte  Porzio  and  Zagorolo. 
Peter  Colonna  was  a  nephew  of  Benedict  IX.  These 
places  were  papal  territory,  and  Paschal  was  determ- 
ined to  maintain  his  right  over  them.  He  was  op- 
posed in  Rome  by  the  Corsi,  whose  stronghold  was 
on  the  Capitol.  When  Paschal  caused  their  fortifi- 
cations to  be  destroyed,  Stephen  Corso  obtained 
possession  of  a  fortress  near  St.  Paul's,  and  from  this 
carried  on  marauding  expeditions  against  Rome. 
Being  at  last  driven  out,  he  intrenched  himself  in  the 
Maritima,  where  he  seized  some  papal  towns.  This 
uprising  of  the  Corsi  was  connected  with  a  third  at- 
tempt of  the  imperialists  to  install  an  antipope.  The 
Corsi  selected  for  this  purpose  one  Maginolf,  and 
elected  him  on  the  i8th  of  November  as  Silvester 
IV.  For  their  support  they  had  summoned  to  the 
city  Werner  of  Ancona,  a  Suabian  who  had  served 
under  Leo  IX.  in  his  disastrous  Norman  expedition. 
Paschal  took  refuge  in  the  Tiber  Island.  He  could 
not  prevent  Maginolf 's  enthronement  in  the  Lateran ; 
but  Maginolf  had  no  money,  and  in  a  few  days  was 
obliged  to  leave  the  city  and   to  betake  himself  to 


142  Age  of  Hildebrand, 

Werner's  camp  at  Tivoli.  Paschal  returned  to  the 
Lateran,  but  found  his  condition  intolerable.  Only 
a  part  of  the  nobihty  was  on  his  side,  and  he  finally 
abandoned  the  city  and  put  himself  under  the  pro- 
tection of  Mathilde,  in  order  to  call  a  council. 

The  downfall  of  Henry  IV.  was  now  close  at  hand. 
At  the  end  of  the  year  1104  he  was  compelled  a 
second  time  to  mourn  the  treachery  of  a  son.  Ac- 
companied by  young  Henry,  he  had  set  out  upon  a 
military  expedition  and  had  reached  Fritzlar,  when 
the  prince  suddenly  left  his  father's  camp  and  went 
to  Ratisbon,  where  he  was  joined  by  many  of  the 
younger  nobles  and  princes  and  raised  the  standard 
of  revolt.  The  movement  was  instigated  by  the 
older  papal  nobles  of  the  Emperor's  court ;  and  the 
reason  assigned  for  it  was  his  excommunication. 
Young  Henry  applied  to  the  Pope  to  be  released 
from  the  oath  given  to  his  father  at  his  coronation. 
Paschal  promised  him  divine  pardon  on  condition  of  his 
fideUty  to  the  Roman  Church,  and  released  him  from 
the  ban  incurred  by  intercourse  with  his  excommuni- 
cated father,  blasphemously  ascribing  the  breach  be- 
tween the  father  and  the  son  to  the  inspiration  of  God. 
By  this  alliance  with  the  Pope  Henry  soon  gained 
a  powerful  following.  He  rejected  all  overtures  from 
his  father  on  the  ground  that  he  was  still  under  ban, 
and  finally  had  him  imprisoned  at  Bechelheim,  near 
Kreuznach.  Here  the  Emperor  was  treated  with 
neglect  and  cruelty  until  he  was  taken  to  Ingelheim,  to 
a  diet  composed. wholly  of  his  enemies,  where,  under 
the  alternative  of  perpetual  imprisonment,  he  resigned 
his  crown,  his  castles,  his  treasures,  and  his  patrimony. 


Papal  Spite  Vented  o?i  the  Dead.       143 

The  diet  adjourned  to  Mainz  and  elected  and  invested 
Henry  V.  as  King. 

The  EngHsh  investiture  question  emerged  again  at 
the  beginning  of  1 106,  and  was  finally  decided.  The 
demands  of  the  King  were  now  supported  by  both 
Anselm  and  Hugo  of  Lyons.  Paschal,  beset  on  all 
sides,  and  having  his  eye  upon  Germany,  yielded. 
Anselm's  support  had  been  gained  by  the  King's 
withdrawal  of  a  part  of  his  claims,  while  Paschal  also 
made  concessions.  Henry  surrendered  the  right  of 
investing  with  ring  and  staff,  and  Paschal  consented 
that  the  bishops  should  do-  homage  to  the  King  for 
their  temporal  properties  and  privileges.  The  King 
thus  renounced  the  claim  to  confer  the  spiritual  office, 
while  the  temporal  allegiance  of  the  prelates  was 
secured  by  their  homage  to  the  crown.  The  strug- 
gle resulted  essentially  to  the  King's  advantage,  since, 
by  dispensing  with  the  form  of  granting  the  ring  and 
staff,  he  retained  the  power  of  nomination  to  the 
wealthy  ecclesiastical  positions  of  the  realm. 

On  the  7th  of  August,  1 106,  Henry  IV.  closed  his 
sorrowful  life  after  a  reign  of  nearly  fifty  years. 
Papal  malignity  vented  its  impotent  spite  upon  the 
dead.  The  dying  request  of  the  aged  Emperor  to  be 
buried  with  his  ancestors  in  the  cathedral  of  Spires 
was  refused.  His  body  was  conveyed  to  the  church 
of  St.  Lambert  in  Liege,  and  buried ;  but  the  Bishop 
Othbert  was  compelled  to  disinter  it,  and  it  was  laid 
in  an  unconsecrated  building  on  an  island  in  the 
Moselle,  where  a  single  monk  chanted  psalms  beside 
it.  Finally,  by  Henry's  permission,  it  was  removed 
to  the  cathedral  at  Spires ;  but  the  bishop,  fired  with 


144  ^i^  of  Hildebrand, 

saintly  indignation,  imposed  penance  upon  those  who 
joined  in  the  funeral  procession,  and  had  the  body 
placed  in  an  unconsecrated  chapel.  Five  years 
elapsed  before  the  Emperor  was  permitted  to  rest  in 
the  cathedral  vault  with  his  kindred. 

The  investiture  question  was  now  revived  in  Ger- 
many by  Henry  V.  At  the  beginning  of  1107  Pas- 
chal received  at  Chalons  commissioners  from  the 
German  King,  with  Archbishop  Benno,  of  Treves,  as 
their  speaker.  The  archbishop  in  his  address  assumed 
that,  as  an  ancient  right,  the  choice  of  bishops  must 
be  ratified  by  the  Emperor,  the  clergy,  and  the  peo- 
ple, and  that  the  person  elected  must  be  invested 
with  ring  and  staff  by  the  Emperor,  to  whom  he  must 
then  swear  fealty.  The  Emperor  is  entitled  to  this 
because  the  temporal  privileges  connected  with  the 
episcopal  chairs  can  be  granted  by  him  alone.  The 
answer  was  the  old  commonplace  that  thus  the  church 
becomes  the  King's  servant ;  that  ring  and  staff  belong 
to  the  altar ;  that  the  holy  consecration  is  invalidated 
by  the  subordination  of  clerical  hands  to  the  blood- 
stained hands  of  laymen.  The  commissioners  replied 
that  the  matter  would  be  decided  in  Rome,  and  no 
doubt  with  the  sword.  Paschal  quashed  the  discus- 
sion, and  went  to  Troyes  to  open  a  great  synod  on 
the  23d  of  May. 

Here  the  German  King's  claim  to  the  right  of  in- 
vestiture was  discussed.  The  King's  commissioners 
claimed  that  the  privilege  of  nominating  bishops  had 
been  granted  by  the  Pope  to  Charlemagne,  and  pro- 
tested against  the  adjudication  of  the  German  King's 
rights   in  a  foreign   country.     A   year's   delay  was 


Henry  V,  Marches  into  Italy,  145 

granted,  to  allow  the  King  to  appear  at  Rome,  and 
the  synod  ordained  the  deposition  of  those  invested 
by  the  laity  and  of  those  who  had  consecrated  them. 
Henry's  request  for  the  imperial  crown  called  forth 
from  Paschal  another  prohibition  of  lay  investiture, 
and  of  the  conferring  of  church  property  by  laymen, 
at  the  synod  of  March,  1 1 10.     Henry,  at  the  Diet  of 
Ratisbon  a  little   later,   announced   his   intention  of 
going  to  Rome  to  receive  the  imperial  crown,  to  es- 
tablish order  in  Italy,  and  to  take  measures  for  the 
protection  of  the  church  in  obedience  to  the  Pope. 
He  waited  only  to  celebrate  his  betrothal  to  Matilda, 
the  infant  daughter  of  Henry  I.  of  England,  and  then 
set  out  for  Rome  with  thirty  thousand  knights  and  a 
body  of  the  most  learned  transalpine  scholars.     The 
cities  of  Lombardy  looked  with  hatred  on  the  foreign 
host.      Novara  resisted  and  was  laid  in  ashes,  while 
the  other  cities,  with  the  exception  of  Milan,  appalled 
by  this  fearful  example,  hastened  to  send  contribu- 
tions of  money  to  the  King.     The  united  forces  as- 
sembled at  Roncaglia,  near  Piacenza.     Even  Mathilde 
was  too  politic  to  ofTend  an  Emperor  backed  by  such 
an  army.      She  did  not  appear  before  him,  but  re- 
mained   at    Canosa,    and    communicated    with    him 
through    commissioners.      She    swore    allegiance    to 
him,  and  promised  fealty  against  all  enemies  but  the 
Pope,  in  return  for  which  Henry  confirmed  her  in  all 
her  possessions  and  privileges.    The  army  advanced, 
suffering  heavy  losses  from  the  rains  in  the  Apennine 
passes.     Pontremoli    suffered    the    fate    of   Novara. 
Henry  kept  Christmas  at  Florence,  compelled  Pisa 
and  Lucca  to  conclude  a  treaty  of  peace,  and  levelled 


146  Age  of  Hildebrand. 

the  fortifications  of  Arezzo  and  destroyed  a  great 
part  of  the  city  itself. 

The  Pope  was  in  sev^ere  straits.  He  had  no  longer 
to  deal  with  an  aged  and  wearied  monarch  with  his 
own  realm  in  arms  against  him,  but  with  a  young 
and  vigorous  prince,  who,  with  far  greater  force  of 
will,  inherited  his  father's  craftiness ;  with  a  burning 
ambition,  a  recognized  authority  over  the  nobles  of 
his  land,  an  empire  far  more  formidable  than  in 
Hildebrand's  day,  and  a  determination  to  enforce  the 
rights  of  the  crown,  which,  as  his  father's  fate  had 
shown  him,  was  the  sole  condition  of  the  continued 
existence  of  his  empire.  He  was  resolved  to  main- 
tain w^ith  the  sword  the  right  of  investiture,  and  to 
demolish  the  pretentious  structure  of  Gregory  VH. 
Paschal's  condition  w^as  worse  than  Gregory's,  for  the 
Normans  were  embarrassed  by  internal  weakness, 
Mathilde  was  old  and  neutral,  the  religious  passions 
were  chilled,  and  Christendom  was  longing  for  the 
settlement  of  the  dispute  on  any  terms. 

The  issue  was  sharp.  Henry  stood  by  the  right 
of  investiture,  and  the  Pope  by  the  deliverances  of 
his  predecessors,  which  he  himself  had  solemnly  con- 
firmed. The  solution  was  simple  enough  if  the 
church  would  only  adopt  it.  The  knot  of  the  case 
lay  in  the  temporal  possessions  of  the  clergy,  by 
which  they  were  continually  embroiled  in  secular 
strifes  and  compelled  to  assume  the  prerogatives  of 
secular  powers.  Because  of  their  vast  territorial  do- 
mains, bishops  and  abbots  were  constantly  under  the 
necessity  of  attending  civil  courts,  and  even  of  engag- 
ing in  military  service.     The  bishops  had  only  to 


A  Great  Papal  Concession.  147 

renounce  this  secular  power  and  position  and  to  re- 
turn to  their  purely  ecclesiastical  estate  and  functions. 
The  church  had  only  to  agree  to  be  content  with  such 
revenue  as  was  derived  from  tithes  and  offerings. 
From  that  moment  the  strife  would  cease ;  the  con- 
secration of  bishops  would  be  the  prerogative  of  the 
church,  with  which  the  state  would  have  no  right 
to  interfere.  The  clergy  once  desecularized,  the  in- 
terference of  the  secular  power  with  church  affairs 
would  be  a  palpable  invasion  of  ecclesiastical  right. 

It  was  a  tremendous  concession,  but  it  was  de- 
manded of  a  helpless  Pope,  and  the  demand  was 
backed  by  an  army  which  could  not  be  safely  trifled 
with.  Paschal  acquiesced  and  proposed  the  following 
basis :  The  bishops  should  surrender  to  the  empire  all 
the  possessions  and  royalties  which  they  had  received 
of  the  empire  and  of  the  kingdom  of  Italy  from  the 
days  of  Charlemagne,  Louis  the  Pious,  and  Henry 
I. — all  the  cities,  duchies,  marquisates,  countships, 
rights  of  coinage,  customs,  tolls,  rights  of  raising 
troops,  all  castles  and  courts.  The  church  should 
henceforth  live  by  its  tithes.  The  King,  on  his  part, 
should  surrender  the  right  of  investiture.  The  King 
was  to  guarantee  to  the  Roman  see  all  its  possessions, 
the  patrimony  of  St.  Peter  as  granted  by  Pepin, 
Charlemagne,  and  Louis,  and  to  the  Pope  personal 
security  by  oath  and  hostages.  A  second  document 
was  prepared  in  which  it  was  promised  that  when  the 
King  should  have  fulfilled  the  pledges  given,  the 
Pope,  on  the  day  of  the  coronation,  would  command 
the  German  prelates  to  restore  the  imperial  proper- 
ties, would  forbid  his  successor  to  revoke  this  decree 


148  Age  of  Hildebrand. 

under  penalty  of  anathema,  and  would  crown  the 
King  and  support  him  with  his  authority  in  the  main- 
tenance of  his  empire.  All  the  great  princes  of  the 
empire  were  to  guarantee  the  treaty  by  oath. 

Henry  agreed,  under  the  proviso  that  he  held  him- 
self bound  only  in  case  the  German  prelates,  in 
obedience  to  the  Pope's  command,  should  surrender 
the  imperial  properties. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

THE  CORONATION  RIOT— PASCHAL'S  BROKEN 
OATH — DEATH  OF  MATHILDE — GELASIUS  II. 
— CALIXTUS    II. 

JN  the  1 2th  of  February,  iiii,  Henry  V. 
made  his  entry  into  Rome.  Having 
sworn  before  the  gate  of  St.  Peter  to 
protect  the  privileges  of  the  Pope  and  of 

the  Roman   Church,   the   solemnities   of 

the  imperial  coronation  began.      On  arriving  at  the 
church,  the  Pope  demanded  of  the  King  the  renunci- 
ation of  the  right  of  investiture.     The  King  replied 
with  a  formal  declaration  that  he  did  not  intend  to 
take  the  church  properties  given  by  former  emperors, 
but  demanded  that  the  Pope  should  now  fulfil  his 
promise  of  the  renunciation  by  the  clergy  of  imperial 
property.     The  Pope  had  already  drawn  up  an  edict 
to  this  effect,  which  he  submitted.     Henry  then  de- 
manded  the   renunciation   by  the   German   bishops 
according  to  the  proposed  agreement.     They  decid- 
edly refused.      Henry  saw  in  the  proceeding  only  a 
device  of  the  Pope  to  get  possession  of  his  renuncia- 
tion, and  then  leave  him  to  encounter  the  resistance 
of  the  bishops  and  princes.     The  Pope  refused  to  re- 
ceive the  King's  renunciation  of  the  right  of  invest- 

149 


150  Age  0/  H tide  brand. 

iture  so  long  as  the  bishops  persisted  in  their  refusal. 
Henry  withdrew  for  consultation  with  his  bishops,  who 
declined  to  recognize  the  treaty.  Night  was  approach- 
ing, and  Paschal  demanded  that  the  long  consultation 
should  be  terminated.  The  bishops  cried  out  that  the 
treaty  could  not  be  fulfilled.  The  King  demanded  the 
imperial  crown,  and  the  Pope  refused.  A  knight 
sprang  up,  angrily  shouting,  ''  What  need  of  so  many 
words  ?  My  master  will  receive  the  crown  as  it  was  re- 
ceived by  Pepin,  by  Charlemagne,  and  by  Louis." 

Some  cardinals  proposed  that  the  coronation  should 
proceed  and  the  discussion  be  postponed  until  the 
next  day ;  some  of  the  bishops  urged  Henry  to  seize 
the  Pope's  person.  Armed  men  surrounded  Paschal 
and  the  high  altar,  and  compelled  the  Pope  to  place 
himself  in  the  tribune  under  the  swords  of  the  knights. 
The  shouts  of  priests  and  nobles,  the  clash  of  arms, 
cries  for  help,  maltreatment  of  trembling  clerics,  made 
the  dark  cathedral  a  veritable  storm-centre.  While 
the  Pope  and  the  cardinals  huddled  together  under 
the  halberds  of  the  mercenaries,  fresh  bodies  of  troops 
thronged  the  church,  and  the  whole  city  on  that  side 
of  the  Tiber  was  in  an  uproar.  Paschal  and  his  cor- 
tege were  finally  conveyed  to  one  of  the  buildings  of 
St.  Peter's  and  placed  under  guard.  This  put  an 
end  to  all  discipline;  priests  and  laymen  alike  were 
robbed  and  struck  down  with  swords,  and  a  raid  was 
made  upon  the  treasures  of  the  church. 

Two  cardinal  bishops  succeeded  in  escaping  over 
the  bridge  of  St.  Angelo,  and  a  furious  uprising  of 
the  people  ensued.  At  dawn  they  broke  into  the 
Leonina  to  rescue  the  Pope.    The  King  sprang  bare- 


The  Right  of  Investiture  Coficeded.     151 

foot  upon  his  horse  and  rode  into  the  atrium  of  the 
basilica,  dashed  down  the  steps,  and  threw  himself 
into  the  fight.  Five  Romans  were  struck  down  by 
his  lance,  but  he  himself  fell  wounded  from  his  horse. 
Otto  of  Milan,  in  his  attempt  to  rescue  him,  was  torn 
in  pieces.  The  Romans  were  at  last  driven  back 
over  the  bridge,  and  the  Pope  was  taken  in  charge 
by  the  royal  troops. 

Henry  withdrew  from  the  Leonina  under  cover  of 
the  night,  and  remained  for  two  days  in  camp  under 
arms,  while  the  Romans,  thirsting  for  revenge,  again 
assembled  and  swore  battle  to  the  death;  but  on  the 
night  of  the  15th  of  February  Henry  broke  camp 
and  withdrew  to  the  Sabina,  taking  with  him  as  pris- 
oners the  Pope  and  sixteen  cardinals,  while  the  sol- 
diers dragged  in  his  train  Roman  consuls  and  priests 
with  ropes.  At  Fiano  the  army  crossed  the  Tiber, 
and  encamped  near  Tivoli.  It  was  Henry's  purpose 
to  form  a  league  with  the  Tusculan  counts,  and  to 
cut  off  any  aid  which  the  Normans  might  bring.  He 
left  the  Pope  in  the  castle  of  Trevi. 

On  the  2d  of  April  he  was  again  before  Rome  with 
the  Pope  in  his  camp.  He  finally  agreed  to  release 
the  prisoners  on  condition  that  the  Pope  would  take 
no  more  measures  against  him  and  would  grant  him 
the  crown-right  of  investiture,  which  should  signify, 
not  the  conferring  of  church  offices,  but  only  of  the 
imperial  fiefs  connected  with  them.  Paschal  at  last 
yielded,  saying,  "  For  the  deliverance  and  peace  of 
the  church  I  am  forced  to  consent  to  what  for  my 
life's  sake  I  would  not  have  granted."  It  was  agreed 
that  Henry  should  have  the  right  to  invest  with  staff 


152  Age  of  Hildebrand. 

and  ring  bishops  and  abbots  chosen  without  simony 
and  violence.  If  any  one  should  be  chosen  without 
his  consent,  he  was  not  to  be  consecrated  without 
royal  investiture.  Possible  strifes  in  the  choice  of 
bishops  should  be  restrained  by  royal  authority. 
The  Pope  took  an  oath  not  to  disturb  the  King,  either 
on  account  of  the  indignities  he  had  suffered,  or  about 
the  matter  of  investiture  ;  never  to  lay  him  under  ban, 
and  to  crown  him  and  maintain  his  authority  in  his  em- 
pire. The  King  agreed  to  release  the  Pope,  never  to 
seize  him  again,  not  to  disturb  the  Roman  people,  to 
guarantee  the  property  of  the  Roman  see,  and  to  obey 
the  Pope  without  detriment  to  the  honor  of  the  empire. 

On  the  13th  of  April  the  coronation  ceremonies 
began  again  and  proceeded  in  the  usual  way,  except 
that,  after  the  coronation  and  during  the  mass,  the 
Pope  handed  to  the  Emperor  the  right  of  investiture.^ 
The  peace  between  the  Pope  and  the  Emperor  com- 
pelled Maginolf  to  make  a  formal  declaration  in 
Henry's  camp,  promising  to  render  obedience  to  the 
Pope,  and  confessing  that  he  had  wrongfully  assumed 
the  papal  office. 

The  Roman  clergy  were  displeased  at  Paschal's 
concession.  The  Gregorians  were  indignant.  They 
saw  Gregory's  work  undone  by  Paschal's  weakness. 
The  cardinals  who  had  not  been  imprisoned  with 
him  professed  to  despise  him  for  not  having  preferred 
a  martyr's  death  to  submission.  They  denounced 
him  as  a  betrayer  of  the  Lord,  and  the  unhappy 
pontiff  hid  himself  in  Terracina  and  in  the  Island  of 
Ponza.    They  took  the  opportunity  of  his  absence  to 

^  The  document  is  given  by  Gregorovius,  vol.  iv.,  p.  330. 


The  Pope  Repents  his  Concession.        153 

hold  a  council  and  condemn  the  treaty.  The  Pope 
wrote  to  them  in  July,  saying  that  he  would  make 
good  again  what  he  had  done.  He  soon  took  a 
decisive  step.  He  wrote  to  Archbishop  Guido  of 
Vienne  asserting  that  the  treaty  obtained  from  him 
by  force  was  invaHd  throughout  and  null  and  vpid ; 
that  he  condemned  it  eternally,  and  newly  confirmed 
whatever  the  apostolic  canons,  the  councils,  and  the 
popes,  especially  Gregory  VH.  and  Urban  H.,  had 
established.  In  March,  11 12,  at  a  synod  in  Rome, 
he  related  his  imprisonment  by  the  King,  and  declared 
that  he  would  be  true  to  his  oath,  but  that  he  was  not 
bound  by  written  documents  framed  under  compul- 
sion. He  also  repeated  the  declaration  that  he  held  by 
the  decrees  of  the  popes,  especially  Gregory  and  Urban. 
The  synod  cancelled  and  declared  void  the  privi- 
lege extorted  by  the  violence  of  Henry.  Paschal 
thus  succeeded  in  throwing  upon  the  synod  what  he 
feared  to  do  himself,  and  extricated  himself  by  get- 
ting the  investiture  concession  repudiated,  but  refus- 
ing, at  the  same  time,  to  break  his  oath  not  to  disturb 
the  King  by  church  censures.  Thus  if  Henry  should 
continue  to  invest,  his  acts  would  be  irregular  and 
sinful,  but  would  be  endured  as  an  unavoidable  evil. 
Naturally  this  cowardly  evasion  satisfied  neither 
party.  The  French  church,  dissatisfied  with  the 
relations  between  Henry  and  the  Pope,  at  a  great 
synod  in  September,  11 12,  reaffirmed  the  canonical 
requirements  concerning  investiture,  repudiated  the 
Pope's  concession  to  the  German  Emperor,  and  de- 
clared Henry  excommunicated.  These  deliverances 
were  sent  to  Rome  with  the  threat  that  Paschal's  re- 


154  Age  of  Hildch'and. 

fusal  to  confirm  them  would  create  a  schism.  The 
Pope  succumbed,  and  confirmed  the  decrees.  Some 
quiet  years  ensued  for  him,  during  which  he  went  to 
and  fro  between  Rome  and  southern  Italy,  seeking 
to  perpetuate  and  strengthen  the  Norman  alliance. 

On  the  24th  of  July,  11 15,  Mathilde  died.  She 
had  borne  a  prominent  part  in  the  ecclesiastical 
struggles  of  nearly  forty  years,  during  which  she  had 
been  the  active  and  devoted  friend  of  the  Roman  see 
and  of  the  Gregorian  party.  She  commanded  the 
admiration  of  her  contemporaries  by  her  beauty  and 
accomplishments,  as  well  as  by  her  energy  and  bold- 
ness. Her  vast  possessions  and  personal  influence 
made  her  an  ally  whose  aid  was  courted  by  both 
parties  in  the  strife.  Both  her  marriages  were  for 
political  ends,  and  the  history  of  neither  enhances 
her  reputation  for  the  domestic  virtues,  while  the  last 
is  a  reproach  to  her  womanhood.  Her  reputation 
for  piety  is  stained  by  her  encouragement  of  the 
treachery  of  Conrad.  Dante  is  supposed  by  many  to 
have  immortalized  her  in  his  exquisite  picture  of  the 
earthly  paradise  in  the  twenty-eighth  canto  of  the 
"Purgatorio."  But  this  is  more  than  doubtful. 
There  are  seven  Mathildes  for  whom  this  honor  is 
claimed.  It  is  more  than  improbable  that  the  Ghib- 
elline  Dante  should  have  so  exalted  a  pronounced 
Guelf  who  made  continual  war  on  the  empire;  and 
the  characteristic  traits  of  the  Countess  Mathilde  do 
not  at  all  answer  to  those  of  Dante's  lovely  portrait. ^ 

1  The  subject  is  exhaustively  discussed  by  Scartazzini  in  his  "  Ex- 
cursus on  the  Twenty-eighth  Purgatorio,"  and  his  decision  is  very 
emphatic  against  the  Countess  of  Tuscany. 


A  New  Saxon  Insurrection,  155 

At  the  Lateran  synod  of  March  Paschal  repeated 
the  story  of  the  extorted  treaty,  confessed  his  error, 
and  condemned  with  eternal  anathema  the  privilege 
granted  to  Henry.  He  evaded  the  demand  for  the 
excommunication  of  the  Emperor,  but  declared  the 
excommunication  pronounced  by  the  Synod  of  Vienne 
to  be  legitimate. 

Henry's  situation  in  Germany  was  not  comfortable. 
His  most  faithful  followers  were  threatening  to  desert 
him.  He  had  attempted  a  reconciliation  with  the 
friends  of  his  father,  and  he  at  last  obtained  the  re- 
luctant consent  of  the  Pope  to  the  Emperor's  inter- 
ment in  the  ancestral  tomb  at  Spires,  and  performed 
his  obsequies  with  great  splendor.  In  1 1 14  he  cele- 
brated his  marriage  with  Matilda  of  England  at 
Mainz,  The  Saxons  were  restless.  An  insurrection 
broke  out  in  Cologne  with  which  the  princes  of  the 
Lower  Rhine  were  in  league;  and  in  his  attempt  to 
reduce  the  city  he  was  repulsed  with  heavy  loss. 
Lewis  of  Thuringia,  whom  he  had  formerly  impris- 
oned, headed  a  new  insurrection  of  Saxon  and  Thu- 
ringian  nobles,  who  succeeded  in  defeating  the  Em- 
peror in  a  battle  near  Mansfeld  in  1 1 15.  All  North 
Germany  and  nearly  the  whole  German  church  de- 
serted him. 

The  death  of  Mathilde  determined  him  to  go  to 
Italy.  The  Pope  must  be  prevented,  if  possible,  from 
obtaining  possession  of  that  vast  inheritance  which 
she  had  made  over  to  the  Roman  see ;  for  this  would 
make  him  a  king  in  Italy.  Henry  arrived  in  Rome 
about  Easter,  1 1 1 7,  and  on  his  approach  Paschal  fled 
to  Lower  Italy.    The  Emperor  was  cordially  received 


156  Age  of  Hildebrand. 

by  the  Roman  people,  but  not  by  the  higher  clergy. 
He  freely  distributed  money  to  the  nobles,  took  the 
city  prefect  into  his  pay,  reinstated  Ptolemaeus,  the 
Count  of  Tusculum,  in  his  possessions,  and  gave  him 
his  natural  daughter  in  marriage,  thus  securing  in  the 
city  a  powerful  partisan.  Attempts  at  negotiation 
with  the  cardinals  failed,  and  he  finally  withdrew. 
Paschal  returned  to  find  the  Roman  factions  furiously 
fighting  each  other.  His  reappearance  created  a 
movement  in  his  favor.  He  was  engaged  in  besieg- 
ing St.  Peter's,  when  he  died  on  the  21st  of  January, 
1 1 18.  The  papal  see  had  suffered  greatly  from  his 
weakness  and  indecision.  He  had  not  only  brought 
the  city  into  collision  with  the  Emperor,  but  into  a 
condition  of  constant  internal  tumult,  so  that  he  was 
continually  being  forced  to  leave  it  and  to  make 
journeys  into  Italy. 

A  monk  succeeded  to  the  apostolic  chair,  John  of 
Gaeta,  chancellor  under  Urban  H.  and  archdeacon 
under  Paschal,  of  whom  he  was  the  most  faithful 
supporter  and  the  sharer  of  his  imprisonment.  He 
was  unanimously  elected  on  the  24th  of  January, 
1 1 18,  as  Gelasius  H. 

The  election  was  secret.  No  notice  was  taken  of 
the  Emperor's  right  to  confirm.  The  old  man  resisted 
his  elevation  to  a  position  so  dangerous.  Being  only 
a  deacon,  it  was  necessary  for  him  to  be  ordained 
presbyter  before  he  could  be  installed  as  Pope, 
and  this  could  not  be  done  until  March.  In  the 
meantime  he  had  a  foretaste  of  what  awaited  him. 
His  monastery  was  in  the  district  commanded  by  the 
towers  of  the  Frangipani.     During  the  election  pro- 


Flight  of  Gelasius.  1 5  7 

ceedings  the  doors  of  the  conclave  were  burst  open, 
and  furious  Romans  dashed  in  with  drawn  swords. 
The  newly  elected  Pope  was  seized  by  the  throat, 
beaten  with  fists  and  kicks,  dragged  from  the  church 
to  the  house  of  Cencius  Frangipani,  and  thrown  into 
chains.  Similar  outrages  were  inflicted  on  the  elect- 
ors, and  many  of  them  reached  their  homes  half  dead. 
The  city  prefect,  the  Norman  Stephen,  and  others 
hastened  to  the  rescue  with  troops  and  a  multitude 
of  the  populace,  set  the  Pope  on  a  white  horse,  and 
escorted  him  to  the  Lateran. 

The  Frangipani  hastened  to  inform  Henry  of  the 
election  of  a  Pope  without  his  consent,  and  another 
catastrophe  awaited  Gelasius  before  his  consecration. 
Henry  had  armed  for'  an  attack  on  Rome  and  the 
enforcement  of  the  concessions  of  iiii.  On  the 
night  of  the  2d  of  March  the  Pope  was  awakened  by 
the  announcement  that  Henry  was  already  in  the 
porch  of  the  Vatican.  He  fled  with  his  entire  follow- 
ing, and  the  party  embarked  in  two  vessels  on  the 
Tiber  for  Gaeta.  A  storm  prevented  them  from 
reaching  the  sea,  and  the  Germans,  following  up  the 
vessels  as  they  labored  amid  the  tawny  waters,  kept 
them  under  the  fire  of  their  arrows,  while  the  thun- 
der bellowed  and  the  lightning  flared,  screaming  their 
threats  to  set  them  on  fire  with  pitched  hoops  if  the 
Pope  were  not  surrendered  to  them.  The  fugitives 
at  last  succeeded  in  landing  unobserved.  A  broad- 
shouldered  cardinal  bore  Gelasius  on  his  back  to 
the  fortress  of  St.  Paul  at  Ardea,  from  which,  by  the 
way  of  Terracina,  the  drenched  and  seasick  com- 
pany finally  reached  Gaeta,  where  Gelasius  received 


158  Age  of  Hildebrand. 

priestly  ordination  and  was  installed  on  the  next 
day. 

In  March  Henry  set  up  an  antipope  in  the  person 
of  a  Portuguese  archbishop,  Maurice  of  Braga,  other- 
wise known  as  Maurice  Burdinus,  who  was  installed 
as  Gregory  VIII.  Gelasius  at  Gaeta  of  course  ex- 
communicated this  interloper,  and  at  Capua,  in  April, 
laid  Henry  under  ban,  and  busied  himself  in  arming 
against  him  with  the  assistance  of  tho'  Norman  barons. 

Henry,  recrowned  by  his  Pope,  left  Rome  to  re- 
turn to  Germany  by  the  way  of  Lombardy.  Gelasius 
returned  and  began  to  concoct  plans  with  the  Nor- 
man princes  to  relieve  himself  of  Burdinus;  but  an 
attack  by  the  Frangipani,  while  he  was  celebrating 
mass,  compelled  him  again  to  flee.  He  reached 
France,  and  died  at  Clugny  about  a  month  after  his 
arrival.  He  was  the  last  sacrifice  of  the  investiture 
struggle. 

By  six  cardinals,  who  were  the  companions  of 
Gelasius  in  his  exile,  and  a  few  other  Romans  a  for- 
eigner was  elected  in  a  foreign  land  to  the  chair  of 
St.  Peter.  Guido,  Archb"shop  of  Vienne,  was  chosen 
at  Clugny  on  the  2d  of  February,  11 19,  on  the 
ground  of  his  hostile  attitude  towards  investiture. 
He  refused  to  assume  the  office  until  his  election 
should  be  confirmed  by  the  cardinals  at  Rome.  A 
commission  was  at  once  sent  to  Rome,  which  assem- 
bled the  Romans  at  St.  John's,  on  the  Tiber  Island, 
and  afterwards  at  the  Capitol,  where  the  election  was 
ratified  by  the  nobles  of  the  Catholic  party,  the  city 
prefect,  the  clergy,  and  the  people.  Guido  was  in- 
stalled in  February,  at  Vienne,  as  Calixtus  II. 


Synod  of  Rheims,  1 5  9 

A  Frenchman,  elected  and  enthroned  in  France, 
and  on  such  an  issue,  could  not  think  of  entering 
Rome.  In  France,  on  the  contrary,  no  opposition 
was  offered.  The  Pope  soon  began  to  prepare  for 
the  synod  at  Rheims,  where  the  issue  between  the 
see  and  the  empire  was  to  be  decided.  The  Bishop 
of  Ostia  and  the  Roman  presbyter  Gregory  were 
sent  by  him  to  Henry,  whom  they  met  between 
Verdun  and  Metz.  Two  documents  were  drawn  up, 
in  which  the  Emperor  and  the  Pope  respectively  en- 
gaged to  make  peace  with  the  opposite  party,  and  to 
restore  the  property  lost  in  the  contest.  The  Em- 
peror renounced  the  right  of  investiture ;  he  made 
peace  with  all  who  had  been  involved  in  war  for  the 
cause  of  the  church;  he  promised  to  restore  all  the 
churches  in  his  possession,  and  to  procure  the  restor- 
ation of  those  which  had  been  granted  to  others. 
Ecclesiastical  disputes  were  to  be  settled  by  ecclesi- 
astical laws,  temporal  disputes  by  civil  judges.  The 
Pope  pledged  himself  to  restore  everything  gained  in 
the  war. 

The  Synod  of  Rheims  was  opened  with  great  state 
on  the  20th  of  October,  1 1 19,  and,  after  disposing  of 
several  items  of  business,  took  a  recess  of  a  few  days, 
in  order  that  the  Pope  and  the  Emperor  might  meet 
at  Moisson  and  ratify  the  treaty  already  drawn  up. 
Some  suspicions  of  Henry's  good  faith  deterred  the 
Pope  from  appearing  in  person,  and  he  remained  in 
the  castle  of  Moisson  and  carried  on  the  negotiation 
through  his  commissioners.  A  more  careful  scrutiny 
of  the  treaty  had  awakened  doubts  on  the  part  of  the 
papal  counsellors  as  to  the  exact  purport  of  Henry's 


i6o  Age  of  Hildeb7'and, 

concession.  They  assumed  that  the  imperial  fiefs  re- 
mained attached  to  the  prelacies,  while  the  Emperor 
held  that  no  fief  could  be  bestowed  without  final  in- 
vestiture, and  that  the  treaty  left  him  full  power  over 
the  fiefs  of  the  church  in  the  empire.  So  certain  had 
Henry  been  of  the  conclusion  of  the  treaty  and  his 
consequent  absolution  that  he  had  already  stipulated 
as  to  the  form  of  his  absolution,  that  he  was  not  to 
appear  before  the  Pope  barefoot,  as  a  penitent.  But 
the  negotiations  were  broken  off,  and  Calixtus  re- 
turned to  Rheims,  where  he  solemnly  pronounced  the 
excommunication  of  the  Emperor. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

THE     CISTERCIANS  —  TREATY     OF     WORMS  —  THE 
FRANGIPANI    AND    PIERLEONI — HONORIUS    II. 

|N  the  23d  of  December,  1119,  the  Pope 
gave  his  formal  approval  to  a  movement 
of  the  greatest  importance  to  the  Papacy, 
though  its  full  significance  was  not  ap- 
parent at  the  time.  This  was  the  Bene- 
dictine reform  of  Abbot  Stephen  of  Citeaux,  the 
first  attempt  to  organize  an  order  of  monks  wholly 
independent  of  the  episcopal  power  and  directly 
under  the  control  of  the  Pope.  The  movement  was 
on  the  line  of  Gregory's  policy  of  curtaiHng  the  power 
of  the  bishops,  and  resulted  in  the  formation  of  an  in- 
ternational army  in  the  service  of  the  Roman  see. 

The  abbey  of  Citeaux  was  founded  in  1098,  by 
Robert,  the  Abbot  of  Molesme.  It  was  named  after 
its  original  home,  the  forest  of  Cistercium  or  Citeaux, 
about  fourteen  miles  northeast  of  Beaune,  in  Bur- 
gundy. By  a  special  edict.  Paschal  II.,  in  iioo, 
placed  it  under  the  immediate  authority  of  the  Pope. 
Its  rule  was  that  of  Benedict.  The  monastery  of 
Citeaux  was  founded  as  a  kind  of  protest  against 
Clugny.  Clugny  was  wealthy  and  magnificent,  while 
at  Citeaux  every  kind  of  display  was  banished.    The 

161 


1 62  Age  of  Htlde brand, 

crucifix  was  of  wood,  the  candelabra  of  iron,  and  the 
censers  of  copper.  The  ascetic  disciphne  and  the 
admission  of  Bernard  of  Clairvaux,  in  1113,  drew  to 
it  such  crowds  of  devotees  that  it  became  necessary, 
within  two  years  after  Bernard's  entrance,  to  found 
four  new  monasteries — La  Ferte,  Pontigny,  Clair- 
vaux, and  Morimond.  In  11 19  the  number  of  Cis- 
tercian abbeys  had  increased  to  thirteen ;  in  1 1 5 1  to 
five  hundred;  and  in  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth 
century  to  eighteen  hundred.  In  11 19  the  constitu- 
tion of  the  order,  the  **  Charta  Caritatis,"  was  issued 
by  Stephen  Harding,  the  abbot,  and  confirmed,  as 
already  noted,  by  Calixtus  11.  Led  by  Bernard,  the 
order  occupied  one  of  the  foremost  positions  in 
Christendom.  It  crushed  Abelard,  Arnold  of  Brescia, 
and  the  Cathari ;  it  preached  the  second  crusade ;  it 
called  into  life  the  great  military  orders  of  the  Tem- 
plars, Calatrava,  Alcantara,  and  Montesa.  We  shall 
have  numerous  occasions  of  noting  its  influence  in 
the  subsequent  history. 

On  Calixtus's  return  to  Rome  in  June,  1120,  he 
took  possession  of  the  Lateran,  and  later  of  St.  Peter's, 
received  the  oaths  of  the  entire  Roman  nobility,  and 
commenced  an  attack  on  the  antipope  Burdinus, 
whom  he  besieged  in  Sutri,  and  who  was  surrendered 
by  the  inhabitants  of  that  town  and  very  roughly 
treated.  Calixtus,  in  a  letter  to  France,  declared 
that  he  had  gotten  into  his  power  that  idol  of  the 
German  Emperor  who  had  built  a  ''devil's  nest"  in 
Sutri,  and  that  he  would  be  brought  to  Rome  a  pris- 
oner, bound  upon  a  camel.  This  actually  took  place. 
Burdinus,  clad  in  a  shaggy  goat's  hide  and  mounted 


Treaty  of  Worms.  163 

Dackwards  on  a  camel,  was  led  through  Rome  like  a 
beast  amid  blows  of  whips  and  showers  of  stones. 
He  was  imprisoned,  condemned  to  banishment,  and, 
after  being  removed  from  one  castle  of  Campania  to 
another,  died  in  a  monastery.  His  fall  hastened  the 
end  of  the  investiture  contest. 

Steps  were  being  taken  in  Germany  towards  a  set- 
tlement with  the  Pope.  At  the  end  of  September, 
1 12 1,  the  Emperor,  at  Wurzburg,  submitted  to  a 
number  of  princes  selected  as  arbitrators,  the  draft 
of  a  treaty  according  to  which  the  Emperor  was  to 
submit  to  the  Pope,  and  the  question  of  investiture 
was  to  be  referred  to  the  papal  synod.  In  the  mean- 
time peace  should  be  maintained.  The  treaty  was 
finally  framed  at  Mainz  in  the  presence  of  the 
papal  legates,  and  was  sealed  with  the  imperial  seal 
by  the  chancellor,  the  Archbishop  of  Cologne,  and 
subscribed  by  a  number  of  archbishops,  bishops,  and 
princes,  and  by  the  Abbot  of  Fulda. 

On  the  23d  of  September,  1122,  a  great  popular 
assembly  gathered  at  Worms  in  the  open  air.  The 
two  documents  were  made  pubHc.  That  of  the  Em- 
peror declared  his  wiUingness  to  surrender  investiture 
by  ring  and  staff,  so  that  the  bishops  could  be  chosen 
according  to  the  canons  and  freely  consecrated ;  in 
other  words,  the  clergy  throughout  the  empire  should 
have  the  right  of  free  election  without  imperial  inter- 
ference. The  Emperor  would  restore  to  the  Church 
of  Rome  and  to  all  other  churches,  and  to  nobles,  the 
possessions  and  feudal  sovereignties  which  had  been 
seized  in  his  father's  and  in  his  own  times.  He 
would  grant  peace  to  the  Pope  and  to  all  his  partis- 


164  Age  of  Hilde brand. 

ans,  and,  when  summoned,  would  protect  the  church 
in  all  things.  The  Pope's  document  declared  that  all 
elections  of  bishops  and  abbots  should  take  place  in 
the  presence  of  the  Emperor  or  of  his  commissioners, 
without  bribery  or  violence,  and  with  an  appeal  in 
contested  elections  to  the  metropoHtan  and  provincial 
bishops.  After  his  election  the  bishop  elect  was  to 
receive  by  the  touch  of  the  sceptre  all  the  temporal 
rights,  principalities,  and  possessions  of  his  see,  except 
those  held  immediately  by  the  see  of  Rome,  and  was 
faithfully  to  discharge  to  the  Emperor  all  duties 
attaching  to  those  principalities.  The  Pope  would 
grant  peace  to  the  Emperor  and  his  followers,  and 
would  assist  him  on  all  lawful  occasions. 

This  treaty  was  ratified  by  the  most  solemn  cere- 
monies. The  papal  legate  celebrated  mass,  gave  the 
Eucharist  to  the  Emperor,  pronounced  him  reconciled 
to  the  Holy  See,  and  received  him  and  all  his  partis- 
ans with  the  kiss  of  peace  into  the  bosom  of  the 
church.  The  consummation  of  the  treaty  was  hailed 
with  universal  joy.  Not  less  moving  than  the  spec- 
tacle of  the  multitudes  at  Clermont,  glowing  with 
enthusiasm  for  the  first  crusade  under  the  eloquence 
of  Urban,  is  that  of  those  thousands  of  Germans  at 
Worms,  rejoicing  over  the  compact  which  terminated 
o   a  bloody  strife  of  fifty  years. 

Out  of  this  contest,  thus  happily  ended,  much 
more  accrued  to  Europe  than  the  settlement  of  the 
paltry  formality  of  ring  and  staff.  As  in  many  other 
great  conflicts,  the  ostensible  and  trifling  cause  in- 
volved great  and  antagonistic  principles.  The  church 
had  been  fighting  for  complete  independence  and  the 


Influence  of  the  Treaty,  1 6  5 


subjugation   of  the  empire.     The   empire  aimed  to 
bring  the   spiritual   power  back  to  its  old  position 
under  Constantine  and  Justinian.     Both  parties  re- 
ceded from  their  extremes.     The  church  relinquished 
the  attempt  to  hold  great  temporal  possessions  with- 
out secular  obligations,  and  the  Emperor  surrendered 
the  claim  to  fill  ecclesiastical  benefices  with  his  own 
partisans  in  return  for  money  or  other  considerations. 
It  was  a  movement  towards  the  anti-Gregorian  policy 
of  rendering  unto  Caesar  the  things  which  are  Caesar's, 
and  unto  God  the  things  which  are  God's.     The  long 
struggle  was  not  without  its  w^holesome  results.    The 
very  passions  and  conflicts  of  opinion  which  it  evoked 
shook  Europe  out  of  its  lethargy.     Its  influence  was 
soon  apparent  in  the  essays  of  philosophic  thought 
and  theological  protest.     It  stimulated  the  study  of 
jurisprudence  and  the  spirit  of  republican  freedom 
and  civic  fellowship.      It  diverted  business  and  ex- 
change into  the  hands  of  laymen  and  led  to  the  form- 
ation of  the  great  commercial  guilds.    It  proved  that 
the  programme  of  Gregory  VII.  could  not  be  carried 
out  against  the  stand  of  the  great  political  powers  for 
their  ancient  national  rights  and  for  the  claims  on  the 
church  which  attached  to  these. 

The  results  of  the  Treaty  of  Worms  were  different 
in  different  parts  of  the  empire.  In  Germany  Henry 
was  able  to  unite  the  secular  princes  unanimously, 
and  mostly  the  spiritual  lords,  against  the  Papacy. 
In  Lombardy,  on  the  other  hand,  the  Patana  pre- 
vailed in  most  of  the  principal  cities,  and  broke  the 
power  of  the  imperial  party,  while  in  other  cities  a 
continual  war  was  waged  with  the  bishops.     In  the 


1 66  Age  of  Hildebrand. 

latter  part  of  the  eleventh  century,  in  those  cities 
where  the  upper  burgher  population  had  the  control, 
nobles  and  merchants  combined  in  the  civic  adminis- 
tration without  drawing  their  support  from  the  em- 
pire. In  Burgundy  and  Middle  Italy  the  custody 
and  guardianship  of  vacant  benefices  ^  were  princi- 
pally in  the  hands  of  counts  and  lords,  or  of  the  cities. 
In  southern  Italy  the  Norman  power  was  steadily 
growing,  and  neither  the  papal  nor  the  imperial  power 
asserted  itself  decisively. 

By  the  Treaty  of  Worms  the  Emperor  renounced 
(  investiture  for  the  whole  empire.  In  future  both 
\  that  and  the  conferring  of  ecclesiastical  positions  re- 
''■■  sided  in  the  church ;  but  in  Germany  the  Emperor, 
after  all,  retained  the  controlling  influence  in  eccles- 
iastical appointments.  He  could  introduce  a  candi- 
date at  the  elections ;  he  retained  the  proprietorship 
and  the  disposal  of  most  of  the  church  property,  and 
conveyed  its  possession  by  the  sceptre.  As  the  royal 
investiture  must  precede  the  clerical,  it  followed  that 
the  Emperor  could  exclude  a  candidate  whom  he  did 
not  approve,  and  that  the  imperial  church  property 
was  no  longer  granted  as  church  property,  but  inde- 
pendently by  the  Emperor.  The  possible  misunder- 
standing was  carefully  guarded  that  church  investi- 
ture carried  with  it  imperial  church  property.  The 
reference  of  contested  elections  to  the  metropolitans 
was  a  blow  at  the  Hildebrandian  policy  of  weakening 
their  influence,  and  restored  the  provincial  associa- 
tions and  their  connection  with  the  throne,  which  it 
had  been  Hildebrand's  object  to  destroy. 

1  Technically  known  as  "  regale." 


The  Triumph  of  the  Church  Pictured.  167 

On  the  1 8th  of  March,  1122,  the  great  Lateran 
synod  was  opened  by  the  Pope.  Over  three  hun- 
dred bishops  were  in  attendance.  The  Treaty  of 
Worms  was  formally  sanctioned.  After  the  synod 
Calixtus  gave  his  attention  to  the  improvement  of 
the  Lateran  palace,  which  had  been  almost  entirely 
neglected  by  the  popes  since  Leo  IV.  in  the  ninth 
century.  He  began  by  erecting  a  new  chapel  to  St. 
Nicholas  of  Bari,  in  the  tribune  of  which  were  painted 
the  likenesses  of  his  famous  predecessors  from  Alex- 
ander II.  The  chapel  might  serve  as  a  monument 
of  all  the  popes  who  had  waged  the  battle  with  the 
empire.  But  CaHxtus  also  had  the  triumph  of  the 
church  painted  in  a  new  audience-hall,  where  Gelasius 
II.,  Paschal  II.,  Urban  II.,  Victor  III.,  Gregory  VII., 
Alexander  II.,  and  himself  were  depicted  with  the 
antipopes  beneath  their  feet  as  footstools,  and  the 
Treaty  of  Worms  was  inscribed  on  the  walls. 

After  a  military  expedition  to  Lower  Italy,  Calixtus 
returned  to  Rome,  where  he  died  of  a  fever  on  the 
14th  of  December,  11 24.  His  death  introduces  a 
new  contest  for  the  papal  throne,  in  which  the  unity 
of  the  Papacy  and  of  the  Western  Church  was  men- 
aced by  two  prominent  Roman  families. 

The  name  of  the  Frangipani  first  appears  in  the  year 
1014  in  their  ancestor  Leo.  Their  name  ("  bread- 
breakers  ")  was  explained  by  a  tradition  that  at  some 
remote  date  one  of  their  ancestors  had  distributed 
bread  to  the  poor  during  a  famine ;  and  the  family 
arms  exhibited  two  lions  confronting  each  other  on  a 
red  field,  and  holding  loaves  in  their  claws.  Leo's  son 
Cencius  was,  in  the  time  of  Gregory  VII.,  an  influen- 


1 68  Age  of  Hilde brand. 

tial  consul,  and  his  son  John,  the  father  of  that  Cen- 
cius  who  assaulted  Gelasius,  married  the  sister  of 
Stephen  the  Norman.  Their  towers  and  palaces  were 
near  the  Arch  of  Titus  and  at  the  CoHseum.^ 

The  family  of  the  Pierleoni  was  of  Jewish  descent. 
Few  historical  studies  are  more  interesting  than  that 
of  the  Jews  under  the  Roman  empire.  The  irrepress- 
ible vitality  of  this  race  is  a  source  of  constant  amaze- 
ment. Their  native  pliancy  took  advantage  of  dis- 
aster, and  calamities  which  would  have  exterminated 
any  other  people  became  to  them  sources  of  power 
and  growth.  Conquered  and  dispersed  by  Rome, 
they  formed  in  every  Roman  province  and  city  an 
element  which  it  was  impossible  to  overlook.  They 
obtained  not  only  the  right  of  citizenship,  but  also 
concessions  which  were  refused  to  native  citizens. 
Clinging  tenaciously  to  their  ancient  law,  they  never- 
theless entered  freely  into  the  broader  Hfe  of  the 
Gentile  world.  At  once  fanatical  and  complaisant, 
they  found  means  to  break  down  every  barrier  which 
their  law  and  tradition  opposed  to  Gentile  intercourse. 
Fascinated  by  the  power  and  beauty  of  Greek  cult- 
ure, they  turned  it  successfully  to  the  uses  of  prose- 
lytism.  They  held  in  their  hands  the  world's  com- 
merce and  a  large  share  of  its  wealth,  and  thus  made 
themselves  indispensable.  Scattered  over  the  world, 
they  preserved  their  national  unity,  and,  by  the 
constant  communication  of  each  of  their  communities, 
with  all  the  rest,  controlled  vast  interests.  They 
were  the  standing  jest  of  Roman  literature,  the  butt 
of   Roman   wits,   yet   their   faith   became    a   fashion 

1  The  name  of  the  amphitheatre  is  used  of  a  region. 


The  Pierleoni.  169 


among  the  fops  of  Nero's  court,  and  dandies  and 
royal  courtesans  affected  enthusiasm  for  the  sacred 
books  of  Moses. 

A  Jewish  community  had  existed  since  the  time 
of  Pompey  in  the  Trastevere  and  around  the  bridges 
of  the  Tiber  Island.  They  numbered  only  a  few 
hundreds,  and  maintained  themselves  against  their 
persecutors  by  their  talent,  cunning,  and  secretly 
hoarded  gold.  The  best  physicians  and  the  richest 
money-changers  of  Rome  were  Jews. 

The  grandfather  of  that  Peter  Leonis  who,  during 
the  investiture  struggle,  played  so  distinguished  a 
part  in  Rome,  was  a  Trasteverine  Jew,  who  had  often 
assisted  the  papal  court  with  funds  in  its  financial 
straits,  and  who  finally  received  Christian  baptism  and 
the  Christian  name  of  Benedictus  Christianus.  His  son 
Leo,  who  received  his  baptismal  name  from  Leo  IX., 
allied  himself  by  marriage  with  the  Roman  nobility, 
and  attached  himself  to  the  party  of  Gregory  VII.  ; 
and  his  son  Pierleone  became  a  man  of  large  political 
influence  in  Rome.  From  his  castle  he  commanded 
the  Tiber  Island,  and  Urban  II.  intrusted  St.  Angelo 
to  him  and  died  in  his  palace.  The  people  treated 
him  as  a  usurer,  and  the  nobility  as  an  upstart ;  but 
the  friendship  of  the  popes,  the  family  alliances,  the 
money  and  the  influence  so  quickly  covered  the 
Jewish  Uneage  that  the  Pierleoni  were  soon  renowned 
as  the  most  distinguished  princely  family  of  Rome. 
They  were  in  feud  with  the  Frangipani,  who  were 
imperialists. 

Peter  Leonis  had  destined  his  son  Peter  for  the 
priesthood.    The  young  man  went  to  Paris  and  prob- 


170  Age  of  H tide  brand. 

ably  listened  to  Abelard,  and  finally  took  the  cowl 
at  Clugny.  Paschal  brought  him  to  Rome  and  made 
him  deacon.  He  accompanied  Gelasius  to  France, 
and  in  1 1 20  was  made  cardinal  priest  of  Santa  Maria 
in  Trastevere  by  Calixtus. 

On  the  death  of  Calixtus  the  Frangipani  came  for- 
ward with  their  candidate  for  the  vacant  chair,  and 
in  order  to  gain  time  contrived  that  there  should 
be  no  discussion  of  the  matter  until  the  third  day. 
Their  object  was  to  elect  a  Pope  friendly  to  the  Em- 
peror; and  their  candidate  was  Lambert  of  Ostia, 
while  the  people's  candidate  was  Cardinal  Saxo  of 
Anagni,  and  that  of  the  Pierleoni  the  presbyter  Theo- 
bald. On  the  1 6th  of  December  an  assembly  for 
election  was  convened,  and  Theobald  was  invested 
with  the  papal  mantle  as  Coelestine  II. ;  but  Robert 
Frangipani  at  once  proclaimed  Lambert  as  Honorius 
II.,  and  after  some  disturbance  this  was  agreed  to 
^nd  Theobald  was  set  aside.  Lambert  was  of  hum- 
ble origin,  from  the  neighborhood  of  Bologna,  but 
was  well  educated.  He  had  received  from  Paschal 
the  diocese  of  Ostia  and  Velletri,  and  was  one  of 
those  who  had  concluded  the  Treaty  of  Worms.  The 
Abbot  of  Monte  Cassino,  when  informed  of  the  elec- 
tion, remarked,  "  I  don't  know  whose  son  his  Holi- 
ness is;  I  only  know  that  he  is  chock-full  of  litera- 
ture from  head  to  foot." 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

LOTHAIR  THE  SAXON — THE  SOUTH-ITALIAN  KING- 
DOM— INNOCENT  AND  ANACLETUS — BERNARD 
OF    CLAIRVAUX. 

ENRY  V.  died  childless,  in  May,  1125, 
and  with  him  closed  the  Franconian  line 
of  German  emperors.  His  natural  heirs 
were  his  two  nephews,  the  brothers 
Conrad  and  Frederick  of  Hohenstaufen. 
The  Hohenstaufen,  by  their  fidelity  to  Henry  IV., 
had  first  established  his  power.  Their  family  name 
was  derived  from  the  hill  Staufen,  in  Suabia,  which 
overlooked  the  valley  of  the  Rems.  Frederick  was 
Duke  of  Suabia,  and  Conrad  Duke  of  the  Franks. 
The  nobles,  however,  desired  an  Emperor  who  would 
not  prove  too  powerful,  and  who  would  not  be  dis- 
posed to  attack  the  Pope  or  the  independence  of  the 
feudal  lords.  They  turned,  therefore,  to  the  Saxons, 
and  selected  Lothair,  the  champion  for  a  long  time 
of  the  nobles  and  of  the  church  against  the  Emperor. 
He  was  elected  as  Lothair  HI.  in  August,  1125,  at 
the  old  election  field  of  Kamba,  by  an  assembly  of 
nearly  sixty  thousand,  representing  the  whole  Ger- 
man people. 

The  Gregorian  Papacy  could  never  long  remain 
171 


17^  Age  of  H tide  brand. 

reconciled  to  any  measure  which  tended  to  thwart  its 
greed  for  secular  power  or  to  allow  it  less  than  abso- 
lute control  in  temporalities ;  whence  it  may  be  sup- 
posed that  it  would  not  frown  upon  any  plausible 
pretext  for  evading  certain  provisions  of  the  Treaty 
of  Worms.  Most  welcome  to  the  Pope,  therefore, 
was  the  concession  volunteered  by  Lothair  in  his 
gratitude  for  his  election,  by  which  he  renounced  the 
right  to  the  homage  of  the  clergy  for  their  imperial 
fiefs,  along  with  the  right  to  have  the  bishops  elected 
in  his  presence,  thus  forfeiting  the  control  over  the 
elections  secured  to  him  by  the  Treaty  of  Worms. 
He  consented  that  the  ecclesiastical  consecration 
should  precede  the  investiture  by  sceptre,  and  that 
the  invested  party  should  give  only  an  oath  of  alleg- 
iance to  the  sovereign,  without  detriment  to  the  spir- 
itual obligations  of  his  office,  and  not  a  ''  hominium  " 
or  fief-oath. 

But  the  papal  sky  was  by  no  means  unclouded  in 
other  quarters.  Trouble  had  arisen  between  the  Pope 
and  Monte  Cassino.  One  of  Honorius's  first  acts 
after  his  consecration  was  to  administer  a  severe 
rebuke  to  the  Abbot  Oderisius  for  certain  errors  of 
administration,  and  to  remove  the  imprisoned  antipope 
Burdinus  out  of  his  jurisdiction.  Honorius  now 
charged  that  Oderisius  was  plotting  to  unseat  him 
and  to  secure  the  papal  office  for  himself,  and  sum- 
moned him  to  answer  at  Rome.  On  his  refusal  the 
Pope  deposed  him,  and,  on  his  persisting  in  officiat- 
ing,- excommunicated  him.  The  brethren  of  the 
abbey  chose  one  Nicholas  as  his  successor,  but  the 
Pope  was  determined  to  force  another  candidate  upon 


Rogerm asters  the  Pope.  1 73 

them.  When,  however,  he  demanded  of  this  candid- 
ate the  oath  of  fealty  to  himself,  it  was  refused  on 
the  ground  that  Monte  Cassino  had  never  been  heret- 
ical or  schismatic. 

RoQ-er  of  Sicily,  too,  brought  down  the  ban  upon 
himself  by  claiming  the  succession  of  William,  Duke 
of  ApuHa,  who  had  died  without  children.  He 
affirmed  that  William  had  acknowledged  him  as  his 
heir,  and  seized  the  opportunity  to  unite  all  southern 
Italy ;  for  of  all  the  states  only  Capua  and  Naples 
remained  independent.  He  made  himself  master  of 
Salerno  and  Amalfi,  and  received  the  homage  of 
many  cities.  Honorius  was  resolved  to  prevent  the 
establishment  of  a  south-Italian  monarchy,  and 
treated  Roger's  act  as  sacrilegious.  He  declared  that 
William's  lands  reverted  to  the  papal  see,  and  hast- 
ened to  Benevento,  where  Roger,  enraged  at  his  re- 
fusal to  invest  him  with  Apulia  as  a  feudary  of  the 
church,  laid  waste  the  Beneventine  territory.  The 
Pope  retired  to  Capua  and  summoned  it  to  aid  in  the 
war  against  the  Sicilian.  Robert  of  Capua  mobilized 
his  troops,  but  Roger  quietly  waited  until  the  sum- 
mer heat  dissolved  them,  and  the  experience  of  Leo 
IX.  was  then  repeated.  Honorius  found  himself 
obliged  to  come  to  terms.  When  Roger  followed 
him  to  Benevento,  the  forsaken  Pope  asked  for  peace, 
and  the  Sicilian  compelled  the  Holy  Father  to  come 
out  of  the  city,  and  on  the  bridge  of  the  riven  Calore, 
under  the  broiling  August  sun,  to  give  him  the  in- 
vestiture of  the  dukedom  of  Apulia  and  Calabria. 
The  church  could  not  prevent  the  founding  of  the 
Neapolitan  monarchy.    This  important  event  changed 


1/4  Age  of  Hildebrand. 

the  politics  of  Italy  and  of  the  popes.  Honorius's 
temporary  advantage  consisted  in  his  obtaining  the 
feudal  sovereignty  of  southern  Italy. 

These  matters  kept  the  Pope  in  continual  move- 
ment between  Rome  and  Apulia.  The  Frangipani 
protected  Rome  in  his  interest,  and  furnished  him 
with  the  means  of  carrying  on  his  petty  wars  with 
the  captains  of  the  Campagna.  In  his  last  sickness 
he  was  carried  to  the  fortified  monastery  of  St.  Greg- 
ory, where  he  looked  from  a  window  upon  the  furious 
crowd,  which  believed  him  already  dead,  fighting  for 
the  papal  crown.  He  died  on  the  14th  of  February, 
1 1 30. 

The  new  election  could  not  legally  take  place  until 
after  his  burial ;  but  the  papal  party  could  not  wait 
for  this.  They  hurried  his  body  into  an  open  pit  in 
the  monastery  in  order  that  their  faction  might  pro- 
ceed at  once  to  an  election.  The  letter  of  the  re- 
quirement having  thus  been  observed,  the  corpse 
was  taken  back  to  the  Lateran,  and  the  dead  Pope 
and  his  newly  chosen  successor  entered  it  together. 

It  was  at  first  agreed  to  leave  the  choice  to  eight 
cardinals,  among  whom  was  Peter  Leonis;  but  Ho- 
norius  was  hardly  dead  when  five  of  the  electors,  in 
the  monastery  where  he  had  expired,  and  where  the 
proximity  of  the  Frangipani's  castles  afforded  secur- 
ity, proclaimed  the  cardinal  Gregory  of  St.  Angelo 
as  Innocent  II.  The  other  party,  much  the  more 
numerous,  and  supported  by  the  Roman  nobility  and 
people,  hastened  to  the  church  of  San  Marco,  near 
the  fortified  quarter  of  the  Pierleoni,  and  elected 
Peter,   the  son    of    Peter   Leonis,  as  Anacletus   II. 


Innocent  Flees  to  France,  175 

Both  elections  took  place  on  the  same  day,  the  14th 
of  February.  Anacletus  at  once  proceeded  to  storm 
and  despoil  St.  Peter's  and  other  churches  of  the 
city,  and  two  days  after  his  election  took  possession 
of  the  Lateran.  He  then  attempted  to  seize  Inno- 
cent, but  he  had  escaped  to  the  protection  of  the 
Frangipani.  Lothair  promptly  received  from  him  an 
invitation  to  come  to  Rome  the  next  winter  for  his 
imperial  coronation,  and  to  bring  with  him  such  a 
force  as  would  enable  him  to  overthrow  the  enemies 
of  the  church  and  of  the  empire. 

But  a  fortnight  had  not  passed  before  Innocent 
was  reminded  of  the  saying,  ''  Put  not  your  trust  in 
princes."  The  Frangipani,  probably  on  account  of 
bribes,  deserted  him,  and  he  sought  refuge  in  the 
Trastevere,  and  then  secretly  made  his  escape  to 
France.  Anacletus  made  use  even  of  the  ceremonies 
of  Passion  Week  to  win  Lothair.  He  proclaimed  on 
the  27th  of  March  the  ban  against  Conrad  of  Hohen- 
staufen,  who  had  assumed  the  royal  title  in  opposi- 
tion to  Lothair  a  little  more  than  a  year  before ;  and 
on  Good  Friday  made  a  public  intercession  for 
Lothair.  Many  of  Innocent's  partisans  were  gained 
by  threats  or  bribes,  and  Anacletus  conferred  privi-  o 
leges  and  issued  canonical  decisions  as  if  he  were  in 
undisputed  possession. 

But  declarations  in  favor  of  Innocent  began  to 
make  themselves  heard.  The  Archbishop  of  Ravenna 
affirmed  that  Innocent  was  legally  elected ;  that  Pier- 
leone,  who  had  long  desired  the  office,  had  obtained 
it  by  bloodshed  and  simony ;  and  that  all  Italy 
acknowledged  Innocent,  and  condemned  Pierleone  as 


176  Age  of  Hildebrand, 

not  an  apostle,  but  an  apostate ;  not  Catholic,  but 
heretic ;  not  consecrated,  but  execrated.  The  Bish- 
op of  Lucca  expressed  himself  to  the  same  effect. 
Louis  of  France,  through  the  influence  of  Bernard  of 
Clairvaux,  acknowledged  him.  Then  the  voices  of 
the  great  synods  began  to  be  heard.  The  Synod  of 
Clermont  uttered  its  recognition  in  October.  Here 
appeared  commissioners  from  Lothair  to  announce 
that  the  assembly  at  Wiirzburg,  in  that  same  month, 
had  acknowledged  Innocent  as  lawful  Pope  and  had 
pronounced  the  ban  upon  Anacletus.  Henry  of 
England,  also  through  Bernard's  influence,  gave  his 
adherence  to  Innocent,  and  had  a  personal  interview 
with  him  at  Chartres.  Innocent  and  Lothair  met  at 
Liege  in  March,  and  the  synod  held  at  that  time,  at 
which  ninety  bishops  and  abbots  and  thirteen  card- 
inals were  present,  pronounced  Innocent  Pope  and 
banned  Anacletus,  Conrad,  and  Frederick.  The 
Synod  of  Rheims  followed  in  October,  and  commis- 
sioners to  that  body  from  England  and  from  Castile 
and  Aragon  presented  the  homage  of  those  king- 
doms to  Innocent.  Thus,  soon  after  his  expulsion 
from  Rome,  he  was  acknowledged  by  Germany, 
England,  France,  a  great  part  of  Italy,  and  all  the 
monastic  orders. 

The  name  of  Bernard  of  Clairvaux  now  claims 
special  attention. 

Though  the  reform-movement  of  the  eleventh  cent- 
ury had  not  accomplished  all  that  its  promoters  had 
hoped  for,  though  much  violence,  luxury,  and  im- 
morality still  characterized  the  clergy  and  monks,  the 
movement  had  nevertheless  created  a  strong  party 


Bernard's  Early  Life.  177 

against  such  abuses.  This  party  was  not,  as  in  Leo 
IX.'s  time,  aUied  with  the  Papacy.  It  assumed, 
rather,  a  critical  attitude  towards  the  Papacy ;  but  it 
developed  men  of  great  personal  force,  who,  more 
than  institutions,  contributed  to  the  work  of  reform ; 
men  who  exercised  for  the  time  an  almost  unlimited 
control  over  the  people  and  the  churches,  and  who 
compelled  even  the  Papacy  to  follow  them.  Such 
was  Bernard  of  Clairvaux,  the  central  figure  of  the 
period  with  which  we  now  have  to  deal;  its  most 
powerful  and  impressive  personality.  During  half  of 
the  twelfth  century  he  is  the  head  of  Christendom, 
and  his  life,  as  Dean  Milman  remarks,  is  the  history 
of  the  Western  Church.  More  than  any  other  he 
represents  the  new  piety  of  the  time,  and  is  the  de- 
cisive factor  in  all  the  great  transactions  of  the  age. 
He  was  born  in  Burgundy  near  Dijon,  in  1091. 
His  father,  Tescelin,  was  a  distinguished  knight,  and 
his  mother  a  noble  lady  of  the  ducal  house  of  Bur- 
gundy, deeply  pious,  and  devoted  to  charitable  works 
and  to  the  education  of  her  children.  Bernard  was 
elegant  in  person,  graceful  in  manners,  and  early  dis- 
tinguished for  his  literary  proficiency.  At  the  age 
of  twenty-two  he  embraced  the  monastic  Hfe,  enter- 
ing the  abbey  of  Citeaux,  which  at  that  time  was 
undistinguished,  poor,  and  unpopular,  by  reason  of 
the  severity  of  its  discipline.  For  Citeaux,  as  has 
already  been  said,  was  a  protest  against  Clugny. 
Clugny,  though  it  had  once  stood  at  the  head  of  the 
reform-movement,  had  been  corrupted  by  its  great 
wealth,  and  had  not  contributed  to  the  removal  of 
the  current  monastic  abuses.     Bernard's  presence  at 


178  Age  of  Hildebrand. 


Citeaux  attracted  such  numbers  that  it  became  neces- 
sary to  colonize,  and  in  1 1 15,  a  year  after  his  profes- 
sion, he  was  sent  out  to  found  a  new  monastery. 
He  selected  the  site  at  Clairvaux,^  in  a  valley  covered 
with  forest,  known  as  **  the  Valley  of  Wormwood," 
and  a  notorious  haunt  of  robbers.  The  Cistercian 
order  was  severely  ascetic.  The  Benedictine  rule 
was  its  foundation,  but  without  the  modifications  with 
respect  to  food  and  clothing  which  had  been  intro- 
duced at  Clugny.  The  sites  selected  for  its  houses 
were  usually  in  wild  regions,  far  from  human  inter- 
course. The  Cistercians  gave  themselves  to  prayer, 
ascetic  practice,  and  agricultural  labor,  in  the  prose- 
cution of  which  last  they  developed  the  order  of 
lay  brothers.  Their  severity  of  discipline  brought  to 
them  large  gifts,  and  numerous  members  of  all  con- 
ditions, so  that  they  were  abundantly  supplied  with 
the  best  workmen;  and  the  surplus  of  such  ability 
compelled  them  to  enter  more  and  more  into  business 
intercourse.  As  the  Cistercians  chose  unopened  ter- 
ritory for  cultivation,  their  real  estate  rapidly  in- 
creased in  value.  Intelligence,  experience,  and  the 
interchange  of  all  fresh  knowledge  at  the  annual 
meetings  of  the  general  chapter  raised  their  institu- 
tions to  the  character  of  model  farms.  With  the 
magnificence  of  Clugny  they  renounced  most  of  the 
literary  work. 

While  Clugny  had  completed  itself  by  the  annex- 
ation of  older  monasteries,  or  by  instituting  depend- 

1  Clairvaux  is  about  one  hundred  and  thirty-seven  miles  from  Paris, 
on  the  road  to  Basle  by  Troyes.  It  is  in  the  department  of  Aube, 
and  the  river  Aube  runs  not  far  from  it.     The  monastery  is  in  ruins. 


Rapid  Growth  of  the  Cistercians.       179 

ent  priories,  Citeaux  developed  by  sending  out  inde- 
pendent colonies.  The  Abbot  of  Citeaux  was  general 
abbot,  but  his  power  was  limited,  not  only  by  the 
general  chapter  of  all  the  abbots  and  a  standing 
committee,  but  also  by  the  inner  independence  of 
each  monastery.  The  individual  monk  was  not 
bound  to  the  Abbot  of  Citeaux,  but  to  the  abbot  of 
his  own  monastery,  until  the  orders  of  his  abbot 
should  send  him  elsewhere.  The  extension  under 
this  system  was  remarkable.  Clugny  never  really 
extended  beyond  France;  but  Citeaux  spread  over 
all  the  lands  of  the  Western  Church.  By  its  general 
chapter  it  maintained  a  living  interchange  between 
its  individual  parts,  created  a  uniform  policy,  and 
thus,  within  a  short  time,  became  an  ecclesiastical 
power  of  the  first  rank. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

MYSTICAL     PIETY — BERNARD     AND     HUGO     OF    ST. 
VICTOR — NORBERT  AND  THE  PR^MONSTRANTS. 

ERNARD  represented  not  only  a  new 
type  of  monastic  organization,  but  a  dis- 
tinct type  of  religious  life.  The  devel- 
opment of  mediaeval  piety  followed,  on 
the  one  hand,  the  line  of  externalism — 
salvation  by  works,  penance,  pilgrimage,  sacraments, 
fastings,  offerings,  seclusion — every  outward  appli- 
ance by  which  the  flesh  could  be  mortified  and  the 
Deity  propitiated.  On  the  other  hand,  it  pursued 
the  track  marked  out  by  Augustine  in  the  cultiva- 
tion of  a  type  of  religiousness  which  emphasized  the 
Christian  consciousness  and  regarded  faith  as  a  prin- 
ciple of  life  rather  than  as  a  mere  assent  to  dogma ; 
a  principle  which  presupposed  the  direct  contact  of 
the  soul  with  God,  and  a  divine  operation  in  the  soul. 
According  to  Augustine,  love,  joy,  trust,  and  strength 
to  overcome  the  world  and  the  flesh  are  the  elements 
of  religion  and  spring  from  the  soul's  actual  possession 
of  God  in  Christ.  John  Scotus  Erigena,  who  began 
to  teach  in  Paris  about  the  middle  of  the  ninth  cent- 
ury, translated  certain  works  falsely  attributed  to 
Dionysius  the  Areopagite,  Paul's  convert  at  Athens, ^ 

1  Acts  xvii.  34. 
180 


Scholasticism  of  Erigena.  i8i 

and  popularly  identified  with  Dionysius  or  St.  Denys, 
the  apostle  of  France  and  the  first  Bishop  of  Paris. 
The  object  of  these  mystical  writings  was  to  show 
how  man  might  attain  to  perfect  communion  with 
God.  They  taught  that  the  influences  continually 
emanating  from  God  proceed  downwards  to  man 
through  successive  "  hierarchies  "  or  ranks  of  beings 
which  reflect  the  divine  loveliness;  and  that  thus 
man  is  drawn  to  God.i 

Erigena  carried  out  the  Dionysian  system,  and 
endeavored  to  expound  it  by  the  aid  of  Aristotle. 
His  work  attracted  comparatively  little  attention, 
however,  until,  in  the  eleventh  century,  after  the  at- 
tempt of  Gregory  VII.  to  subjugate  western  Europe 
to  the  Roman  hierarchy,  the  movings  of  an  independ- 
ent spiritual  life  began  to  be  felt.  In  place  of  a 
theology  propagated  by  tradition  and  received  on 
priestly  authority,  there  emerged  a  science  founded 
on  the  writings  of  Aristotle,  which  endeavored  to 
submit  the  traditional  doctrines  of  the  church  to  the 
test  of  reason,  and  to  show  that  they  answered  to 
reason.  This  science  was  especially  cultivated  in 
France  and  dominated  the  French  schools;  but  it 
threatened,  on  the  one  hand,  to  make  the  natural 
reason  the  arbiter  of  the  church's  faith,  while,  on  the 
other  hand,  by  reason  of  its  rigid  formalism,  it  failed 
to  appeal  to  the  heart.  For  the  heart-life  had  been 
mightily  stirred  in  the  Gregorian  fight,  as  was  shown 
by  the  crusading  enthusiasm,  by  the  rise  of  new  and 

1  See  B.  F.  Westcott,  "  Religious  Thought  in  the  West;"  Robert 
A.  Vaughan,  "Hours  with  the  Mystics;"  Preger,  art.  "Theologie, 
mystische,"  in  Herzog's  "  Real  Encyklopadie." 


1 82  Age  of  Hildebrand, 

multiform  monastic  orders,  and  by  the  mysticism 
which  developed  over  against  the  scholasticism  of 
Erigena,  and  which  was  especially  fostered  in  the 
school  of  St.  Victor  in  Paris. 

This  mysticism  was  related  to  the  Augustinian 
teaching,  but  it  was  far  more  than  a  revival  of 
Augustinian  thought.  "  The  chords  of  Christie 
mysticism,  which  Augustine  had  struck  with  an  un- 
certain hand,  grew  into  a  rapturous  melody."  ^  The 
pietism  of  the  twelfth  century  followed  two  lines — 
that  of  the  Dionysian  mysticism  and  that  of  the  pas- 
sionate love  of  Jesus.  The  former  was  represented 
by  Hugo  and  Richard  of  St.  Victor,  the  latter  by 
Bernard.  With  both  the  ultimate  object  was  the 
spiritual  vision  and  enjoymient  of  God,  and  the  ethical 
and  religious  purification  and  power  which  flowed 
from  these.  Hugo's  process  was  logical,  Bernard's 
ethical,  intuitional,  and  emotional.  Hugo  laid  out  the 
path  by  which  the  soul  ascends  to  God.  He  traced 
the  rational  process  by  which  it  mounts  through 
the  kingdom  of  this  world,  from  the  manifoldness 
of  visible  things  to  the  oneness  of  God,  by  the  success- 
ive steps  of  cogitation,  meditation,  and  speculation, 
to  contemplation,  and  so  to  the  heavenly  sphere  and 
the  vision  of  the  divine.^    Then  the  soul  beholds  in 

1  Harnack,  "  Dogmengeschichte." 

2  Compare  the  beautiful  words  which  Dante  puts  into  the  mouth  of 
Bernard : 

"  Or  questi,  che  dall'  infima  lacuna 
Deir  universe  insin  qui  ha  vedute 
Le  vite  spiritali  ad  una  ad  una, 
Supplica  a  te,  per  grazia,  di  virtute 
Tanto,  che  possa  con  gli  occhi  levarsi 
Piu  alto  verso  1'  ultima  salute." 

Paradiso,  xxxiii.,  22-27. 


Contemplation  of  Jesus.  183 

Christ  God  and  man  united — the  full  manifestation 
of  divine  love,  wisdom,  and  power,  both  in  creation 
and  in  redemption,  and  all  designed  for  its  spiritual 
enjoyment  and  holiness.  Then  first,  under  the  power 
of  this  revelation,  enters  the  passionate  tumult  of  feel- 
ing, the  emotional  love  of  God  as  manifest  in  Christ. 

Bernard,  like  Hugo,  sought  the  revelation  of  the 
divine  in  Christ — in  the  image  of  the  personal,  histor- 
ical, human  Jesus;  but  practically  he  ignored  the 
successive  rational  steps  prescribed  by  Hugo  for  the 
attainment  of  the  divine  ecstasy.  He  rather  aspired 
to  scale  the  heights  of  heavenly  communion  by  rav- 
ishment. Love,  springing  from  faith,  bears  the  soul 
upwards,  and  love  is  begotten  in  the  contemplation 
of  Jesus.  He  is  the  image  of  God.  Whoso  beholds 
him  beholds  God.  Contemplation  concentrates  itself 
upon  him.  The  spectacle  of  his  humiliation  and 
suffering  takes  possession  of  the  heart  and  overpow- 
ers it.  In  this  contemplation  of  Christ  the  soul  com- 
munes with  God  as  friend  with  friend,  as  bride  with 
bridegroom ;  and  often  it  is  carried  above  the  vision 
of  the  suffering  One  to  the  vision  of  the  glorified 
One  who  inflames  the  heart  with  the  intensest  ardor 
of  love.  The  result  of  this  vision  and  rapturous 
communion  is  humiliation  for  sin  and  intenser  striv- 
ing after  likeness  to  the  divine. 

It  is  interesting  to  see  how  the  metaphysical 
element  thus  intertwines  itself  with  the  ecstatic,  the 
combination  retaining  traces  of  the  intellectual  Neo- 
platonism  in  which  the  roots  of  mysticism  were  em- 
bedded. More  than  a  hint  of  this  appears  in  Hugo's 
rational   cognition   of  the  successive  steps  by  which 


184  Age  of  Hildebrand. 

the  spirit  mounts  to  its  celestial  goal;  in  the  meta- 
physical contemplation  of  the  world  and  of  the  soul ; 
in  the  weighing  of  the  evidences  of  divine  love  which 
convince  the  soul  that  it  belongs  wholly  to  God. 
Even  the  emotional  intercourse  with  Christ  is  a  stage 
to  something  beyond.  The  spiritual  vision  aspires  to 
overpass  the  historical  and  to  attain  the  calm,  pas- 
sionless contemplation  of  the  timeless  Logos  of  the 
Trinity,  the  creator  and  maintainer  of  the  world. 
Thus  the  mystical  merges  ultimately  into  the  meta- 
physical ;  experience  into  ontological  and  cosmolog- 
ical  theology  ;  Hugo  and  Bernard  into  Anselm.  This 
side  of  the  matter,  however,  is  not  emphasized  by 
Bernard.  Although  he  and  his  followers  turn  to 
account  and  apply  the  Victorine  theory,  although 
the  two  conceptions  of  the  mystical  Hfe  and  com- 
munion do  not  exclude  each  other,  yet  the  pecuHar, 
vital  element  of  the  Bernardine  pietism  is  the  con- 
templation of  the  historical,  suffering  Jesus. 

The  mysticism  of  this  age,  however,  did  not  detach 
itself  from  the  church.  The  rather  it  emphasized  the 
sacraments  and  all  holy  ordinances,  and  the  practice 
of  discipline  and  works,  as  media  of  grace  for  the 
enjoyment  of  the  ecstatic  communion,  and  the  church 
as  th«  teacher  of  truths  inaccessible  to  the  unaided 
reason.  It  intensified  the  sense  of  sin  ;  and  this  feat- 
ure, of  which  Anselm  was  the  principal  exponent, 
appeared  in  the  significance  attaching  to  peni- 
tential discipline,  which  was  regarded  as  expiation, 
and  in  the  emphasis  upon  the  idea  that  contemplation 
was  possible  only  through  continual  penitence  and 
purification. 


Mysticism  and  the  Scholastics.         185 

Mysticism  fell  into  the  life  of  the  twelfth  century 
as  a  prolific  seed.  Many  influences  conspired  to  lead 
pious  spirits  into  its  paths,  such  as  the  secularization 
of  the  clergy,  the  barrenness  of  the  rationalistic  the- 
ology, and  the  strife  between  the  ecclesiastical  and 
the  secular  powers.  It  found  a  congenial  soil  in  the 
female  convents,  such  as  those  of  the  Beguines  and 
Beghards.  In  certain  prominent  women,  as  Hilde- 
gard  of  Bingen  and  Elizabeth  of  Schonau,  it  assumed 
a  prophetic  character,  and  rebuked  the  vices  of  the 
day.  In  the  thirteenth  and  fourteenth  centuries  the 
mystical  life,  especially  in  the  female  convents,  re- 
vealed itself  in  numerous  ecstatic  phenomena,  which 
are  recorded  in  the  diaries  of  the  nun  Gertrude,  of 
Mechthild  of  Hackeborn,  of  Margaret  and  Christina 
Ebner,  of  Angela  of  Foligni,  Brigitta  of  Sweden,  and 
Catherine  of  Siena,  and  which  furnish  psychological 
studies  of  great  interest. 

The  mystical  theory  was  fostered  by  the  scholas- 
tics, Bonaventura,  Thomas  Aquinas,  and  Albertus 
Magnus,  and  through  Albertus  found  footing  in  Ger- 
many, where  its  first  important  representative  was 
David  of  Augsburg.  Extending  itself  in  the  forms 
of  preaching,  proverb,  song,  and  allegorical  poetry,  it 
finally  dominated  the  religious  life,  while  the  influence 
of  the  scholastic  theology,  extant  only  in  the  Latin 
language,  was  confined  to  a  class. 

Nearly  two  hundred  years  after  Bernard  the  celes- 
tial hierarchies  of  Dionysius  reappear  in  the  circles 
of  Dante's  ''  Paradiso,"  along  with  the  mystical  the- 
ology of  St.  Victor  and  Bonaventura  and  the  philo- 
sophic theology  of  Aquinas.     In  his  portrait  of  Ber- 


1 86  Age  of  Hildeh'and. 

nard,  Dante,  with  consummate  art,  has  ignored  the 
monk,  and  seized  upon  that  chivah'ous  quahty  which, 
subHmed  by  the  spirit  of  worship,  spent  itself  upon 
the  Virgin  Mother.  He  appears  as  "  her  faithful 
Bernard,"  at  whose  intercession  she  will  grant  to  the 
poet  the  beatific  vision  ;  and  there,  with  the  holy  rose 
unfolding  its  petals  of  light,  there  rises  from  his 
lips,  like  an  incense  cloud  from  a  silver  censer, 
that  wondrous  blending  of  hymn  and  prayer  than 
which  the  literature  of  the  world  has  nothing 
more  exquisite : 

"  Vergine  madre,  figlia  del  tuo  figlio, 
Umile  ed  alta  piu  che  creatura,"  etc.  ^ 

The  effect  of  this  conception  of  Christian  life  upon 
Bernard  appeared  in  a  character  of  singular  purity 
and  refinement.  His  high  ideal  of  personal  purity 
led  him  into  such  severe  physical  discipline  that  his 
health  was  permanently  weakened,  and  he  remained 
an  invalid  to  his  dying  day.  His  energy  was  restless 
and  untiring,  his  courage  indomitable,  his  tact  and 
persuasiveness  irresistible.  The  absence  of  self-con- 
sciousness, his  spiritual  insight,  his  fervent  zeal,  his 
high  intellectuality,  the  fine  play  of  his  imagination, 
and  his  intensity  of  conviction  made  him  a  preacher 
on  whose  words  thousands  hung,  and  to  whose  power 
they  wiUingly  yielded.  He  had  full  command  of  the 
forces  which  were  behind  the  principal  movements  of 
the  age,  yet  his  personal  qualities  were  the  secret  of 
his  power  and  gave  him  access  to  all  classes  alike. 
He  was  the  vigorous  champion  of  clerical   reform, 

1  "  Paradise,"  xxxi.,  lOo;  xxxiii.,  1-27. 


Norbert  of  Xanthen.  187 

but  at  the  same  time  of  the  conscience  of  the  age 
against  the  secular  development  of  the  Papacy  and 
of  the  church.  His  conception  of  the  church  was  far 
more  spiritual  than  Hildebrand's.  He  was  a  loyal 
churchman,  but  he  held  no  doctrine  of  papal  infalli-  ^ 
bility  which  blinded  him  to  errors  in  pontifical  decis-  :> 
ions.  He  has  nowhere  defined  the  limits  of  the 
papal  rights.  He  held  as  strongly  as  Hildebrand  or 
Urban  to  the  immediate  divine  origin  of  the  Papacy ; 
but  he  found  limits  for  its  exercise  in  the  popes 
themselves.^ 

Before  leaving  this  subject,  mention  should  be 
made  of  one  who  has  been  called  the  **  second  saint  " 
of  this  age — Norbert  of  Xanthen.  At  the  beginning 
of  the  twelfth  century  loud  complaints  were  current 
against  the  canons  or  prebendaries  of  the  collegiate 
churches.  The  reform-movement  of  the  previous 
century  seemed  to  have  passed  over  their  heads 
without  leaving  any  trace.  They  lived  in  concubin- 
age in  their  own  houses,  held  private  property,  con- 
sumed church  revenues  in  luxury,  and  rebelled, 
sometimes  with  arms,  against  their  bishops,  espe- 
cially those  of  the  reform-party.  Against  this  abuse 
arose  the  canon-foundations  of  St.  Victor  in  Paris, 
an  institution  which  exerted  the  greatest  influence 
throughout  France,  as  well  as  in  England,  Italy,  and 
Germany.  There  soon  grew  out  of  it  a  kind  of 
"  congregation,"  after  the   model   of  Clugny,  whose 


1  It  is,  perhaps,  hardly  necessary  to  refer  the  reader,  who  may  de- 
sire to  know  more  of  the  life  and  character  of  Bernard,  to  the  brilliant 
and  delightful  volume  by  Dr.  R.  S.  Storrs,  "  Bernard  of  Clairvaux  " 
(Scribners,  1893). 


Age  of  Hildebra7id. 


most  prominent  personality  was  Hugo  of  St.  Victor. 
Norbert  entered  into  the  work  of  this  order,  and 
brought  to  it  the  organization  of  Citeaux;  and  in 
1 1 20  founded  the  order  of  the  Praemonstrants  or 
Praemonstratensians,  a  name  derived  from  Premontre, 
between  Rheims  and  Laon.  The  order  had  at  one  time 
a  thousand  male  and  five  hundred  female  abbeys. 
The  rules  were  those  of  Augustine.^  No  meat  was 
allowed,  and  the  regimen  included  scourging. 

For  several  centuries  this  order  was  the  rival  of 
the  Cistercians,  though  the  Cistercian  order  was,  in 
almost  all  particulars,  its  model.  Each  order  formed 
an  independent  fellowship.  All  their  property  was 
in  their  own  hands  and  at  their  own  disposal.  Nor- 
bert stood  by  Bernard  in  the  fight  for  reform,  in 
politics,  and  in  theology,  though  his  influence  over 
the  masses  was  not  equal  to  Bernard's.  As  Arch- 
bishop of  Magdeburg,  he  exercised  great  influence 
over  Lothair  III.  He  is,  so  far  as  is  known,  the  first 
who  adopted  the  idea  of  preaching  in  the  itinerant 
fashion  of  Jesus  and  the  apostles  as  described  in 
Matthew  x.,  and  that  of  the  forest  life  which  was 
afterwards  carried  out  by  Francis  of  Assisi.  Both  he 
and  Bernard,  while  they  stand  on  the  ground  of  the 
eleventh-century  reform,  exhibit  the  fuller  individu- 
alizing which  underlies  the  advancing  culture. 

1  So  called.     They  did  not  originate  with  the  Bishop  of  Hippo. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

THE    PAPACY    AND    ROGER    OF    SICILY — INNOCENT 
AND  ANACLETUS — SCHOLASTICISM. 

[NNOCENT,  leaving  Rheims  early  in 
November,  1131,  passed  the  rest  of  the 
year  in  France.  He  issued  the  decree 
of  privilege  to  the  Cistercian  order  and 
gave  a  charter  to  the  abbey  of  Clairvaux. 
Then,  crossing  the  Alps  into  Lombardy,  he  met 
Lothair  at  Roncaglia,  after  which  he  went  to  Pisa, 
where  he  succeeded  in  concluding  a  peace  between 
that  city  and  Genoa.  At  Calcinajo,  in  the  Pisan  ter- 
ritory, he  again  met  Lothair  and  arranged  with  him 
to  go  at  once  to  Rome,  the  King  by  land  and  the 
Pope  by  sea. 

Innocent  entered  the  city  in  April  and  occupied 
the  Lateran,  while  Lothair  remained  encamped  on 
the  Aventine.  Anacletus  was  in  St.  Peter's.  A 
fleet  of  Genoans  and  Pisans  soon  appeared  to  support 
Innocent.  On  the  4th  of  June,  11 33,  Lothair,  with 
his  wife,  Richinza,  received  the  imperial  crown  in  the 
Lateran.  Safe  in  St.  Angelo,  on  the  other  side  of 
the  Tiber,  Anacletus  could  enjoy  his  laugh  at  seeing 
the  gates  of  St.  Peter  once  more  closed  against  an 
imperial  coronation.     Four  days  after  the  coronation 

189 


190  Age  of  Hilde brand.. 

Innocent  gave  to  the  royal  pair  the  possessions  of 
Mathilde  in  fief,  and  at  the  same  time  a  document 
formally  attesting  the  imperial  coronation  and  pledg- 
ing all  rights  attaching  thereunto.  Anacletus  at- 
tempted to  open  negotiations  with  Lothair  and 
Innocent,  but  was  repulsed  and  publicly  condemned 
by  the  German  princes  of  the  Emperor's  retinue. 
The  effect  of  this  action  was  strengthened  by  the 
arrival  of  Robert  of  Capua  with  the  papal  legate  of 
Benevento.  Anacletus,  however,  had  the  long  purse 
which  was  the  supreme  power  in  Rome,  and  em- 
ployed it  so  successfully  among  the  Romans  that 
Lothair  was  compelled  to  leave  the  city  before  the 
middle  of  June.  This  proceeding  was  the  signal  for 
bloodshed  between  the  two  Roman  parties,  and  forced 
Innocent  soon  to  follow  the  Emperor  and  to  repair 
to  Pisa,  where  he  did  not  find  the  assistance  which 
he  expected,  owing  to  Pisa's  jealousy  of  the  growing 
naval  power  of  Sicily.  Roger  of  Sicily  had  been 
victorious  in  Apulia  —  a  success  which  went  to 
strengthen  Anacletus ;  and  the  Pisans  refused  to  take 
the  field  against  him  without  the  aid  of  the  Genoese. 
Bernard  was  indignant  at  the  Emperor's  delay,  and 
wrote  to  him  rebuking  his  ingratitude  to  Pisa,  which 
had  always  been  the  most  powerful  ally  of  the  em- 
pire. Meanwhile  Anacletus  had  obtained  possession 
of  the  Lateran,  from  which  he  wrote  to  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Compostella,  whom  he  was  vainly  seeking 
to  win  over  to  his  side,  that  Lothair  had  been  forced 
to  leave  the  city,  that  Innocent  had  fled  to  Pisa,  that 
he  had  celebrated  Easter  in  the  Lateran  and  had 
wrested  from  his  enemies  the  churches  of  St.  John 


Bernard  Ends  the  Milan  Schism.      191 

and  St.  Paul,  with  several  fortified  positions,  and  that 
with  the  help  of  his  friends,  especially  Roger  of  Sic- 
ily, he  would  destroy  his  opposers. 

At  the  Pisan  council  in  May,  1135,  the  principal 
matter  was  the  deposition  and  anathematizing  of 
Anacletus.  If  anathemas  had  been  stones,  Anacletus 
would  long  before  have  shared  the  fate  of  the  martyr 
Stephen.  Roger  of  Sicily  was  also  anathematized; 
traffic  with  Sicily  and  Apulia  and  service  under 
Roger  were  prohibited  ;  and  the  same  indulgence  was 
pledged  to  all  who  should  enlist  against  Pierleone  or 
Roger  as  to  the  crusaders  at  Clermont.  Bernard,  with 
several  cardinals,  went  to  Milan  in  the  commission  of 
the  Pope,  to  try  to  put  an  end  to  the  schism  which 
had  existed  there  ever  since  the  coronation  of  Conrad 
and  the  election  of  Anacletus.  The  Milanese  arch- 
bishop Anselm,  who  had  crowned  Conrad  in  1129, 
and  who  was  Anacletus's  chief  supporter  in  Upper 
Italy,  had  been  displaced  by  the  Pisan  council. 
Under  Bernard's  influence,  Roboald,  the  former 
vicar,  was  chosen  as  Anselm's  successor.  The  Mil- 
anese abjured  Anacletus  and  acknowledged  Lothair 
as  their  King  and  Emperor.  Roboald  at  once  took 
the  oath  of  allegiance,  and  Bernard's  intercession 
with  the  Emperor  procured  mild  treatment  for  the 
Milanese. 

This  was  one  of  Bernard's  proudest  triumphs.  All 
Italy  as  far  as  the  Tiber  now  paid  homage  to  Inno- 
cent II.  Only  the  city  of  Rome,  the  Campagna,  and 
southern  Italy  held  by  Anacletus.  The  hope  of 
unseating  Anacletus  lay  in  breaking  the  power  of 
Roger.     The  Pisans  carried  on  a  brief  contest  with 


iQi^  Age  of  Hildebrand. 

him,  but  without  any  decisive  resuh  except  the  over- 
throw of  Amalfi  in  1 136  ;  and  Anacletus  bestowed  on 
him  the  titles  of  "  Advocate  of  the  Church "  and 
"  Patrician  of  the  Romans,"  and  granted  him  certain 
privileges  which  menaced  the  independence  of  the 
Papacy. 

At  Bamberg,  in  March,  1135,  Frederick  of  Suabia 
submitted  to  the  Emperor,  and  a  new  expedition 
to  Rome  was  determined  upon,  to  which  Frederick 
promised  to  lend  his  aid.  A  special  impulse  to  this 
expedition  was  given  by  the  Pope's  sending  to 
Lothair  a  cardinal  with  Robert  of  Capua,  who  had 
been  expelled  by  Roger  and  who  now  demanded 
that  Lothair  should  free  Sicily  from  Roger,  who  was 
in  league  with  Anacletus. 

Lothair  set  out  for  Italy  from  Wiirzburg  in  August, 
1 136,  with  the  intention  of  driving  Roger  from  Sicily. 
He  passed  through  the  marches  along  the  coast,  while 
his  son-in-law  Henry,  with  a  smaller  force,  went 
by  way  of  Florence  to  Viterbo.  These  two  armies 
moved  through  Italy  like  a  whirlwind,  desolating  the 
country  with  fire  and  sword.  The  whole  of  Apulia 
was  subjected  as  far  as  Bari.  Henry  the  Proud, 
Duke  of  Tuscany,  laid  waste  those  districts  in  Latium 
which  acknowledged  Anacletus.  The  fall  of  Bari 
"^  was  decisive.  Roger  sued  for  peace,  with  the  con- 
dition that  Lothair  should  give  Apulia  to  his  son. 
This  Lothair  refused.  Roger  escaped  to  Sicily,  and 
the  Emperor  and  Innocent  went  to  Melfi. 

Here  a  dispute  arose  between  them  over  the  Ab- 
bot of  Monte  Cassino,  who  appeared  at  the  Emper- 
or's command.     The  Pope  demanded  that  he  should 


Anaclet7is  Losing  Ground.  193 


appear  barefoot  and  as  a  penitent,  because  of  his  part 
in  the  schism;  that  he  should  swear  unconditional 
obedience  to  him,  and  curse  Anacletus  and  all  his 
following.  A  double  problem  was  concealed  in  these 
demands — the  independent  relation  of  the  abbey  to 
the  Pope,  and  to  the  Emperor  and  the  empire.  The 
abbot  appealed  to  the  Emperor,  who  decided  in  his 
favor  and  requested  the  Pope  to  pardon  him  and 
remit  the  oath.  The  Pope  refused,  and  the  Emperor 
assumed  the  secular  right  over  the  abbey.  After 
much  haggling  the  Pope  yielded,  renounced  the  oath 
of  fidelity  to  himself,  and  received  the  abbey  again 
into  favor.  The  dispute  was  subsequently  renewed, 
however,  on  the  point  that  Raynal,  the  abbot,  had 
been  consecrated  as  deacon  by  Anacletus,  had  taken 
part  in  the  schism,  and  was  suspected  of  being  in 
league  with  Roger.  Lothair  arranged  that  the  set- 
tlement should  be  left  to  the  Pope,  the  Emperor,  and 
the  princes.  Raynal's  election  was  declared  void, 
and  a  new  strife  broke  out  between  the  cardinals  and 
the  monks  about  a  new  election.  It  was  finally  set- 
tled that  the  Emperor  should  nominate,  the  monks 
elect,  and  the  Pope  consecrate. 

When  Innocent,  in  October,  appeared  again  in 
Roman  territory,  the  party  of  Anacletus  was  fast 
collapsing.  Their  only  support  was  Roger  of  Sicily, 
who,  as  soon  as  the  Emperor  had  left  southern  Italy, 
returned  and  recovered  his  position.  Salerno,  Ben- 
evento,  and  Monte  Cassino  were  soon  in  his  hands. 
Bernard  now  endeavored  to  prevail  on  Roger  to 
acknowledge  Innocent.  He  induced  him  to  consent 
to  hear  three  cardinals  from  each  side ;  and  Roger,  in 


194  Age  of  Hildebrand. 

November,  underwent  the  penance  of  listening  for 
four  days  to  the  contestants — Bernard  for  Innocent, 
and  the  learned  and  eloquent  Peter  of  Pisa  for  An- 
acletus.  An  amusing  feature  of  the  affair  was  that 
Bernard  converted  Peter.  Roger  then  asked  that  a 
cardinal  from  each  side  should  accompany  him  to 
Sicily  and  present  the  case  before  the  ecclesiastics 
there.  The  proposition  was  accepted,  but  Roger 
stubbornly  adhered  to  Anacletus.  In  the  meantime 
Lothair,  worn  out  with  the  hardships  of  war,  died  on 
the  4th  of  December,  1 137.  Anacletus  followed  him 
a  year  later,  having  for  eight  years  maintained  the 
struggle  as  antipope. 

His  college  of  cardinals  immediately  applied  to 
Roger  for  permission  to  elect  a  new  Pope,  and  in 
March,  1 138,  Cardinal  Gregory  was  chosen  as  Victor 
IV.  The  election,  however,  only  served  the  Romans 
as  a  means  for  obtaining  more  favorable  terms  of 
peace.  Innocent,  by  means  of  bribes,  won  over  most 
of  the  cardinals  of  Victor's  party,  and  he  was  forced, 
in  May,  to  lay  his  insignia  at  the  Pope's  feet.  The 
Pierleoni  took  the  oath  to  Innocent,  and  the  schis- 
matic clergy  pledged  him  obedience.  All  Rome  re- 
joiced and  showered  praises  upon  Bernard. 

At  the  great  synod  in  April  of  the  following  year 
the  triumph  of  the  Pope  and  the  zeal  of  the  western 
churches  were  duly  set  forth ;  but  Innocent  was  not 
noble  enough  to  forego  the  expression  of  his  revenge- 
ful feeling.  Anacletus  was  denounced  ;  his  present 
adherents  were  named  and  angrily  rebuked,  and 
stripped  of  their  pallia  and  staves ;  a  bishop  was  sent 
to  France  to  overthrow  all  altars  consecrated  by  the 


Roger  Receives  Sicily.  195 


schismatics;  Roger  was  excommunicated,  and  the 
Pope  determined  to  undertake  another  expedition 
against  him.  In  carrying  out  this  enterprise  the  Pope 
suffered  a  defeat  and  was  taken  prisoner ;  but  Roger 
desired  peace,  and  at  last  received  from  the  Pope  the 
kingdom  of  Sicily  as  a  fief. 

In  announcing  this  transaction  the  Pope  exhibited 
a  marked  lack  of  candor.  As  Anacletus  had  made 
Roger  King,  Innocent  ascribed  that  act  to  his  pre- 
decessor, Honorius  II.,  in  order  to  conceal  the  hu- 
miliation of  having  ratified  the  act  of  an  antipope. 
Honorius  had  really  recognized  Roger  only  as  Duke 
of  Apulia.  Innocent,  however,  recognized  him  as 
King  in  consideration  of  six  hundred  gold  pieces  as 
an  annual  tribute,  according  to  Roger's  agreement 
with  Anacletus.  On  Innocent's  return  to  Rome  the 
Romans  demanded  that  he  should  break  this  treaty, 
and  a  feeling  was  created  against  him  which  threat- 
ened trouble  for  the  future. 

But  a  conflict  more  serious  than  any  political  strug- 
gle, both  in  its  origin  and  in  its  tendencies,  was  now 
to  engage  the  attention  of  the  Roman  see,  which,  up 
to  this  time,  had  never  been  called  to  deal  on  any 
very  large  scale  with  developments  in  the  world  of 
thought.  The  rise  of  the  scholastic  philosophy  and 
theology  inaugurates  one  of  the  great  intellectual 
movements  of  this  century.  Fully  to  treat  this  sub- 
ject requires  far  more  space  than  the  limits  of  this 
volume  allow;  and  the  attempt  would  carry  the 
reader  into  a  jungle  of  metaphysical  subtleties  which 
would  yield  neither  interest  nor  profit.  A  few 
general  outlines  and  leading  facts  will  be  necessary 


196  Age  of  Hildebrand, 

in  order  to  follow  intelligently  the  course  of  our 
history. 

Ancient  philosophy  disappeared  about  the  begin- 
ning of  the  sixth  century.  Its  last  representative  was 
Boethius,  who  died  in  525.  Four  years  later  Jus- 
tinian closed  the  Athenian  schools.  The  Christian 
fathers  did  not  deal  with  theology  on  a  philosophical 
basis,  but  simply  as  churchmen.  They  formulated 
and  fixed  their  dogmas  by  the  decisions  of  the  great 
church  councils.  With  the, close  of  the  sixth  century 
theological  production  ceased.  All  the  materials  for 
the  formation  of  a  doctrinal  system  of  Christianity 
were  at  hand.  From  the  seventh  to  the  eleventh 
century,  theological  writers,  as  Cassiodorus,  Bede, 
Alcuin,  were  merely  compilers  of  extracts  and  writers 
of  glosses.  They  wove  together  extracts  from  differ- 
ent fathers,  occasionally  adding  a  few  words  of  their 
own.  Even  the  glosses  were  compilations,  masses 
of  literal,  moral,  and  mystical  fragments  intermingled 
with  a  few  crude  grammatical  observations.  We 
have  a  high  Roman  Catholic  authority  for  the  state- 
ment that  about  the  sixth  or  seventh  century  "  the 
oral  or  traditionary  teaching,  which  allowed  scope  to 
the  individual  teacher,  had  hardened  into  a  written 
tradition."  1  The  patristic  dogmas  were  passively 
accepted.  They  were  not  only  not  controverted,  but 
not  even  treated. 

Intimations  of  a  more  independent  spirit  began  to 
appear  early  in  the  eleventh  century  as  the  result  of 
intercourse  and  disputes  with  the  Greek  Church  and 
growing  familiarity  with  such  writings  of  Aristotle  as 

1  Cardinal  Newman. 


Erigena  and  A  r  is  to  tie.  1 9  7 

had  been  translated  by  Boethius.  Greek  monks, 
driven  from  their  homes  by  the  iconoclastic  contro- 
versy, had  introduced  the  Greek  language,  learning, 
dialectics,  and  theology  into  the  monasteries.  John 
Scotus  Erigena  translated  the  works  of  Dionysius 
the  Areopagite,  and  thus  brought  Neoplatonism  into 
western  Europe.  He  applied  philosophy  to  the  study 
of  theology,  and  refused  to  recognize  the  absolute 
authority  of  church  tradition,  asserting  that  reason 
equally  with  authority  proceeds  from  God,  and  there- 
fore that  the  two  cannot  contradict  each  other.  In 
short,  there  was  arising  a  tendency  to  apply  the  reason 
to  theological  dogma,  and  the  dialectic  methods  of 
Aristotle  to  its  exposition.  It  would  be  wrong, 
however,  to  regard  scholasticism  as  a  protest  against 
dogmatic  theology.  On  the  contrary,  it  assumed 
that  each  single  dogma  is  absolute  divine  truth,  and 
undertook  both  to  trace  and  to  expound  it  by  its 
dialectical  processes.  It  assumed  that  all  things  must 
be  understood  from  theology  and  must  therefore  be 
traced  back  to  theology.  It  assumed  the  piety  of 
the  thinker,  and  has  been  defined  as  ''  piety  become 
conscious  and  manifest,"  so  that  its  roots  were  in- 
terlaced with  those  of  mysticism ;  scholasticism  en- 
deavoring to  attain  by  logical  demonstration  what 
mysticism  sought  through  intuition  and  inward  ex- 
perience. Mysticism  was  the  subjective  side  of 
scholasticism. 

Scholasticism  therefore  went  beyond  the  preser- 
vation, arrangement,  and  application  of  dogma.  It 
added  no  new  dogmas,  neither  did  it  alter  the  essen- 
tial contents  of  the  old  ones ;   but  it  sought  to  give 


198  Age  of  H tide  brand, 

them  a  rational  basis,  and  thus  to  elevate  them  from 
matters  of  faith  to  matters  of  science,  and  to  form  the 
whole  mass  into  a  consistent  system ;  "  to  create  the 
philosophy  of  Christianity  ;  to  demonstrate  Christian- 
ity as  rational,  and  the  rational  as  Christian ;  to  fuse 
faith  and  science,  theology  and  philosophy,  into  a 
perfect  unity." 

The  principle  of  scholasticism  was  first  clearly  set 
forth  and  successfully  employed  by  Anselm  of  Can- 
terbury (1033-1109),  who  is  known  as  ''the  second 
Augustine."  He  was  a  strict  holder  of  church  tradi- 
tion, regarding  the  dogmas  of  the  church  as  identical 
with  revelation  itself,  and  not  to  be  rejected  even  if 
they  were  unintelligible.  His  formula  was,  "  I  be- 
lieve in  order  that  I  may  understand ;  I  do  not  seek 
to  understand  in  order  that  I  may  believe."  The 
whole  circumference  of  dogma  was  not  only  to  be 
grounded  by  rational  methods  in  such  a  way  as  to  be 
conceived,  but  so  as  that,  by  means  of  these  methods, 
even  one  unacquainted  with  Christianity  might  be 
forced  to  acknowledge  its  truth.  Thus  his  "  Cur 
Deus  Homo  "  is  an  exposition  of  the  metaphysical 
necessity  of  the  incarnation  and  death  of  Christ  for 
Imman  sin;  and  his  *' Proslogion  "  develops  the  ont- 
ological  argument  for  the  existence  of  God  from  the 
idea  of  a  perfect  being  as  it  resides  in  the  human 
mind. 

The  scholastic  giants  were  divided  into  two  parties 
— the  Nominalists  and  the  Realists.  The  philosophic 
question  in  dispute  was  the  nattire  of  universals.  To 
illustrate :  A  man  sees  a  trolley  and  a  telephone. 
He  says  these  are  phenomena  of  a  common  arche- 


Nom ina list  and  Rea list.  1 9 9 


typal  reality  known  as  electricity.  He  sees  that  a  rose 
is  red  and  a  sunflower  yellow.  He  says  these  two 
hues  are  phenomena  of  a  common  antecedent  fact 
which  he  calls  color.  So  a  man  implies  the  anteced- 
ent fact  of  humanity.  A  good  man  is  the  expression 
of  an  eternal,  general  reality  of  righteousness.  These 
archetypes  have  a  real,  objective  existence ;  they  are 
not  mere  names  for  collective  aggregates  of  particu- 
lars. Righteousness  is  as  truly  a  fact  as  a  righteous 
man.  The  red  of  the  rose  and  the  yellow  of  the 
sunflower  are  different  expressions  of  generic  color. 
Electricity  is  a  force  existing  antecedently,  independ- 
ently, and  outside  of  its  phenomena.  These  arche- 
types are  the  invariable  element  which,  in  each  case, 
is  the  basis  of  the  varying  phenomena  and  constitutes 
their  essence ;  and  they  are  called  universals  as  in- 
cluding their  special  manifestations.  The  man  who 
holds  that  these  universals  are  real,  objective  exist- 
ences is  called  a  realist. 

Another,  however,  denies  this  and  affirms  that 
these  universals  have  no  real  existence.  They  are, 
he  says,  merely  convenient  methods  by  which  the 
mind  groups  classes  of  facts.  They  are  abstractions, 
fictions.  Only  individual  things  have  a  real  exist- 
ence. Universals  are  only  names,  noinina.  This 
man  is  a  nominalist.  The  formula  of  the  realist  is, 
"  Universalia  ante  rem  "  ("  Universals  are  before  the 
thing").  The  formula  of  the  nominalist  is,  "Uni- 
versalia post  rem  "  ("  Universals  are  subsequent  to 
the  thing").  Anselm  and  Bernard  and  William  of 
Champeaux  were  realists.  Nominalism  was  repre- 
sented by  Roscelin,  canon  of  Compiegne,  whose  posi- 


200  Age  of  Hilde brand. 

tion  was  vigorously  assailed  by  Anselm.  It  is  not 
difficult  to  see  how  radically  theological  conceptions, 
such  as  the  nature  of  Christ's  humanity  and  of  sin, 
were  affected  according  as  they  rested  upon  the  one 
or  the  other  of  these  theories. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

ABELARD — LAST  DAYS  OF  INNOCENT  II. — TIVOLI — 
THE  ROMANS  PROCLAIM  A  REPUBLIC. 

LL  France  was  now  agitated  by  a  new 
champion  in  the  scholastic  arena,  who 
appeared  in  the  person  of  Ahelard.  He 
was  born  in  1079,  and  his  Christian 
name  was  Pierre  de  Palais.  His  first 
teacher  in  philosophy  was  the  celebrated  Roscelin, 
who  had  already  provoked  the  opposition  of  Anselm 
by  his  nominalism  and  the  tritheistic  doctrine  of 
the  Trinity  which  he  founded  upon  it.  He  came  to 
Paris  about  11 00,  and  became  a  pupil  of  William  of 
Champeaux,  the  president  of  the  cathedral  school  of 
that  city.  His  powers  of  argument  and  of  easy  and 
graceful  expression  quickly  awakened  attention,  and 
his  influence  over  his  fellow-students  alienated  them 
from  William  and  drew  upon  him  the  dislike  of  his 
teacher. 

After  some  time  spent  at  Laon  he  returned  to 
Paris  and  entered  upon  a  brilliant  career  as  a  lecturer. 
Here  began  his  unfortunate  and  criminal  relation  with 
Heloise,  with  its  train  of  calamities,  which  finally  in- 
capacitated him  for  ecclesiastical  honors.  He  retired 
to  the  monastery  of  St.  Denys,  became  a  severe  re- 


202  Age  of  Hi Ide brand. 

former,  and  opened  a  school  which  was  attended  by 
large  crowds.  Here  he  composed  a  book  on  the 
Trinity,  which  caused  him  to  be  condemned  by  the 
Council  of  Soissons  in  1 121.  He  was  compelled  to 
burn  his  book  and  to  recite  the  Athanasian  Creed,  and 
was  imprisoned  in  the  convent  of  St.  Medard.  Re- 
turning after  a  short  time  to  St.  Denys,  he  ventured 
to  question  the  identity  of  St.  Denys  and  Dionysius 
the  Areopagite,  was  again  obliged  to  leave,  and  be- 
took himself  to  a  wild  district  near  Troyes,  where  he 
once  more  attracted  throngs  of  students.  The  mon- 
astery there  was  called  the  "  Paraclete."  Its  inmates 
were  bound  by  no  religious  vows  and  governed  by 
no  rigid  monastic  rules;  and  the  time  was  spent  in 
scholastic  discussion  of  the  profoundest  mysteries  of 
religion. 

The  Paraclete  was  not  far  from  Clairvaux,  and 
Abelard's  proceedings  attracted  the  attention  and  pro- 
voked the  animosity  of  Bernard,  and  of  Norbert,  then 
Bishop  of  Magkeburg.  Under  these  circumstances 
he  accepted,  in  1 125,  an  invitation  to  become  abbot 
of  the  monastery  of  St.  Gildas  in  Brittany,  where  his 
life  was  in  constant  danger  from  his  efforts  to  bring 
the  dissolute  and  lawless  monks  into  order.  In  the 
interval  between  his  retiring  from  St.  Gildas  and  the 
year  11 36  his  principal  works  were  composed.^ 
About  1 136  he  opened  a  school  at  Mount  St.  Gene- 
vieve, where  he  taught  for  a  short  time.      Here  we 

1  A  complete  edition  of  Al)elarcrs  works  and  letters  was  published 
by  Victor  Cousin,  Paris,  1849,  1859.  They  may  also  be  found,  with 
the  exception  of  the  "  Dialectica  "  and  the  "  Sic  et  Non,"  in  Migne's 
"  Patrologia,"  vol.  clxxviii.  Biography,  Charles  de  R^musat, 
"Ab^lard"   (Paris,   1845);    I.   L.  Jacobi,   "  AbJilard  und   Heloise " 


Bernard  and  Abelard. 


203 


reach  the  point  where  he  falls  into  the  regular  course 
of  our  narrative. 

Between  the  mystic  and  the  rationalist,  between 
Bernard's  genuine  humility,  settled  faith  in  tradition, 
and  mystical  intuitionalism,  and  Abelard's  vanity, 
self-assertiveness,  intellectual  pugnacity,  and  critical 
temper,  there  could  be  little  affiliation.  In  philosophy 
the  difference  between  them  is  not  easy  to  define. 
Bernard  was  a  realist,  and  Abelard  held  a  kind  of  via 
media  between  nominalism  and  realism  as  it  was 
commonly  understood.  He  was  what  is  termed  in 
modern  metaphysics  a  "  conceptualist."  He  detected 
in  realism  possibilities  of  pantheism  ;  and  while  deny- 
ing the  nominalist  doctrine  that  universals  are  only 
abstractions  or  fictions,  and  holding  that  they  have  a 
real  existence,  he  maintained  that  they  do  not  exist 
substantially  but  conceptually.  In  other  words,  they 
are  cognizable  by  the  individual  only  as  mental  con- 
ceptions. Such  general  ideas  as  humanity  and  right- 
eousness are  not  substances,  but  they  may  be  formed 
by  the  faculty  of  pure  thought,  thought  which  does 
not  act  through  the  senses  or  the  imagination,  and 
the  ideas  thus  formed  are  conceptual  entities. 

The  philosophical  divergence,  however,  produced 
no  collision  between  Abelard  and  Bernard.  This 
came  with  the  emergence  of  Abelard's  philosophy 
into  the  region  of  theology.  No  doubt  his  teachings 
were  often  misunderstood,  misrepresented,  and  exag- 
gerated.     His  conception  of  Biblical  inspiration  was 

(Berlin,  1850).  See  also  Bonnier,  "  Abelard  et  St.  Bernard"  (Paris, 
1862) ;  Bornemann,  "  Anselmus  et  Ahelardus,  sive  initia  scholasti- 
cismi"  (Copenhagen,  1840) ;  Hayd,  "Abelard  und  seine  Lehre" 
(Regensburg,  1863). 


204  Age  of  Hildebrand. 

indeed  loose  according  to  the  churchly  standard ;  but 
he  was  not  a  denier  of  revelation.  He  grounded 
piety  in  the  human  manifestation  of  Jesus  and  God's 
revelation  in  it ;  though  the  whole  motive  was  essen- 
tially ethical.  He  did  not  summarily  reject  the  au- 
thorities of  the  church ;  he  even  ascribed  to  the  fathers 
a  certain  measure  of  inspiration ;  but  he  desired  to 
know  why  he  believed ;  he  challenged  the  infalli- 
bility of  tradition ;  he  claimed  the  right  of  subjecting 
it  to  scientific  proof  against  mere  dogmatic  asser- 
tion. Nevertheless  he  made  the  boundaries  of  human 
knowledge  narrower  than  most  strong  traditionalists ; 
he  detected  the  danger  of  pantheism  in  realism,  and 
compelled  William  of  Champeaux  to  acknowledge  it 
and  to  modify  his  views.  His  philosophy  contem- 
plated the  vindication  of  the  distinct  personality  of 
God  as  against  the  pantheistic  identification  of  God 
with  the  world ;  but  his  whole  attitude  towards  a 
system  which  had  much  to  lose  by  the  prevalence  of 
free  inquiry,  and  the  life  and  power  of  which  de- 
pended largely  upon  an  atmosphere  of  passive  faith 
and  acquiescent  ignorance,  was  adapted  to  awaken 
the  utmost  terror  and  animosity  among  orthodox 
churchmen. 

The  theological  difference  between  Bernard  and 

himself  was  pronounced.      Faith,  which  in  Bernard 

was  a  calm  and  settled  assurance,  directly  wrought 

by  divine  grace  accompanied  by  the  testimony   of 

J     Scripture  and  experience,  was  to  Abelard  an  intel- 

^   lectual  conviction  starting  in  doubt,  and  wrought  out 

•^  by  the  critical  study  of  conflicting  opinions.     Biblical 

inspiration  stood  upon  the  same  level  with  the  inspir- 


Bernard  Takes  the  Offensive,  205 

ation  of  the  church  fathers  and  the  greater  Greek 
philosophers.  He  dehghted  in  showing  how  the 
fathers  contradicted  themselves.^  Original  sin  was 
only  a  punishment;  redemption  the  substitution  of 
the  law  of  love  for  the  law  of  fear;  atonement  merely 
a  moral  force  to  kindle  love  to  God.  The  quality  of 
sin  was  conditioned  by  a  man's  own  view  of  the  will 
of  God,  and  sin  consisted  in  refusing  to  perform 
that  will  as  the  man  himself  conceived  it.  Thus  even 
the  perpetrators  of  cruel  martyrdoms  and  the  cru- 
cifiers  of  Christ  and  the  murderers  of  Stephen  were  ^ 
excused.  The  Trinity  was  a  necessary  idea  of  the 
reason ;  its  persons  were  merely  phases  of  the  one 
divine  personality. 

The  clash  was  inevitable.  William  of  Thierry, 
Bernard's  intimate  friend,  on  reading  two  of  Abelard's 
books,  wrote  to  Bernard  and  to  the  Bishop  of  Char- 
tres  stating  his  objections  and  caUing  upon  them  to 
withstand  the  heresy.  Bernard,  after  reading  the 
books,  had  an  interview  with  Abelard,  who  promised 
to  amend  whatever  might  be  amiss  in  his  writings, 
but  continued  nevertheless  to  defend  his  opinions. 
Bernard  then  began  to  warn  people  against  him  and 
to  suppress  the  circulation  of  his  works,  and  wrote  to 
the  Pope  and  the  cardinals  urging  them  to  interpose 
authoritatively  for  the  arrest  of  these  dangerous  doc- 
trines. He  also  wrote  to  the  Archbishop  of  Rheims 
and  other  prelates,  and,  somewhat  later,  went  to 
Rome  himself  in  order  to  hasten  the  Pope's  decision. 

In  July,  1 141,  the  Pope  issued  a  rescript  to  Bern- 
ard and  to  the  Archbishops  of   Sens   and   Rheims, 
1  As  in  the  "Sic  et  Non." 


2o6  Age  of  Hilde brand. 

condemning  the  teachings  of  Abelard,  imposing  sil- 
ence on  him  as  a  heretic,  excommunicating  his  fol- 
lowers, and  ordering  his  confinement  in  a  monastery 
and  the  burning  of  his  books.  Abelard  claimed  the 
privilege  of  appearing  before  the  synod  which  was 
about  to  assemble  at  Sens,  where  the  King  and  a 
large  concourse  of  nobles  and  prelates  were  to  be 
present,  and  to  vindicate  his  opinions  there.  Consent 
was  given.  The  synod,  which  met  in  June,  1140, 
was  a  splendid  assemblage  of  rank  and  learning. 
Bernard  appeared  and  presented  passages  from 
Abelard's  writings  as  the  ground  of  the  charge  of 
heresy.  The  reading  of  these  passages  was  inter- 
rupted by  Abelard,  who  took  an  appeal  to  the  Pope 
and  immediately  left  the  council.  The  examination 
of  his  opinions  was  continued,  and  of  the  seventeen 
passages  submitted  fourteen  were  condemned.  The 
controversy  was  soon  settled,  however,  by  the  death 
of  Abelard  at  the  priory  of  St.  Marcel,  near  Chalons 
on  the  Saone,  on  the  21st  of  April,  1 142. 

His  influence  survived  him ;  survives,  in  some 
sense,  to  this  day.  He  met  the  fate  which  always 
attends  the  inroad  of  thought  and  learning  into  the 
snug  retreats  of  fixed  belief  and  accepted  tradition. 
His  disaster  was  due,  largely,  to  his  own  unrestrained 
passion  and  arrogance ;  but  he  carries  with  him  the 
sympathy  of  all  open-eyed  and  fair-minded  men  by 
his  courage  in  the  fight  against  a  bloated  ecclesi- 
astical conservatism,  and  a  lethargic  submission  to 
authority  in  matters  of  faith ;  and,  as  in  all  such 
cases,  the  result,  though  late,  is  on  the  side  of  the 
thinker,  even  though  some  of  his  positions  may  be 


Abelard  as  a  Theologian.  207 

disproved  by  later  and  calmer  thought.  The  gain  Is 
not  only  in  the  residuum  of  truth  which  goes  over 
from  such  a  man  into  succeeding  generations.  It  lies 
in  the  break  into  the  popular  conviction  that  what- 
ever is  is  right ;  in  the  opening  of  men's  eyes  to  the 
fact  that  every  question  has  two  sides;  in  the  awak- 
ening of  the  salutary  doubt  of  the  authority  of  bare 
assertion ;  in  demonstrating  that  the  estabhshed  is 
not  beyond  challenge ;  that  there  Is  a  principle  of 
expansion  in  truth  ;  that  ''  God  fulfils  himself  In  many 
ways,"  and  not  only  In  the  ways  laid  down  by  fathers 
and  priests. 

Notwithstanding  the  well-grounded  charges  against 
Abelard  personally,  notwithstanding  the  vast  interests 
Involved  In  the  existing  ecclesiastical  system,  he  "  laid 
the  foundation,"  to  quote  the  words  of  Harnack, 
**  for  the  classical  expression  of  mediaeval  conserva- 
tive theology."  Aristotle  wrought  through  him  to 
formulate  the  new  religious  Ideas  In  theology.  Much 
of  what  provoked  opposition  In  his  own  time,  subse- 
quently came  to  be  regarded  as  orthodox.  He  was 
the  first  who  abandoned  the  method  of  treating  the- 
ology In  its  separate  parts,  and  undertook  to  reduce 
It  to  a  complete  course  In  more  or  less  systematic  form. 
He  thus  opened  the  way  for  his  successors  to  attempt 
the  solution  of  all  theological  problems.  Among  his 
pupils  were  Peter  the  Lombard,  the  collector  and  ex- 
positor of  the  patristic  statements,  the  framer  of  axi- 
oms and  definitions  on  which  later  theologians  built 
their  superstructures,  and  two  popes,  Coelestine  H. 
and  Alexander  HI. 

The  latter  days  of  Innocent's  pontificate  were  dark- 


2o8  Age  of  Hildebrand, 

ened  by  the  storm  which  for  several  years  had  been 
gathering  in  Rome.  The  Httle  city  of  Tivoli  has 
become  renowned  in  history  and  poetry  for  its  nat- 
ural beauty.  The  Tivolese  boasted  that  their  quar- 
ries had  furnished  the  stone  for  the  buildings  of 
imperial  and  papal  Rome.  Its  villas  bore  the  names 
of  Horace,  Cicero,  Brutus,  Sallust,  and  the  Pisos. 
Its  beautiful  gorges,  through  which  the  Anio  poured 
its  waters,  were  the  fabled  haunts  of  the  sirens  and  of 
Neptune,  and  the  ruins  of  its  temples  recalled  the 
names  of  Hercules,  Vesta,  and  the  Albunean  sibyl.^ 
It  furnished  statues,  mosaics,  and  precious  marbles 
for  the  adornment  of  Rome.^  Goths,  Lombards,  and 
Arabs  had  laid  it  waste.  Ruins  of  walls  and  temples 
and  of  the  Claudian  aqueduct,  an  amphitheatre,  and 
numerous  fountains  still  remained.  The  streets  bore 
the  old  names,  and  churches,  monasteries,  and  mediae- 
val towers  had  arisen  on  the  ancient  sites  of  temples. 
Although  papal  officers  had  protected  in  TivoH  the 
rights  of  the  Roman  Church,  the  citizens  displayed  a 
peculiarly  independent  spirit,  and  the  city  enjoyed  a 
freer  municipal  existence  than  other  Roman  towns. 
The  peculiar  exemptions  enjoyed  by  it  had  relaxed 
the  allegiance  of  other  cities,  which  began  to  assert 
their  individuality,  and  Rome  found  itself  compelled 
to  carry  on  war  with  a  number  of  petty  princes. 
When  Otto  Ill's  governor,  Mazzolinus,  was  slain  by 

1  Horace,  bk.  i.,  ode  vii.,  12. 

2  "The  Flora,  the  Antinous  of  the  Capitol,  the  Faunus,  the  Cen- 
taurs, the  Ceres,  the  Isis,  the  Harpocrates,  Sosus's  mosaic  of  doves, 
and  the  various  other  works  which  now  fill  the  museums  of  Rome  and 
other  cities,  must  have  lain  in  the  ruins  of  splendid  porticoes,  buried 
in  dust  and  forgotten  by  mankind."     (Gregorovius.) 


Romans  Proclaim  a  Repitblic.  209 


the  Tivolese  in  looi,  the  Emperor  threatened  to 
destroy  the  city,  but  was  propitiated  by  the  humble 
submission  of  the  citizens,  and  merely  razed  a  portion 
of  the  walls.  During  the  investiture  contest  Tivoli 
was  on  the  side  of  the  antipopes.  Paschal  II.  had 
subjected  it  with  difficulty,  and  Innocent  IL,  probably 
with  the  aid  of  Lothair,  had  wrested  it  from  Ana- 
cletus ;  but  it  had  recovered  itself.  When  the  sons  of 
Roger  of  Sicily  came  in  1 140  and  subdued  the  border 
cities  on  the  Liris,  the  Tivolese  fortified  their  terri- 
tory;  and  though  Innocent  was  appeased  for  the 
time  by  Roger,  the  city  in  1141  rose  against  the 
Pope,  and  a  furious  war  with  Rome  ensued,  in  which 
the  Tivolese,  successful  at  first,  finally  yielded,  not 
to  the  Romans  but  to  the  Pope.  The  Romans  were 
displeased  with  the  terms  of  surrender,  since  the  Pope 
refused  to  destroy  the  city.  A  revolution  was  the 
result,  in  which  the  secular  power  of  the  Pope  was 
sacrificed. 

It  is  greatly  to  be  regretted  that  almost  no  sources 
of  information  remain  concerning  so  important  a 
crisis.  The  Romans  assembled  at  the  Capitol,  pro- 
claimed a  republic,  restored  the  senate,  threatened 
to  withdraw  all  allegiance  from  the  Pope,  and  again 
took  the  field  against  Tivoli.  In  the  midst  of  this 
tempest,  and  probably  because  of  it,  Innocent  died 
on  the  24th  of  September,  ii43-  He  had  passed 
half  of  his  pontificate  in  exile  or  as  a  commander  of 
mihtary  expeditions.  With  him  closed  the  Gregorian 
period  of  the  city's  history,  and  his  death  inaugurates 
the  deliverance  of  Rome  from  the  papal  domination. 


CHAPTER   XX. 

EUGENIUS   III. — ARNOLD    OF   BRESCIA — BERNARD'S 
CRUSADE. 

N  undisturbed  and  apparently  unanimous 
election  followed  on  the  third  day  after 
Innocent's  death.  Guido  di  Castello,  a 
pupil  of  Abelard,  was  chosen  as  Coelestine 
II.  His  one  notable  act  was  the  repeal 
of  the  interdict  which  Innocent  had  laid  upon  France. 
In  less  than  six  months  he  died,  and  w^as  succeeded 
by  Gerard  of  Bologna  as  Lucius  II. 

Roger  of  Sicily  endeavored  to  get  himself  acknowl- 
edged again  as  a  papal  feudary  by  Lucius,  but  the 
two  could  not  agree  upon  terms.  According  to  some 
accounts — for  our  information  is  defective — a  treaty 
was  at  last  arranged  by  which  Roger  agreed  to  sup- 
port the  Pope  against  the  Romans.  But  worse  trou- 
bles soon  confronted  Lucius.  The  Romans  chose 
Jordanes  of  the  Pierleoni,  a  brother  of  Anacletus  II., 
as  their  Patrician,  and  a  second  time  established  the 
senate  at  the  Capitol.  Almost  all  the  consuls  were 
on  the  Pope's  side,  and  he  hoped  with  these,  and 
possibly  with  the  help  of  Roger,  to  defeat  the  Roman 
Commune.  The  patrician  nobles  and  even  the  Fran- 
gipani  were  with  him.     The   first  city  constitution 

210 


Bernard  of  Pisa,  1 1 1 

was  adopted  in  1144,  and  the  senatorial  epoch  was 
reckoned  from  the  Jewish  Jordanes  Pierleone.  The 
Commune  now  proposed  to  deprive  the  Pope  of  his 
temporal  power.  His  appeal  to  the  German  Emperor, 
Conrad  III.,  was  disregarded.  He  made  a  desperate 
effort  to  recover  his  ground,  and  personally  joined  in 
the  storming  of  the  Capitol,  where  a  stone  felled  him 
to  the  ground.  He  died  a  few  days  after,  on  the 
15th  of  February,  1 145. 

Because  of  the  dangers  of  the  crisis,  an  election 
was  held  on  the  day  of  the  Pope's  death,  and  Bernard 
of  St.  Anastasius,  sometimes  known  as  Bernard  of 
Pisa,  a  pupil  of  Bernard  of  Clairvaux,  was  chosen. 
He  was  a  man  of  no  genius.  Bernard  himself  was  at 
first  ashamed  of  him,  and  expressed  to  the  cardinals 
his  surprise  and  distress  at  his  election.  *'  May  God 
be  gracious  to  you  ! "  he  writes  to  them.  "  What  have 
you  done?  Have  you  raised  a  dead  man?  Could 
he  who  had  escaped  the  hands  of  the  devil,  the 
seductions  of  the  flesh,  and  the  honors  of  the  world, 
not  escape  you?"  His  soft  character,  accustomed 
to  leisure  and  repose,  awakened  Bernard's  fears ;  but 
he  wrote  an  encouraging  letter  to  the  new  Pope,  call- 
ing him  his  "  joy  and  crown,"  and  exhorting  him  to 
serve  the  church  according  to  the  teaching  of  Christ 
and  the  examples  of  Paul  and  Peter,  and  not  to  desire 
to  lord  it  over  God's  heritage.  Let  him  imitate  Peter 
in  keeping  his  hands  free  from  gifts,  so  that  he  can 
say,  "  Silver  and  gold  have  I  none."  ''  Who  will  grant 
me,"  he  continues,  **  before  I  die,  to  see  the  church  as 
she  was  in  the  olden  days,  when  the  apostles  cast  their 
nets,  not  to  catch  silver  and  gold,  but  souls?" 


2 1 2  Age  of  Hildebrand. 

Bernard,  however,  was  agreeably  disappointed  by 
the  vigor  of  the  Pope's  conduct.  He  was  refused  by 
the  senators  the  road  to  St.  Peter's,  where  he  was  to 
be  installed.  They  demanded  his  renunciation  of 
the  civil  power  and  his  recognition  of  the  Republic. 
Rome  was  in  arms.  The  Pope  fled  on  the  third  day 
after  his  election  to  the  Sabine  fortress  of  Montecelli, 
and  thence  to  Farfa,  where  he  was  installed  on  the 
i8th  of  February,  1145,  as  Eugenius  III. 

Bernard's  influence  over  Eugenius  was  such  that 
it  was  whispered  in  some  quarters  that  not  Eugenius 
but  Bernard  was  Pope.  He  urged  the  cardinals  to 
support  Eugenius  with  all  their  power.  Conrad  was 
again  besought  to  come  to  the  rescue,  but  replied 
only  with  promises.  Meanwhile  confusion  reigned  in 
Rome.  Palaces  and  towers  of  cardinals  were  stormed, 
sacked,  and  destroyed.  The  people  gave  themselves 
up  to  wild  excesses.  St.  Peter's  was  surrounded 
with  storming-engines.  The  city  prefecture  was  abol- 
ished; the  Patrician  alone  was  to  represent  the  ma- 
jority of  the  Roman  people,  and  all  who  refused 
to  recognize  him  were  banished.  Eugenius  never- 
theless assembled  the  vassals  of  the  church  at  Viterbo, 
and  was  soon  able  to  send  a  force  to  the  assistance 
of  the  papal  party  in  its  fight  against  the  senate ; 
and  the  wearied  people  at  last  demanded  his  return. 
He  resolved  to  acknowledge  the  Republic  under  the 
authority  of  the  papal  chair  before  the  Emperor  should 
place  it  under  that  of  the  empire.  The  Romans  dis- 
missed the  Patrician,  restored  the  prefect,  and  paid  hom- 
age to  the  Pope,  while  the  Pope,  in  turn,  approved  the 
continuation  of  the  Commune  under  his  investiture. 


Eugenius  Retires  to  France.  2 1 3 

The  Commune  thus  won  its  recognition  from  the 
Pope,  and  the  senate  was  also  invested  by  him. 
Only  the  name  was  Roman ;  the  character  was  new. 
The  senate  had  at  first  a  plebeian  quality,  although 
many  of  the  nobles  had  joined  the  Commune.  The 
full  senate  of  fifty-six  formed  the  Great  Council  or 
Consistory,  and  at  its  head  was  a  committee  of  Pro- 
curators of  the  Republic,  chosen  from  the  senate  itself, 
possessing  both  legislative  and  executive  authority, 
and  changed  several  times  each  year.  The  coins  bore 
the  old  inscription,  '*  Senatus  Populusque  Romanus," 
but  also  the  figure  of  an  apostle,  with  the  words, 
"  Roman.  Principe." 

Eugenius  was  again  in  the  Lateran  before  Christ- 
mas, but  the  city  and  the  surrounding  country  were 
still  unsettled.  Nobles  and  clergy  looked  with  rage 
at  the  senate,  which  was  endeavoring  to  extend  its 
power  over  the  whole  Campagna.  Tivoli  began 
again  to  create  disturbance.  The  Romans  once  more 
demanded  its  destruction,  and  were  not  satisfied  with 
Eugenius's  consent  to  the  demolition  of  its  walls. 
The  Pope  withdrew  to  St.  Angelo,  which  was  still  in 
the  possession  of  the  Pierleoni ;  then  left  the  city, 
and,  after  a  year  spent  in  Viterbo,  Pisa,  and  Lom- 
bardy,  went  to  France,  where  Louis  VII.  was  arming 
for  the  second  crusade. 

During  his  two  years'  absence  the  Romans  contin- 
ued to  regard  the  senate  as  invested  by  him,  yet  they 
now  felt  themselves  entirely  free.  Tivoli  was  pun- 
ished by  the  execution  of  many  of  its  citizens.  The 
contest  went  on  with  the  Tuscan  and  Latin  cities; 
the  nobles  seized  many  of  the  church  patrimonies; 


214  -^g^  of  Hildebrand. 

robbery  prevailed,  and  the  ecclesiastical  state  was  lost 
in  little  baronial  despotisms,  hostile  alike  to  the  sen- 
ate and  to  the  Pope. 

It  was  now  that  Arnold  of  Brescia,  who  had  for 
some  time  been  lost  in  exile,  appeared  in  Rome  as  a 
popular  leader.  He  had  been  reared  amid  the  grow- 
ing republicanism  of  the  Lombard  cities,  and,  like 
so  many  others,  had  been  drawn  to  France  by  the 
eloquence  of  Abelard.  He  was  not  attracted  by 
the  religious  philosophy,  but  by  the  political,  practi- 
cal, and  social  bearings  of  Abelard's  teaching.  His 
orthodoxy  was  unimpeachable,  and  his  moral  life 
pure  and  severe.  The  Gregorian  Papacy,  with  its 
large  landed  estates  and  its  judicial  and  mihtary 
functions,  first  called  out  his  hostihty.  He  desired 
to  reduce  the  clergy  to  primitive,  apostolic  poverty, 
to  confiscate  their  wealth,  and  to  deprive  them  of 
their  secular  power.  They  should  be  only  ministers 
of  religion  and  subject  to  the  civil  authority.  He 
aimed  also  at  a  reform  of  the  civil  power.  His  ideal 
was  a  great  Christian  republic  governed  by  a  popu- 
lar assembly.  He  first  advocated  these  views  in  his 
native  town,  Brescia,  in  the  contest  with  the  Bishop 
Manfred,  whose  overbearing  assertion  of  temporal 
power,  together  with  his  assault  upon  the  vices  of 
the  clergy,  caused  the  expulsion  of  himself  and  his 
friends. 

Arnold  became  a  monk  of  the  most  austere  type. 
He  summoned  the  people  to  compel  the  clergy  to 
renounce  all  secular  power  and  all  property.  His 
doctrines  spread  throughout  Lombardy,  and  the 
bishops  and  a  majority  of  the  nobles  accused  him  at 


Arnold  Denounces  the  Pope.  2 1 5 

the  Lateran  council  of  11 39,  when  he  was  expelled 
from  Italy.  He  found  refuge  in  Zurich,  and  Bernard 
urged  the  Pope  to  secure  his  person  and  to  burn  his 
books.  The  Pope  issued  orders  to  this  effect,  but 
Arnold  found  a  protector  in  the  person  of  Guido  di 
Castello,  afterwards  Coelestine  II.  For  some  years 
all  traces  of  him  are  lost ;  but  after  the  death  of  In- 
nocent II.  he  returned  to  Italy  and  was  released  from 
the  ban  by  Eugenius,  on  promise  of  submission.  He 
lived  for  some  time  in  concealment  at  Rome,  until, 
after  Eugenius's  flight  to  France,  he  openly  appeared 
and  proclaimed  his  doctrines  to  the  citizens.  Noth- 
ing could  rejoice  him  more  than  the  foundation  of 
the  Roman  Republic. 

The  religious  sect  which  he  had  founded  in  Brescia, 
known  as  Lombards  or  Arnoldists,  revived  at  Rome  ; 
for  his  doctrines  of  apostolic  poverty  and  moral  pur- 
ity secured  him  numerous  adherents,  including  many 
women.  His  political  teaching  found  a  ready  re- 
sponse in  the  Roman  senate.  His  glowing  declama- 
tion in  the  lingua  rtistica,  that  corrupt  Latin  which 
would  have  set  the  teeth  of  Cicero  or  Varro  on  edge, 
stirred  the  hearts  of  the  legislators  as  he  stood,  pale 
and  worn,  on  the  ruins  of  the  Capitol.  He  pictured 
the  pride,  avarice,  and  hypocrisy  of  the  cardinals ;  de- 
clared that  their  college  was  an  exchange-bank  and 
a  den  of  thieves ;  and  asserted  that  the  Pope  was  not 
a  successor  of  the  apostles  and  a  shepherd  of  souls, 
but  a  man  of  blood,  an  incendiary,  a  hangman  of  the 
churches,  and  a  destroyer  of  innocence,  who  did 
nothing  but  fatten  his  flesh  and  fill  his  coffers  with 
stolen  property.    As  he  imitated  neither  the  doctrine 


2i6  Age  of  H  tide  brand. 

nor  the  life  of  the  apostles,  neither  obedience  nor 
reverence  was  due  to  him.  Arnold  was  the  man  of 
the  hour  in  Rome.  The  Republic  formally  took  him 
into  its  protection  and  service,  and  the  lower  clergy 
and  nobles  eagerly  embraced  his  democratic  princi- 
ples. The  Gregorian  hierarchy  was  assailed  from  all 
sides.  The  clergy  of  the  smaller  churches  leagued 
themselves  against  the  cardinal  aristocracy,  who  al- 
ready possessed  fortified  palaces  in  the  city  and  were 
living  like  princes. 

Responding  to  the  desire  of  Louis  of  France,  Eu- 
genius  about  this  time  summoned  him  and  his  sub- 
jects to  a  new  crusade.  The  Holy  See  had  strong 
motives  for  this  act.  The  evidences  of  an  awakening 
independence,  both  in  the  theological  and  the  poHti- 
cal  circles  of  the  West — evidences  such  as  Abelard's 
heresies  and  Arnold's  popular  influence — threatened 
both  the  power  of  the  popes  and  the  doctrines  of  the 
church.  Already  the  talk  was  rife  about  rebuilding 
the  Capitol  and  substituting  for  the  pontifical  author- 
ity that  of  the  consuls  and  tribunes  of  ancient  Rome. 
A  crusade  would  be  a  timely  diversion,  turning  men's 
minds  from  dangerous  novelties  and  rallying  them 
round  the  earliest  sanctuaries  of  the  Christian  faith. 
Eugenius  congratulated  the  French  King  on  his 
pious  resolve,  and  by  letters  exhorted  all  Christians 
to  assume  the  cross.  He  regretted  that  he  could  not 
personally  animate  the  souls  of  the  faithful  as  Urban 
had  done,  but  he  confided  to  Bernard  the  mission  of 
preaching  the  crusade  in  France  and  Germany. 

At  the  call  of  Urban  the  faithful  had  rallied  for 
the  rescue  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre.      The  object  now 


Bernard  Preaches  the  Crusade.        2 1 7 


presented  was  the  deliverance  of  Edessa,  in  north- 
western Mesopotamia,  where  the  bishop,  with  many 
clergy,  had  been  murdered  by  the  pagans.  Edessa 
was  one  of  the  oldest  cities  of  the  East,  being  identi- 
fied by  one  tradition  with  Ur  of  the  Chaldees.  The 
beginnings  of  the  Christian  faith  there  went  back  at 
least  to  the  former  half  of  the  second  century,  pos- 
sibly earlier.  Tradition  even  related  that  one  of  its 
early  kings,  Abgarus,  had  a  personal  correspondence 
with  Christ. 

One  assembly  had  already  been  convoked  at  Bour- 
ges   by   King   Louis,   where   his   project  was   made 
known ;  but  Bernard  had  advised  the  King  to  defer 
further  measures  until  he  should  have  consulted  the 
Pope.     Eugenius's  approbation  having  been  signified, 
a  second  assembly  was  held  at  Vezelai,  in  Burgundy,  , 
where  Bernard,  from  a  hillside  just  outside  the  gates, 
addressed  the  immense  throng  with  moving  effect, 
and  was  followed  by  the  King.     The  air  resounded 
with  cries  of  "  Deus  vult !     The  cross ! "    The  crosses 
which  Bernard  had  brought  were  not  sufficient,  and 
he  and  several  others  tore  their  garments  into  strips 
to  satisfy  the  zeal  of  the  faithful.    After  the  assembly 
of  Vezelai  he  continued  to  preach  in  the  cities  and 
their  adjoining  territories,  and  acquitted  himself  so 
successfully  that  he  could  write  to  Eugenius,  "  The 
villages  and  the  castles  are  deserted,  and  there  are 
none  left  but  widows  and  orphans  whose  husbands 
and  parents  are  still  living." 

In  1 149  the  Pope  prepared  to  crush  the  insurrec- 
tion in  Rome  and  to  establish  his  power  there  by 
force  of  arms.     He  placed  Cardinal  Guido  at  the 


2i8  Age  of  Hildebrand. 

head  of  the  enterprise,  and  Roger  sent  him  auxiliaries  ; 
but,  in  spite  of  all  the  expenditure  of  French  money, 
the  effort  failed.  Negotiations  with  the  Roman  sen- 
ators under  the  lead  of  Jordanes  came  to  nothing. 
The  republicans  would  only  promise  to  furnish  the 
revenues  of  St.  Peter  if  the  church  would  sustain  the 
senators  and  assume  the  public  burdens.  A  complete 
understanding  with  Roger  was  never  reached.  He 
allowed  several  bishops  of  his  kingdom  to  be  conse- 
crated by  the  Pope,  but  repeated  embassies  could 
not  bring  him  to  a  decisive  treaty.  An  accommoda- 
tion with  the  Romans  was  reached  in  November,  and 
the  Pope  again  took  up  his  residence  in  Rome.  He 
was  to  receive  his  former  revenues,  but  only  on  con- 
dition that  he  would  tolerate  the  continuance  of  the 
senate  and  the  presence  of  Arnold  of  Brescia. 

The  republicans  were  looking  with  new  interest 
towards  Germany.  There  was  a  rumor  of  an  impend- 
ing league  between  Conrad  and  the  Emperor  of  Con- 
stantinople against  the  Pope,  and  of  a  counter-alliance 
between  the  French  King  and  Roger.  The  republi- 
cans addressed  a  letter  to  Conrad  expressing  their 
surprise  that  he  had  left  their  former  letters  unan- 
swered. They  desired,  they  said,  nothing  else  than 
the  restoration  of  the  empire  as  it  was  when  it  ruled 
the  world  through  the  senate  and  people  of  Rome, 
and  to  beat  down  those  who  until  now  had  disgraced 
it.  They  had  already  taken  the  towers  and  houses 
which,  with  the  Pope  and  the  King  of  Sicily,  were 
hostile  to  the  empire.  The  Pope,  the  Frangipani, 
the  Pierleoni,  the  Sicilians,  desired  to  prevent  their 
bestowal  of  the  imperial   crown   upon   him.     They 


Faihire  of  the  Crusade,  219 


were  busy  restoring  the  Milvian  bridge,  and  walling 
it  so  as  to  afford  a  passage  for  the  army  to  St.  An- 
gelo,  where  the  Pierleoni  and  their  allies  were  plot- 
ting the  Emperor's  destruction.  If  Conrad  would 
but  come  to  Rome,  he  would  be  able,  after  removing 
all  clerical  obstacles,  to  rule  from  Rome  more  freely 
than  his  predecessors.  Many  letters  of  individual 
senators  and  Arnoldists  were  added  to  this. 

Conrad,  occupied  with  affairs  at  home,  and  with- 
out any  real  insight  into  the  condition  of  things  at 
Rome,  disregarded  this  appeal.  The  influence  of  the 
friends  of  Roman  freedom  at  his  court  was  coun- 
teracted by  the  Abbot  Wibald  of  Stablo,  who  was 
moved  by  Guido  to  keep  the  German  King  from 
hostile  measures  against  the  Pope.  Conrad  had  also 
declared,  as  the  Pope  knew,  that  he  did  not  recognize 
Roger  as  King,  and  that  he  rejected  all  that  Bernard 
and  others  had  said  in  his  favor.  In  order  to  hinder 
the  league  between  Conrad  and  the  Greek  Emperor, 
and  to  obliterate  the  effects  of  his  unfortunate  cru- 
sade, which  had  resulted  in  the  destruction  of  both  & 
'the  French  and  the  German  army,  Bernard  planned 
a  new  expedition  to  the  East,  but  without  success. 
About  this  time  also  he  addressed  to  the  Pope  his 
treatise  '*  De  Consideratione,"  the  composition  of 
which  had  employed  him  at  intervals  from  1 149  to 
1 152,  and  may  have  helped  to  divert  his  mind  amid 
his  personal  sorrow  and  the  popular  exasperation  at 
the  disastrous  issue  of  the  crusade.  In  this  work, 
which  is  the  best  exhibition  of  Bernard's  spirit,  he 
presented  his  ideal  of  a  true  Christian  pastor,  an 
ideal  which  was  in  painful  contrast  with  many  of  the 


2  20  Age  of  Hilde brand. 

pastoral  types  furnished  by  the  apostolic  see ;  and  in 
it  he  admonished  Eugenius  to  cultivate  the  quahties 
becoming  a  minister  of  Jesus  Christ,  reminding  him 
that  he  must  soon  render  his  account  to  God  for  his 
administration  of  the  vast  trust  committed  to  him.' 
Bernard  died  in  1 153,  about  a  year  after  sending  this 
book  to  the  Pope. 

Eugenius  left  Rome  in  June,  not  to  return  until 
1 152.  Conrad  finally  decided  upon  an  expedition 
to  Rome  in  order  to  receive  the  imperial  crown ;  but 
his  plans  were  cut  short  by  his  death  in  February, 
1 152.  He  was  the  only  German  sovereign  since 
Otto  I.  who  had  not  been  crowned  Emperor — a  fact 
which  in  no  wise  impaired  his  power.  Every  imper- 
ial coronation  had  brought  bloodshed  in  its  train ;  but 
if  patriotic  Romans  might  congratulate  themselves 
that  they  had  not  been  visited  by  a  German  expedi- 
tion for  fifteen  years,  they  were  yet  obliged  to  con- 
fess that  never,  as  during  those  fifteen  years,  had 
Italy  been  so  disunited  and  so  harassed  with  civil 
wars. 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

BARBAROSSA— HADRIAN  IV.— WILLIAM  OF  SICILY 
—  BARBAROSSA  AND  THE  ROMANS  —  THE 
GAUNTLET    THROWN    DOWN   TO    THE    POPE. 

ONRAD'S  successor  was  his  nephew,  the 
Hohenstaufen  Frederick  I.  or  Barbarossa, 
who  was  elected  by  the  princes  at  Frank- 
fort, in   March,  115 2,  and  was   crowned 

at  Aix.     In  him  the  empire  found  a  ruler 

worthy  to  be  named  with  Charlemagne  or  Otto  the 
Great.  He  was  but  thirty-one  years  old,  but  was 
already  famous  for  his  achievements,  and  his  election 
was  approved  by  all  Germany.  He  aimed  at  some- 
thing higher  than  the  reconciliation  of  family  quar- 
rels. He  was  determined  to  restore  to  the  empire 
the  power  of  Charlemagne.  He  was  prepared  to 
assert  in  the  strongest  terms,  not  only  in  Germany 
but  in  Italy,  the  imperial  prerogative  as  derived  from 
God  and  not  from  the  Pope,  and  his  absolute  inde- 
pendence of  the  chair  of  St.  Peter. 

Immediately  upon  his  election  he  sent  to  the  Pope 
requesting  him  to  participate  in  his  coronation.  He 
promised  obedience  to  the  Roman  Church,  and  the 
fulfilment  of  Conrad's  promise  to  free  the  papal  chair. 
The  Republic  looked  askance  at  an  imperial  message 

221 


22  2  Age  of  Hildebrand. 

addressed  to  the  Pope  alone.  At  once  the  old  in- 
vestiture question  began  to  emerge.  Wichmann,  the 
Bishop  of  Zeitz,  had  received  the  investiture  of  the 
archbishopric  of  Magdeburg  from  Frederick;  and 
Eugenius  at  once  warned  the  cathedral  chapter  of 
Magdeburg  against  receiving  him,  and  rebuked  sev- 
eral bishops  who  had  approved  Frederick's  act.  He 
also  charged  his  legate  to  inform  the  new  King  that 
the  prerogative  of  the  church  had  been  invaded  by 
a  decision  of  a  recent  imperial  diet  at  Ulm  to  the 
effect  that  robbers  and  incendiaries  who  had  injured 
church  property  were  to  be  excommunicated  only 
after  their  sentence  by  a  civil  court. 

Three  legates  were  sent  to  Germany  to  negotiate 
terms  with  the  Emperor.  The  terms  proposed  by 
the  Pope  were  that  Frederick  should  swear  not  to 
conclude  peace  with  either  the  Romans  or  Roger  of 
Sicily  without  the  Pope's  approval ;  that  he  should 
endeavor  to  subject  the  Romans  to  the  Pope,  and  to 
maintain  the  secular  rights  of  St.  Peter;  that  he 
was  to  give  the  Greek  Emperor  no  territory  west  of 
the  Adriatic.  In  return,  the  Pope  would  engage  to 
crown  Frederick  as  Emperor,  to  exalt  his  empire, 
and  to  proceed  against  his  enemies  with  canonical 
measures,  and  against  the  Greek  Emperor  if  he 
should  attempt  to  occupy  land  west  of  the  sea. 

Frederick  accepted  the  terms  at  Constance,  but 
the  agreement  caused  great  excitement  in  Rome. 
The  democrats  and  Arnoldists  were  determined  to 
know  nothing  more  of  either  Pope  or  Emperor, 
They  demanded  the  appointment  of  a  hundred 
senators  and   two   annual    consuls.      It   seemed   as 


A  Clumsy  Evasion.  223 

though  the  Romans  were  ready  to  reject  the  German 
emperorship  as  a  usurpation.  How  dependent  the 
Papacy  was  on  Germany  appeared  soon  after,  when 
the  legates,  Bernard  and  Gregory,  did  not  hesitate 
to  approve  Frederick's  separation  from  his  wife, 
Adelheid  of  Vohburg,  ostensibly  on  the  ground  of 
relationship  within  forbidden  limits.  But  when,  in 
accordance  with  Eugenius's  orders,  they  refused  to 
confirm  Wichmann,  Frederick  bade  them  leave  the 
country.  Eugenius,  however,  was  not  destined  to 
breast  the  storm  which  was  already  gathering.  He 
died  at  TivoH  on  the  29th  of  June,  1 153.  By  means 
of  money  he  had  almost  wholly  broken  the  power  of 
the  senate. 

He  was  succeeded,  the  next  month,  by  a  Roman, 
Conrad,  Bishop  of  Sabina,  very  old,  but  well  versed 
in  the  business  of  the  papal  court,  who  took  the  name 
of  Anastasius  IV.  He  sent  a  cardinal  to  Germany 
with  instructions  to  refuse  the  elevation  of  Wichmann 
to  the  see  of  Magdeburg,  and  the  legate  experienced 
the  same  treatment  as  Bernard  and  Gregory.  In 
order  to  bring  the  matter  to  an  end,  Frederick  sent 
Wichmann  to  Rome  to  receive  the  pallium.  The 
Pope  hit  upon  the  clumsy  and  transparent  evasion  of 
allowing  Wichmann  to  take  the  pallium  himself  from 
the  altar,  if  he  was  conscious  of  having  been  canoni- 
cally  chosen ;  and  Wichmann  was  induced  to  give  a 
reluctant  consent  to  this  piece  of  foolery.  Having  sig- 
nalized his  pontificate  by  this  brilliant  stroke  of  eccles- 
iastical diplomacy,  Anastasius  died  in  December,  1154- 

Nicholas  of  Albano  was  elected  the  next  day,  and 
installed  in  St.  Peter's  as  Hadrian  IV.     He  was  an 


2  24  Age  of  Hildebrand. 

Englishman  by  birth,  whose  only  inheritance  from 
his  father  was  the  name  of  Brakspeare,  He  had  left 
his  own  country  in  the  pursuit  of  learning,  had  been 
received  into  a  monastery  at  Aries,  and  had  risen  to 
the  abbacy.  At  Rome  he  won  the  confidence  of 
Eugenius,  who  made  him  cardinal  and  sent  him  as 
his  legate  to  Norway.  He  was  learned,  eloquent, 
and  of  blameless  morals. 

The  senate  refused  to  recognize  him,  and  he  re- 
fused to  recognize  the  senate.  He  vainly  demanded 
the  expulsion  of  Arnold.  He  could  not  get  posses- 
sion of  the  Lateran,  but  remained  within  St.  Peter's, 
which  was  fortified.  The  growing  hatred  towards 
the  priests  soon  resulted  in  an  attack  upon  a  card- 
inal, who  was  stabbed  on  his  way  to  visit  the  Pope. 
Hadrian  met  this  act  with  a  unique  proceeding.  He 
laid  the  metropolitan  city  of  Christendom  under  in- 
terdict. Finally,  at  the  instance  of  the  clergy  and 
people,  the  senators  elect  volunteered  a  pledge  under 
oath  to  expel  Arnold  and  his  followers  from  the  city ; 
and  under  this  pledge  the  interdict  was  removed. 

A  second  contest  soon  followed  with  William  of 
Sicily,  the  successor  of  Roger,  who,  immediately  after 
Hadrian's  accession,  made  him  proffers  of  peace. 
The  Pope  sent  legates  to  him  at  Salerno,  but  they 
were  refused  audience  because  the  Pope's  letter  was 
addressed,  not  to  '*  the  King,"  but  to  *'  the  Lord  "  of 
Sicily.  William  at  once  struck  at  the  apple  of  the 
papal  eye,  Benevento,  and  then  moved  into  Latium, 
where  he  burned  several  towns.  As  a  matter  of 
course  he  was  laid  under  ban;  but  he  was  much  less 
disturbed  by  this  than  by  the  approach  of  Barbarossa, 


The  Stirrup  Question.  225 

who  had  entered  Lombardy  in  the  beginning  of  May 
with  a  considerable  force,  and  was  now  in  Tuscany. 
His  uncommonly  rapid  march  to  Lombardy  made  the 
Pope  anxious.  He  hardly  knew  whether  he  was  to 
receive  a  friend  or  an  enemy. 

Frederick  found  in  Italy  a  condition  of  affairs  far 
different  from  that  which  his  predecessors  had  known. 
The  Normans  were  now  wholly  independent  of  the 
empire ;  the  great  manufacturing  and  commercial 
cities  of  Lombardy  had  grown  into  strong,  independ- 
ent communities,  indisposed  to  submit  to  any  foreign 
master,  and  choosing  their  own  burgomasters  and 
consuls,  their  senates  and  their  administrative  officers. 
Arnold  of  Brescia  had  fallen,  not  long  before,  into 
the  power  of  Cardinal  Oddo  at  Bricola,  but  had  been 
taken  in  charge  by  the  Viscount  of  Campiglia,  and 
conveyed  to  his  castle  for  safety.  The  Pope,  as  a 
pretext  for  ascertaining  Frederick's  real  attitude,  sent 
to  him  asking  for  instructions  how  to  dispose  of 
Arnold;  and  his  messengers  were  crossed  by  depu- 
ties from  Frederick  to  the  Pope  to  treat  about  the 
imperial  coronation.  After  considerable  hesitation 
Hadrian  agreed  to  the  coronation,  and  went  to  Nepi 
in  June,  where  he  met  the  King. 

At  this  meeting  Barbarossa  flatly  refused  to  rend- 
er the  Pope  the  *'  groom  service,"  or,  in  other  words, 
to  hold  his  stirrup.  Accordingly,  when  the  King 
approached  and  knelt  at  his  feet,  the  Pope  refused 
him  the  kiss  of  peace.  The  highest  dignitaries  of 
Christendom  were  in  perturbation  over  a  stirrup,  and 
Barbarossa  was  at  last  persuaded  to  concede  this 
childish  demand. 


226  Age  of  Hildebrand. 

The  Romans,  meanwhile,  had  not  delayed  to  send 
commissioners  to  Frederick,  asking  him  to  recognize 
the  senate  and  to  renew  the  old  Roman  autonomy. 
They  congratulated  him  on  his  arrival,  if  he  came  in 
peace  and  with  the  intention  of  delivering  them  from 
the  yoke  of  the  clergy.  Thus,  they  proceeded,  the 
splendor  of  ancient  times,  the  supremacy  of  Rome 
over  the  world,  may  return,  and  her  ruler  succeed  to 
the  name  and  fame  of  Augustus.  Rome,  through 
the  wisdom  of  its  senate  and  the  boldness  of  its 
knights,  extended  its  authority  to  the  world's  end, 
but  has  lost  its  renown  and  power.  The  Romans 
have  arisen  to  renew  the  glory  of  the  Emperor  and 
of  the  divine  Republic,  have  restored  the  senate  and 
the  knightly  estate.  Should  Frederick  not  rejoice 
thereat?  Should  he  not  regard  a  work  so  glorious 
and  so  necessary  to  -  his  own  dignity  as  worthy  of 
reward  ?  ''  Once  thou  wert  our  guest-friend,  now  we 
have  made  thee  a  citizen.  We  have  given  thee  what 
was  rightfully  ours.  Thou  art  bound  to  maintain 
our  old  customs  and  our  old  charters.  Thou  shalt 
pay  us  five  thousand  pounds  of  silver  for  proclaiming 
thee  on  the  Capitol,  and  shalt  swear  to  maintain  the 
Republic  even  unto  blood,  and  to  confirm  our  privi- 
leges by  oath  under  the  imperial  signature." 

Frederick's  reply  to  this  mixture  of  bombast,  in- 
solence, and  greed  was  haughty  and  contemptuous. 
He  related  at  length  the  conveyance  of  the  empire 
to  Charlemagne  and  his  descendants.  They  had  now 
summoned  him,  the  new  Emperor,  in  their  distress. 
It  was  an  appeal  with  tears — the  appeal  of  misery  to 
fortune,  of  weakness  to  power.     So  he  had  come. 


The  Emperor  Attacked  in  Rome,       227 


They  are  to-day  his  subjects.  He  is  rightful  pos- 
sessor. Who  dares  to  wrest  the  club  from  Hercules? 
They  demand  three  oaths.  Their  demand  is  just  or 
it  is  not.  If  not,  they  must  not  make  it  nor  he  grant 
it.  If  it  is,  he  freely  concedes  it.  What  need  of  an 
oath?  How  should  he  withhold  from  them  the  right 
which  he  would  grant  to  the  least?  They  demand 
money.  Is  not  Rome  ashamed  to  treat  with  its 
Emperor  as  with  a  broker?  ''  These  German  nobles 
are  my  patricians— the  true  Romans.  This  is  the  sen- 
ate clothed  with  perpetual  authority.  Here  are  your 
legions;  you  will  obey  such  laws  as  I  shall  enact." 

The  Romans  retired  crestfallen.     Frederick,  by  the 
Pope's  advice,  sent  on  a  part  of  his  army  in  advance, 
under  the  charge  of  Cardinal  Octavian,  to  occupy  the 
Leonina  which  was  in   Hadrian's  hands.     Octavian 
was  the  Pope's  bitterest  enemy  and  a  friend  of  the 
German  empire ;   and  this  commission  was  a  device 
of   Hadrian's  to  get  him  away  as  soon  as  possible 
from  Frederick's  camp,  where  he  had  already  shown 
a  disposition  to  make  trouble.     The  advance  accom- 
plished its  entrance  early  on  the  morning  of  the  i8th 
of  June,  and  was  followed  on  the  same  day  by  Fred- 
erick.    The  coronation  was  at  once  performed  in^St. 
Peter's ;  but  Rome  refused  to  acknowledge  the  Em- 
peror, and  the  people  gathered  in  arms  at  the  Capitol. 
The  Emperor,  still  wearing  the  crown,  retired  to 
his  camp  with  a  few  followers.     Soon  after  midnight 
the   Romans  broke  over  the  Tiber  bridge  into  the 
Leonina,  stormed  the  Vatican,  where  the  Pope  was, 
and  attacked  Frederick's  camp.     Henry  of  Saxony, 
♦^the  Lion,"   passed   through   the  breach   made   by 


228  Age  of  Hildebrand. 

Henry  V.  into  the  Leonina,  and  fell  upon  the  rear  of 
the  Romans.  The  fight  raged  on  the  bridge  of  St. 
Angelo  and  around  the  ancient  fish-ponds  until  night, 
when  the  Romans  yielded,  having  lost  about  a  thou- 
sand men,  killed  or  drowned  in  the  river.  About  two 
hundred  were  taken  prisoners,  and  the  rest  fled  to  St. 
Angelo  or  to  the  city.  At  the  Pope's  request  the 
Emperor  dehvered  the  prisoners  to  the  city  prefect, 
and  along  with  them  Arnold  of  Brescia,  who  was 
hanged  and  burned,  and  his  ashes  were  thrown  into 
the  Tiber.  The  Pope  and  the  Emperor  retired  to  the 
Sabina.^  The  city  of  Tivoli  delivered  its  keys  to  the 
Emperor,  and  in  return  Frederick  released  the  citizens 
from  allegiance  to  himself  and  exhorted  them  to  obey 
the  Pope  without  detriment  to  the  imperial  rights. 

The  reservation  of  imperial  rights  was  a  preg- 
nant phrase  according  to  Barbarossa's  interpretation. 
The  actual  renewal  of  the  old  Roman  empire,  the 
supreme  domination  of  the  world,  the  church,  and 
the  Pope  by  the  Emperor,  was  the  vision  which  had 
passed  before  his  mind  from  the  beginning  of  his 
reign,  and  the  realization  of  which  Hadrian  feared. 
A  new  conflict  between  the  empire  and  the  Papacy 
was  inevitable. 

So  much  the  more  important  did  it  appear  to 
Hadrian,  after  Frederick's  coronation,  to  strengthen 
his  power  in  Italy.  Accordingly  in  September  he 
led  an  expedition  against  William  of  Sicily  at  the 
summons  of  the  barons  and  cities  of  Apuha.     Neces- 

1  The  Sahina  adjoined  Roman  Tuscany,  Campania,  and  Umbria, 
being  se])arated  from  them  by  the  Tiber,  the  Anio,  and  the  Nar 
respectively. 


William  of  Sicily  Submits.  229 


sity  compelled  William  to   seek  the   Pope's  favor 
The  Byzantine  Emperor  had  agreed,  on  condition  of 
receiving  from   Hadrian   three   cities  of  Apulia,  to 
furnish  him  auxiliaries  against  the  King  of  S.cily,  and 
to  pay  five  thousand  pounds  of  gold  into  the  papal 
exchequer.       On    the    other   hand,   a   union   of  the 
Byzantine   and   Western    empires    against    common 
enemies,  especially  Sicily,  had  long  been  in  contem- 
plation     In  view  of  these  dangers  William  asked  for 
absolution,  promising  the  oath  of  fealty  and  the  sur- 
render of  the  churches  in  his  territory,  demanding  as 
indemnity  three  townships  and  five  thousand  pounds 
of  <rold,  and  holding  out  a  hope  of  subjecting  Rome 
to  the  apostolic  see.     In  the  meantime  he  conquered 
Apuha  and  Magna  Grscia.    Hadrian  sent  the  greater 
part  of  his  cardinals  to  meet  the  victor  in  Campania, 
while  he  himself  remained  in  Benevento.     When  the 
King  appeared,  his  subjection  to  the  Roman  Church 
was  demanded,  which  William  after  some  hesitation 
promised.     The  Pope  then  gave  him  three  banners, 
and  invested  him  in  fief  with  the  kingdom  of  Sicily, 
the  duchy  of  Apulia,  and  the  principality  of  Capua,  c 
Elections  to  ecclesiastical  positions  were  to  be  free, 
but  were  to  have  the  royal  confirmation,  and  a  yearly 
tribute  in  money  was  to  be  paid  to  the  Pope. 

The  tension  between  the  Pope  and  the  Emperor 
steadily  increased.  Hadrian's  reconciliation  with 
William  made  Frederick  uneasy.  Several  barons 
who  were  injured  by  that  treaty  repaired  to  him  in 
Lombardy,  and  he  now  contracted  a  second  marriage 
with  Beatrix  of  Burgundy,  which  signified  a  great 
increase  of  the  imperial  power.     Although  in  11 53 


230  Age  of  Hildebraiid. 

two  papal  legates  had  sanctioned  the  dissolution  of 
his  first  marriage,  the  Pope  now  strongly  remonstrated 
against  that  separation,  in  consequence  of  which  the 
Emperor  forbade  the  cardinals  to  set  foot  in  Germany. 
In  October  appeared  a  deputation  from  the  Pope  to 
Frederick  with  a  formal  complaint  against  this  act, 
which,  Hadrian  said,  appeared  to  him  strange  in  view 
of  the  favor  shown  the  Emperor  in  conferring  the 
imperial  crown. 

Frederick  received  this  complaint  at  the  Diet  of 
Besangon.  It  was  remarked  that  the  dependence 
of  the  imperial  dignity  on  the  Pope  assumed  in  this 
document  was  expressed  in  the  Lateran  by  pictures 
and  inscriptions,  especially  in  the  words  applied  to 
Lothair  to  the  effect  that  he  had  received  the  imper- 
ial crown  as  the  gift  of  the  Pope.i  Hadrian  had 
promised  the  removal  of  this  at  Frederick's  corona- 
tion. One  of  the  legates  was  imprudent  enough  to 
ask  from  whom  the  Emperor  held  the  empire,  if  not 
from  the  Pope ;  whereupon  Otto  of  Bavaria  drew  his 
sword.  Frederick  prevented  bloodshed  and  com- 
manded the  legates  to  leave  early  the  next  day  and 
to  return  to  Rome  by  the  shortest  route.  He  further- 
more issued  a  vigorous  proclamation  to  the  whole 
empire,  declaring  that,  while  he  will  hold  the  empire 
from  God  and  protect  the  peace  of  the  church  with 
the  imperial  arms,  there  proceeds  from  the  head  of 
the  church,  on  which  Christ  has  stamped  the  char- 
acter of  peace  and  love,  discord,  the  poison  of  death 
and  disease.     He  fears  schism  between  the  worldly 

1  "  Rex  stetit  ante  fores,  jurans  prius  Urbis  honores, 
Post  homo  fit  Papae,  sumit  quo  dante  coronam." 


The  Gauntlet  Thrown  Down.         231 

and  the  spiritual  powers — a  contamination  of  the 
whole  church.  The  legates,  puffed  up  with  the 
mammon  of  unrighteousness,  have  presented  a  papal 
letter  full  of  arrogance  and  execrable  boasting.  He 
(the  Emperor)  has  saved  both  the  evil  priests  from 
the  judgment  of  death  which  menaced  them;  but 
because  they  led  others  to  publish  letters  in  order  to 
spirt  the  poison  of  their  wickedness  into  the  German 
churches,  he  has  commanded  them  to  return  to 
Rome.  Since  he  holds  the  imperial  dignity  from  o 
God  alone,  through  the  choice  of  the  princes,  and 
since  St.  Peter  enjoined  to  fear  God  and  honor  the 
King,  every  one  zvho  says  that  he  holds  the  imperial 
crown  as  a  gift  (beneficinin)  from  the  Pope  is  an  ad- 
versary of  the  divine  order  and  of  the  teaching  of  St. 
Peter,  and  therefore  guilty  of  a  lie.  He  zvill  rather 
die  than  allozv  such  unheard-of  arrogance  to  contam- 
inate the  imperial  office. 

Ringing  words  these.  The  issue  was  sharply 
stated,  the  gauntlet  thrown  down.  The  Pope  issued 
a  letter  to  the  German  bishops,  complaining  of  the 
treatment  of  his  legates,  and  enjoining  them  to  exert 
themselves  to  change  the  Emperor's  mind.  Fred- 
erick replied  that  he  had  no  thought  of  encroaching 
on  the  province  of  the  church,  but  that  for  the  im- 
perial crown  he  had  only  the  divine  goodness  to 
thank.  He  had  not  forbidden  his  country  to  the 
legates,  but  only  their  travelling  about  with  the  let- 
ters which  they  brought.  He  had  not  barred  the 
way  for  pilgrims  to  Rome,  but  had  only  opposed  the 
abuses  of  travel  thither  by  which  the  churches  of 
Germany   were  burdened.     The  church   desired  to 


232  Age  of  H tide  brand. 

bury  the  empire.  It  had  begun  with  a  picture,  had 
added  an  inscription,  and  out  of  these  presently  a  law- 
would  arise.  That  picture,  with  the  inscription,  must 
be  destroyed.  He  also  expressed  his  indignation  at 
the  treaty  between  the  Pope  and  William  of  Sicily. 

The  bishops,  in  relating  their  interview  with  the 
Emperor,  informed  the  Pope  that  the  significant  and 
unexampled  expressions  in  the  papal  letter  were 
generally  disapproved ;  that  an  expedition  into  Italy 
was  in  preparation,  and  that  the  Emperor  might  be 
appeased  by  a  new  letter.  Accordingly  Hadrian, 
who  was  in  great  danger  from  the  hostility  of  the 
Normans,  wrote  to  Frederick  explaining  that  he  had 
used  the  term  beneficiiivi  in  the  sense  of  an  act  of 
kindness^  a  benefit,  and  not  of  an  enfeoffment.  The 
conveying  of  the  crown  meant  only  placing  it  on  the 
Emperor's  head.  Two  cardinals  were  sent  with  this 
letter,  and  at  Modena  met  Chancellor  Rainald  and 
the  Palgrave  Otto,  who  were  arranging  for  the  new 
Italian  expedition.  These  two,  in  reporting  the  in- 
terview to  Frederick,  told  him  that  the  Pope  had  at 
the  same  time  sent  legates  to  William  of  Sicily,  who 
had  dismissed  them  with  the  words,  "  You  are  sent 
to  us  with  hostile  intent  against  the  Emperor,  and 
two  others  have  been  sent  to  the  Emperor  in  order 
to  win  his  favor  and  dishonor  us.  Out  then  quickly ! 
or  we  will  punish  you  as  traitors."  They  also  ad- 
vised the  Emperor  to  accept  the  explanations  in  the 
Pope's  letter,  but  to  make  no  further  concessions. 
It  was  now  in  his  power,  they  said,  to  destroy  Rome 
and  to  deal  with  Pope  and  cardinals  as  he  pleased. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

RONCAGLIA — HADRIAN  AND   FREDERICK  AT   ISSUE 
— TWO    POPES    IN    THE    FIELD. 

HE  Emperor  arrived  in  Italy  in  July  with 
a  powerful  army,  and  in  September 
compelled  the  submission  of  proud  Milan. 
From  the  i  ith  to  the  25th  of  September 
he  held  a  great  assembly  in  the  plain  of 
RoncagHa,  where  the  full  imperial  power  was  con- 
firmed as  against  the  claims  of  the  cities  and  of  the 
Pope,  and  the  prerogatives  of  the  empire  were  de- 
fined in  the  terms  of  the  civil  law.  The  civil  law 
had  never  perished  from  Gaul  and  Italy,  and  in  the 
twelfth  century  its  study  was  vigorously  prosecuted 
in  Italy,  in  Paris,  and  in  Oxford,  where  the  Pandects 
of  Justinian  were  commented  upon  and  expounded. 
The  most  renowned  jurists  of  Bologna,  full  of  enthus- 
iasm for  the  old  Roman  imperial  law,  invested  the 
Hohenstaufen  with  all  the  absolutism  of  Justinian, 
styling  him  "lord  of  the  world,"  "sole  fountain  of 
legislation,"  the  absolute  master  of  the  lives  and 
property  of  all  his  subjects,  and  the  embodiment  of 
right  and  justice.  "  Do  and  ordain  what  thou  wilt," 
said  the  Archbishop  of  Milan,  speaking  for  the  as- 
sembled magnates  of  Lombardy.      "  Thy  will  is  law, 

233 


234  Ag^  of  Hildebraiid, 

as  it  is  written :  *  Whatever  pleases  the  prince  has  the 
force  of  law,  since  the  people  have  transferred  to  him 
all  their  own  sovereignty  and  power.'  " 

Such  utterances  voiced  the  dream  of  empire  which 
had  beckoned  Frederick  into  Italy  ;  and  men  are  ever 
but  too  ready  to  believe  that  which  formulates  their 
fondest  hope ;  but  Frederick  did  not  see  that  the  em- 
pire of  Charlemagne  and  of  Justinian  was  now  impos- 
sible. Lombardy  was  the  place  where,  with  a  finer 
sense,  he  might  have  caught  the  first  breaths  of  the 
new  democratic  spirit  which  was  stirring  in  Europe. 

The  gap  was  thus  opened  between  the  Papacy  and 
the  empire  because  of  the  gap  opened  between  the 
empire  and  the  cities.  The  Papacy  must  take  sides 
with  one  or  the  other  of  these,  and  there  could  be 
little  doubt  that  it  would  range  itself  with  the  cities. 
For  investiture,  which,  since  the  Treaty  of  Worms, 
had  slumbered,  or  at  most  only  turned  in  its  sleep, 
would  either  be  the  link  between  the  cities  and  the 
Emperor,  or  would  come  to  the  front  again  as  a  civic 
question.  It  was  the  interest  of  the  cities  to  with- 
draw from  the  Emperor  the  crown-right,  the  courts, 
and  the  magistracies ;  and  what  was  against  the  Em- 
peror was  for  the  interest  of  the  Papacy.  The  Lom- 
bard republics  and  churches  won  their  independence 
at  last  out  of  the  fight  on  investiture  as  a  civil 
question. 

Irritation  between  the  Pope  and  the  Emperor  was 
inflamed  by  several  minor  matters.  The  Pope  refused 
to  appoint  Frederick's  candidate  to  the  see  of  Ra- 
venna; he  despatched  a  letter  to  the  Emperor  by 
the  hands  of  a  low  ragamuffin;  and  the  Emperor  or- 


Papal  Demands,  235 


dained  that,  in  imperial  communications  to  the  Pope, 
the  Emperor's  name  should  precede  the  Pope's.  At 
last  Hadrian  summoned  Milan  and  other  Lombard 
cities  to  revolt,  and  sent  four  cardinals  to  Bologna 
in  April,  1159,  where  they  ventilated  the  grievance 
that  the  Emperor  had  violated  the  Treaty  of  Con- 
stance concluded  in  1153  with  Eugenius.  Frederick 
declared  that  the  Pope  himself  had  first  violated  this 
treaty  by  the  peace  with  the  Normans  at  Benevento, 
but  professed  his  readiness  to  submit  the  matter  to 
arbitration.  Hadrian  rejected  this  suggestion,  and 
sent  back  the  two  cardinals  with  imperative  demands, 
which  were  laid  before  a  great  assembly  of  the  princes 
in  June. 

The  principal  subject  was  the  renewal  of  the  Treaty 
of  Constance.  The  Pope  demanded  that  the  Em- 
peror should  not  send  messengers  to  Rome  without 
his  previous  knowledge,  because  at  Rome  all  secular 
power  resides  in  the  Pope.  No  requisitions  were  to 
be  made  on  papal  property,  and  no  forage  was  to  be 
taken  from  papal  territory,  except  on  the  occasion  of 
an  imperial  coronation.  This  would  prevent  the  im- 
perial forces  from  crossing  the  papal  frontier.  The 
Italian  bishops  were  to  swear  allegiance,  but  not  a 
fief-oath,  to  the  Emperor,  and  were  not  to  receive 
imperial  messengers.  The  Roman  Church  was  to  be 
restored  to  the  possession  of  the  Mathilde  property, 
the  duchy  of  Spoleto,  Corsica,  and  Sardinia. 

Frederick  complained  of  broken  agreements ;  of 
the  understanding,  without  his  knowledge,  with  the 
Sicilian  King,  the  Romans,  and  the  Greeks;  of  the 
circulation  of  cardinal  legates  without  his  permission, 


236  Age  of  Hilde brand. 

their  entrance  into  royal  and  episcopal  palaces,  and 
their  fleecing  of  the  churches.  He  declared  that  he 
would  demand  no  homage  of  the  Italian  bishops  if 
they,  on  their  part,  would  renounce  the  fiefs  which 
they  held  of  the  empire.  If  they  chose  to  listen  to 
the  Pope  when  he  asked  what  they  had  to  do  with 
the  Emperor,  they  must  submit  to  the  Emperor's 
commands,  else  what  had  they  to  do  with  the  estates 
of  the  empire  ?  He  would  not  require  that  imperial 
ambassadors  should  be  lodged  in  episcopal  palaces 
when  those  palaces  were  situated  on  episcopal  ground. 
If  they  stood  on  the  lands  of  the  empire  they  were 
imperial  and  not  episcopal  palaces.  As  to  the  admis- 
sion of  his  envoys  to  Rome,  if  he  is  really  Emperor 
and  not  such  merely  in  appearance,  Rome  cannot 
withdraw  itself  from  his  authority.  He  received  very 
graciously  a  deputation  of  the  Romans  who  expressed 
their  regret  for  the  attack  at  the  time  of  his  corona- 
tion; and  he  intimated  that  if  he  could  not  make 
terms  with  the  Pope,  he  might  do  so  with  the  senate 
and  people  of  Rome. 

This  manly  and  sensible  attitude  of  the  Emperor 
seemed  to  render  peace  impossible,  and  Hadrian, 
dreading  another  imperial  invasion,  departed  to 
Tusculum.  Frederick's  ambassadors  in  the  meantime 
were  exercising  imperial  rights  on  papal  territory, 
which  called  out  a  sharp  letter  from  the  Pope,  hold- 
ing up  to  the  Emperor  his  lack  of  piety  towards 
"  his  father  and  mother — St.  Peter  and  the  Roman 
Church."  The  Emperor's  reply  was  characteristic: 
"  Frederick,  by  the  grace  of  God  Emperor  of  the 
Romans,  desires  Hadrian,  the  highest  bishop  of  the 


Sharp  Words  to  the  Pope.  237 


Catholic  Church,  to  confine  himself  to  all  that  Jesus 
began  both  to  do  and  to  teach."  He  went  on  to  say 
that  before  Constantine  the  church  had  no  worldly 
possessions,  and  that  what  she  now  has  she  owes  to 
the  gifts  of  the  princes.  For  this  reason  he  places 
his  own  name  before  the  Pope's.  Why  should  he 
not  demand  homage  from  those  who  are  gods  by 
adoption  and  hold  their  feudal  property  as  such,  since 
the  Founder  of  the  secular  and  spiritual  power,  who 
asks  nothing  of  human  sovereigns,  but  gives  all  to 
all,  and  pays  tithe  to  the  Emperor  for  himself  and  St. 
Peter,  gives  to  the  Pope  the  command :  "  Learn  of 
me;  for  I  am  meek  and  lowly  in  heart"?  Either 
bishops  should  renounce  their  worldly  possessions, 
or,  if  they  hold  them,  should  render  to  God  what  is 
God's  and  to  Csesar  what  is  Caesar's.  The  churches 
and  cities  are  closed  to  the  cardinal  legates  because 
they  are  not  preachers,  but  plunderers  ;  not  mediators, 
but  robbers ;  not  maintainers  of  the  empire,  but  in- 
satiable money-makers.  He  cannot  but  return  the 
Pope  such  an  answer  when  he  sees  how  the  beast  of 
pride  has  crept  into  the  chair  of  St.  Peter. 

In  this  critical  state  of  affairs  the  Papacy  again 
obtained  aUies  in  Sicily,  and  in  the  Lombard  cities, 
Milan,  Brescia,  and  Piacenza,  who  sent  commissioners 
to  the  Pope  and  urged  him  to  pronounce  the  ban 
against  the  Emperor;  promising  to  enter  into  no 
treaty  with  him  without  the  Pope's  permission.  Be- 
fore Hadrian  could  carry  out  this  request,  he  died  at 
Anagni  in  September,  11 59. 

The  next  day  the  cardinals  began  to  busy  them- 
selves about  the  choice  of  a  successor,  and  after  three 


238  Age  of'Hildebrand. 

days  reached  a  divided  result.  The  division  was  be- 
tween the  papal  and  the  imperial  candidate.  By  the 
majority  Roland  of  Siena  was  chosen — the  leader  of 
papal  politics  against  the  Emperor.  He  had  long 
served  in  Bologna  as  professor  of  canon  law,  was 
brought  to  Rome  by  Eugenius,  and  was  finally  made 
,  chancellor  of  the  Roman  Church.  He  was  chosen  as 
^Alexander  HI.  Two  cardinals,  secretly  supported 
by  imperial  deputies,  had,  from  the  first,  fixed  upon 
Cardinal  Octavian,  an  imperialist.  The  electors  of 
Roland  were  in  the  act  of  investing  him  with  the 
papal  mantle,  when  Octavian  tore  it  from  his  shoul- 
ders. A  senator  sprang  up  and  recovered  it.  Octav- 
ian, in  anticipation  of  some  such  proceeding,  had 
brought  a  mantle  with  him,  and  now  called  for  it  and 
had  it  placed  upon  himself,  which  was  done  in  sucli 
haste  that  it  was  reversed ;  and  in  his  confusion  he 
fastened  the  lower  end  about  his  neck.  At  this  point 
the  doors  of  the  church  were  opened,  and  the  imper- 
ial troops  thronged  in  with  drawn  swords,  and  carried 
forth  Octavian  in  state.  Alexander,  with  his  follow- 
ers, fled  to  a  fortress  near  St.  Peter's,  called  the  **  mu- 
nitio  ecclesiae  Sancti  Petri,"  where  they  remained  for 
nine  days,  besieged  by  Octavian,  who,  in  the  mean- 
°  time,  assumed  the  name  of  Victor  IV. 

The  party  of  Octavian  claimed  that  the  cardinals 
had  agreed  not  to  proceed  to  the  election  without 
unanimous  consent,  but  that,  in  a  secret  synod  at 
Anagni  during  Hadrian's  life,  the  anti-imperialist 
cardinals  had  sworn  to  select  one  of  their  own  party. 
This  conspiracy  was  organized  by  the  money  of 
William    of    Sicily.     The    Octavians    acknowledged 


Octavian  Enthroned.  239 


that  they  were  in  the  minority,  but  asserted  that 
Roland's  election  had  been  forced  in  violation  of  the 
compact.  In  the  representations  addressed  by  them 
to  different  parties,  much  stress  was  laid  on  the 
understanding  with  William  of  Sicily.  Roland,  after 
remaining  in  the  Trastevere  until  the  1 7th  of  Septem- 
ber, was  set  free  by  one  of  the  Frangipani  and  some 
other  nobles  hostile  to  Octavian,  and  was  installed  as 
Alexander  III.  three  days  after. 

Octavian  was  obliged  to  leave  Rome  after  a  vain 
attempt  to  obtain  recognition,  and  one  of  Alexander's 
first  official  acts  was  the  usual  excommunication  of 
his  rival.  But  Octavian  had  found  three  bishops 
who  declared  their  readiness  to  inaugurate  him,  and 
he  was  accordingly  enthroned  at  Farfa  on  the  4th  of 
October  as  Victor  IV. 

Alexander's  commissioners  to  Frederick  met  with 
a  very  cool  reception,  and  the  Emperor  sent  a  letter 
addressed  "  to  the  Chancellor  Roland  and  the  other 
cardinals  who  chose  him  as  Pope."  He  announced 
that,  in  order  to  avoid  the  threatened  schism,  he  had 
called  a  general  council  at  Pavia  for  the  13th  of  Jan- 
uary, at  which  the  bishops  of  his  empire,  with  others 
from  England,  France,  Hungary,  and  Dacia,  would 
appear ;  and  he  summoned  Alexander  to  be  present 
and  submit  to  the  decision  of  this  assembly.  Victor 
soon  after  appeared  at  the  Emperor's  court,  and  tried 
to  induce  him  to  come  at  once  to  the  assistance  of 
the  church.  He  declared  that  he  had  been  elected 
by  the  bishops,  the  cardinal  presbyters,  and  the 
Roman  clergy,  and  according  to  the  wish  of  the 
people.     He  emphasized  Alexander's  compact  with 


240  Age  of  Hildebrand. 

William  of  Sicily,  and  denounced  him  and  his  party 
as  liars,  heretics,  and  schismatics.  A  circular  letter 
from  the  Bishop  of  Tusculum,  about  the  same  time, 
ascribed  the  division  in  the  electoral  college  to  the 
league  of  Hadrian  with  William,  and  declared  that  the 
papal  party  had  sworn  at  Anagni  to  procure  the  Em- 
peror's excommunication,  and,  in  case  of  the  Pope's 
death,  to  choose  one  of  their  own  number.  The  affair 
is  a  very  dark  one,  but  William  of  Sicily  was  evidently 
somewhere  near  the  bottom  of  it.  Gerhoch  of  Reich- 
ersperg,  a  stiff,  conservative  churchman,  allied  with 
the  reform-party,  declared  that  the  two  cardinals  on 
Victor's  side  confessed  that  they  themselves  had  been 
parties  to  the  conspiracy,  in  the  hope  of  escaping  pun- 
ishment by  their  confession,  and  that  they  pronounced 
Alexander's  election  invalid  because  it  had  been  ef- 
fected by  a  conspiracy  of  twelve  bribed  cardinals. 

Alexander  was  naturally  indignant  at  the  letter 
"to  the  Chancellor  Roland,"  and  in  his  answer  de- 
nounced the  Emperor's  proposal  to  call  a  council 
without  his  consent,  and  his  summons  to  the  Pope  to 
appear  thereat.  The  Pope  was  subject  to  no  tribunal 
and  would  not  appear.  The  breach  between  Alex- 
ander and  Frederick  was  thus  confirmed.  Alexander 
must  now  work  the  harder  for  recognition  in  other 
countries.  He  wrote  to  the  French  Queen,  Con- 
stantia;  he  sent  cardinals  to  France  and  England  to 
work  for  his  recognition ;  he  addressed  himself  to  the 
Lombard  bishops ;  his  legate  went  to  Milan,  and  with 
the  sanction  of  the  archbishop  published  the  excom- 
munication of  '*  Octavian  the  antipope  and  Frederick 
the  Emperor " ;   and  a  few  days  later  the  ban  was 


Octavian  Acknowledged  at  Pavia.     241 


proclaimed  against  the  consuls  of  all  the  cities  in 
league  with  Frederick.  Clugny  was  against  him,  and 
the  abbot  Hugo  had  already  acknowledged  Victor. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  Carthusians  and  Cistercians 
were  actively  enHsted  in  his  cause.  Victor,  on  his 
part,  issued  an  encyclical  setting  forth  the  depraved 
condition  of  the  Roman  see  ;  declaring  that  those  who 
had  recourse  to  the  tribunal  of  Roland  escaped  as 
from  a  prison,  naked  and  plundered ;  that  ecclesias- 
tical offices  were  sold  like  cattle,  and  that  the  clergy 
was  the  scoff  of  the  world  because  of  its  robbery  and 

simony. 

The  Emperor  opened  the  council  at  Pavia  on  the  ^^ 
nth  of  February,  11 60.  Prelates  of  both  parties 
were  present,  with  commissioners  from  the  kings  of 
England,  Denmark,  and  France,  and  numerous  ab- 
bots and  provosts.  Alexander  refused  to  appear, 
but  Victor  came  with  testimonials  of  his  election  from 
the  canons  of  St.  Peter  and  many  Roman  clergy.  A 
letter  was  laid  before  the  assembly  from  the  Chapter 
of  St.  Peter,  in  which  the  proceedings  of  the  election 
were  detailed  from  the  Octavian  point  of  view.  Ac- 
cording to  this,  the  delay  of  the  election  was  owing 
to  an  intrigue  of  the  Rolandists.  The  main  points 
urged  were  that  Roland,  by  his  own  admission,  had 
never  been  invested  with  the  papal  mantle ;  that  the 
election  of  Octavian  had  been  initiated  by  the  whole 
clergy  and  people  of  Rome ;  and  that  Roland  had 
appeared  after  the  election  without  the  papal  insignia.^ 

The   council   acknowledged   Octavian,  and  issued 
an  encyclical  to  all  western  Christendom,  relating  its 

1  The  entire  contents  of  the  document  are  given  by  Langen,  p.  451. 


242  A^-e  of  Hildcbraiid. 

decisions  and  their  grounds,  and  declaring  that  Ro- 
land had  circulated  falsehoods  concerning  the  elec- 
tion proceedings.     Victor  IV.  was  now  called  in  to 
be  enthroned.     The  Emperor  himself  led  his  horse 
Between  the  Emperor  and  the  Patriarch  of  Aquilei 
the  Pope  advanced  to  the  altar,  where  the  Emperc 
and  the  princes  kissed  his  feet  and  presented  gift; 
The  usual  excommunication  of  the  other  Pope  fo." 
lowed,  and  Victor  summoned  William  of  Sicily  an 
the  Milanese  to  answer  for  the  injury  inflicted  on  th 
empire  and  the  church.     Frederick,  in  a  letter  to  th 
Archbishop  of  Salzburg,  related  the  transactions  < 
the  council,  and  again  emphasized  the  conspiracy  < 
Roland  and  his  cardinals  with  William,  Milan,  Bresci 
and  Piacenza.    This  emphasis  was  due  in  part  to  tl 
fact  that  letters  of  Alexander  to  the  insurgent  Lon 
bard  cities  had  been  intercepted  and  were  in  the  En 
peror's  hands. 

The  decisions  of  Pavia  gave  Alexander  the  oppor- 
tunity for  pronouncing  the  ban  upon  Frederick  and 
the  release  of  his  subjects  from  their  allegiance.  He 
actively  prosecuted  his  efforts  for  recognition  by 
other  powers,  even  the  Byzantine  Emperor.  The 
English  and  French  bishops  decided  in  his  favor. 
The  two  kings,  Henry  H.  and  Louis  VH.,  refused  to 
commit  themselves,  and  pronounced  the  decision  of 
the  bishops  to  be  contrary  to  their  will.  The  great 
council  at  Toulouse  in  the  autumn  of  1 160,  at  which 
both  those  monarchs  were  present,  with  representa- 
tives of  the  German  Emperor  and  of  both  popes, 
took  up  the  question  again.  Frederick  consented  to 
its  being  reopened   because  the  decisions  of  Pavia 


Alexander  Acknowledged  at  Toulouse.  243 


had  met  with  httle  approbation,  and  it  was  most  de- 
sirable to  secure  the  approval  of  Henry  and  Louis. 
The  council  decided  for  Alexander  on  the  ground 
that  his  investiture  with  the  papal  mantle  had  been 
prevented  by  force,  and  that  Octavian  had  preceded 
him  only  for  that  reason,  and,  further,  that  his  in- 
stallation had  been  regular,  which  was  not  the  case 
with  Octavian's. 

Many  thought  that  it  would  be  best  to  await  the 
death  of  one  of  the  popes,  and  to  let  the  church  be 
governed  in  the  meantime  by  the  bishops.  Henry 
was  won  over  to  this  opinion,  and  was  induced  to 
change  his  mind  only  by  a  disgraceful  intrigue  of 
Alexander's  legates.  His  son  of  seven  years  was 
already  betrothed  to  the  infant  daughter  of  Louis. 
In  order  to  put  the  English  King  at  once  in  posses- 
sion of  certain  strongholds  in  France,  the  legates 
issued  a  dispensation  for  the  immediate  conclusion  of 
the  marriage.  The  feeling  of  Louis,  who,  on  the 
question  of  acknowledgment,  sided  with  Henry  with- 
out knowing  his  motive,  and  who  had  accordingly 
endeavored  to  persuade  the  Byzantine  Emperor  to 
acknowledge  Alexander,  was  that  of  one  doubly  be- 
trayed. He  immediately  banished  the  papal  legates 
from  the  country.  Thus,  while  the  danger  to  the 
Papacy  was  temporarily  arrested  by  the  Council  of 
Toulouse,  Alexander's  victory  was  converted  into  a 
partial  defeat. 

The  Council  of  Toulouse  was  followed  by  similar 
assemblies  in  Spain,  Ireland,  and  Norway.  Alex- 
ander sent  the  Scotch  Bishop  of  Moray  as  his  leg- 
ate to  Scotland,  commissioned  to  consecrate  the  new 


244  ^^^  of  Hildebrand. 

Bishop  of  St.  Andrews,  and,  in  contradiction  of  his 
predecessors,  recognized  Scotland's  independence  of 
the  Archbishop  of  York.  By  this  means  he  hoped 
to  win  the  adherence  of  Scotland.  He  succeeded 
in  effecting  an  outward  reconciliation  with  Louis  of 
France,  so  that  the  expelled  legates  were  present 
at  the  coronation  of  the  new  Queen,  Alice;  and  he 
sought  to  bind  the  King  of  England  more  closely  to 
himself  by  the  canonization  of  Edward  the  Confessor. 
The  German  Emperor  and  Victor  sought  to  reverse 
the  decision  at  Toulouse  by  a  new  general  council, 
which  was  opened  at  Cremona  in  May,  1161,  and 
was  continued  at  Neulodi  in  June.  The  Emperor 
and  Victor  were  present,  with  a  large  number  of  prel- 
ates, five  metropolitans,  five  Roman  senators,  and 
commissioners  from  England,  France,  Poland,  and 
Bohemia.  Victor's  recognition  was  reaffirmed,  and 
excommunication  was  pronounced  upon  the  Emper- 
or's Lombard  enemies.  Alexander,  meanwhile,  had 
determined  to  go  to  Rome.  He  had  subjected 
Latium  with  the  aid  of  the  Sicilians ;  his  interest  was 
growing  in  Rome  through  the  absence  of  the  anti- 
pope;  the  newly  elected  senators  had  declared  for 
him;  and  so,  by  the  influence  of  the  Frangipani,  he 
was  able  to  enter  the  city  on  the  i6th  of  June.  But 
the  Emperor's  forces  were  approaching,  and  in  less 
than  a  fortnight  he  was  compelled  to  retire,  and  for 
the  next  ten  months  was  itinerating  in  Italy,  until  in 
April,  1 162,  he  found  refuge  in  France,  the  old-time 
resort  of  papal  fugitives.  On  his  arrival  at  Montpel- 
lier  he  asked  the  protection  of  the  French  King,  and 
was  received  by  the  church  dignitaries  with  respect. 


Frederick  Terrifies  Italy.  245 


Frederick,  meanwhile,  was  carrying  matters  with  a 
high  hand  in  Lombardy.  The  walls  of  Milan  were 
destroyed  and  its  citizens  dispersed.  Italy  trembled 
at  its  fall.  Rome,  in  its  terror,  acknowledged  Victor, 
and  Frederick  withdrew  by  way  of  Turin  to  Bur- 
gundy, leaving  behind  him  a  desolated  country. 


CHAPTER   XXIII. 

THOMAS  A  BECKET — PASCHAL  HI. — ALEXANDER, 
BECKET,  AND  HENRY  11. 

N  February,  1163,  Alexander  came  to 
reside  in  Paris.  He  prevailed  upon 
Louis  to  hold  a  great  synod  at  Tours,  in 
which  Henry  of  England  agreed  to  par- 
ticipate on  condition  that  the  rights  of 
his  crown  should  not  be  impaired,  and  that  no  innov- 
ations should  be  introduced  into  England.  The 
Pope  assented  to  these  conditions,  though  they 
pointed  very  distinctly  to  the  restoration  of  the  old 
English  church-right,  against  which  Anselm  of  Can- 
terbury had  so  long  fought  and  which  was  soon  to 
be  again  assailed. 

The  council,  composed  mostly  of  French  prelates 
and  clergy,  was  opened  on  the  19th  of  May.  The 
first  place  next  to  the  Pope  was  occupied  by  Thomas 
a  Becket,  the  successor  of  Theobald  in  the  see  of 
Canterbury. 

Under  the  patronage  of  Henry,  Becket  had  been 
advanced  to  the  chancellorship  of  England,  and  had 
been  made  Provost  of  Beverley,  Dean  of  Hastings, 
and  Constable  of  the  Tower,  besides  being  put  in 
possession  of  certain  large  baronies  which  had  es- 

246 


Thomas  a  BeckeL  247 

cheated  to  the  crown.  He  maintained  a  luxurious 
state  which  no  EngHsh  subject  had  ever  before  dis- 
played. He  was  the  intimate  friend  and  companion 
of  his  sovereign.  His  retinue  was  large,  his  house 
was  a  place  of  education  for  the  sons  of  the  proudest 
nobles,  and  the  greatest  barons  and  the  King  himself 
delighted  to  be  received  at  his  table.  His  leisure 
was  employed  in  field-sports,  and  he  rendered  import- 
ant military  service  to  the  King  in  his  French  cam- 
paigns. As  he  had  never  interfered  with  the  King's 
policy  in  ecclesiastical  matters,  Henry  was  surprised 
by  his  new  attitude  immediately  upon  his  appoint- 
ment to  the  see  of  Canterbury.  Not  only  did  he 
personally  assume  the  character  of  sanctity  and  prac- 
tise the  severest  austerities,  while  he  maintained  the 
splendor  of  his  former  estate,  but  he  appeared  as  the 
representative  of  the  Gregorian  ecclesiasticism.  This 
was  the  man  who  now  came  to  Tours  at  the  head  of 
all  the  English  bishops,  and  who,  by  the  Pope's  com- 
mand, was  escorted  into  the  city  by  the  whole  con- 
course of  cardinals. 

The  opening  speech  of  the  Bishop  of  Lisieux  was 
aimed  directly  at  Frederick,  and  the  ban  was  pro- 
nounced upon  Victor  and  his  defenders,  among  whom 
was  the  Abbot  of  Clugny.  Sundry  canons  were 
adopted,  against  the  Albigenses,  against  simony, 
against  the  teaching  of  natural  philosophy  and  secu- 
lar jurisprudence  by  monks,  against  the  validity  of 
consecrations  by  Victor  and  other  schismatics,  and 
against  the  holding  of  church  property  by  laymen. 
Becket  introduced  a  proposal  for  the  canonization  of 
Anselm  of  Canterbury — a  proposal  which  Henry  did 


248  Age  of  Hildebrand. 

not  approve,  and  which  was  ingeniously  evaded  by 
Alexander.  He  did  not  wish  to  offend  the  English 
King  by  approving  it,  while  he  had  the  strongest 
reasons  for  not  offending  Becket  and  his  party.  He 
accordingly  refused  the  canonization  at  the  synod, 
but  empowered  Becket  to  investigate  through  a  synod 
the  miracles  ascribed  to  Anselm,  and  to  decide  the 
matter  of  canonization  as  he  might  see  fit. 

The  Pope  endeavored  to  annoy  Frederick  in  every 
way.  Hearing  that  the  Emperor  was  about  to  under- 
take an  expedition  to  Hungary,  he  took  measures  for 
the  obstruction  of  his  passage.  Ambassadors  came 
to  him  from  Manuel,  the  Emperor  of  Constantinople, 
who  had  been  won  over  by  the  French  King,  to  pay 
homage  and  to  solicit  alliance  ;  and  their  negotiations 
with  the  Pope  and  Louis,  while  they  promised  little, 
helped  to  keep  up  courage  for  the  fight  with  Fred- 
erick. The  Pope  urged  Louis  to  advise  the  King  of 
Sicily,  through  the  Byzantine  ambassadors,  to  arm 
against  Frederick  and  his  allies,  since  they  had  de- 
signs on  his  territory.  To  Becket,  who  had  sent  a 
special  messenger  to  communicate  his  sufferings  and 
fears  in  the  contest  with  Henry,  he  replied  that  he 
would  have  to  bear  his  troubles  as  a  penance  for  his 
conduct  as  Chancellor  of  England,  but  assured  him  of 
the  protection  of  the  papal  chair  so  far  as  should  be 
consistent  with  justice  and  reason.  The  Pope  evi- 
dently saw  the  wisdom  of  being  on  his  guard  with  a 
man  whose  imperious  and  headstrong  temper  was 
Hkely  to  involve  him  in  difficulties  at  a  point  where 
his  relations  with  Frederick  called  for  extreme  caution. 

Henry   requested  Alexander   to   name   Roger   of 


Constitutions  of  Clarendon^         249 


York  as  papal  legate  for  England — a  proposal  very 
annoying  to  Becket,  but  urged  by  Henry  because 
Becket  would  thus  be  rendered  harmless,  and  the 
supreme  authority  of  the  English  church  would  be  in 
the  hands  of  Roger,  who  was  in  sympathy  with  him- 
self. The  Pope  was  afraid  of  estranging  Henry  and 
unwilHng  to  abandon  Becket;  but  he  finally  made 
Roger  legate,  promising  Becket  that  the  see  of  Can- 
terbury should  never  be  subject  to  any  authority  but 
his  own. 

In  January,  1164,  the  famous  ''Constitutions  of 
Clarendon  "  were  adopted,  the  tendency  of  which 
was  to  subject  ecclesiastical  appointment  and  conduct 
to  the  authority  of  the  crown.  The  revenues  of  va- 
cant archbishoprics,  bishoprics,  and  abbeys  were  to 
come  into  the  King's  hands.  Electors  for  their  occu- 
pants were  to  be  summoned  by  the  King,  and  the 
elections  were  to  take  place  in  his  presence.  The 
prelate  elect  was  to  do  homage  to  the  sovereign  for 
life,  limb,  and  worldly  honors,  excepting  his  order. 
Archbishops,  bishops,  and  all  beneficiaries  were  to 
be  regarded  as  barons  of  the  realm,  and  to  be  subject 
to  the  burdens  attaching  to  that  rank,  and  were  to 
assist  other  barons  at  all  trials  except  capital  cases. 
No  one  was  to  quit  the  realm  without  the  royal  per- 
mission. The  royal  courts  were  to  decide  whether 
the  ofi'ences  of  the  clergy  were  cases  for  civil  or 
ecclesiastical  jurisdiction,  and  a  verdict  of  ''  guilty  " 
removed  the  offender  from  ecclesiastical  protection. 
Disputes  concerning  presentations  or  rights  of  pres- 
entation to  benefices  were  to  be  decided  in  the  royal 
courts,  and  the  King's  consent  was  necessary  to  the 


250  Age  of  Hildebrand. 

appointment  to  a  benefice.  Appeals  to  Rome  were 
limited  by  the  provision  that  no  appeal  could  be 
taken  from  the  archbishop's  court  under  the  royal 
supervision  without  the  King's  consent.  The  King's 
tenants-in-chief  and  officers  of  his  household  were 
exempt  from  excommunication,  and  their  lands  from 
interdict,  until  information  had  been  laid  before  the 
King. 

Becket  took  the  oath,  with  the  lay  barons  and 
bishops,  to  maintain  these  Constitutions ;  but  when 
they  were  finally  drawn  up  and  presented  to  him,  he 
refused  his  subscription  and  immediately  wrote  to 
the  Pope  for  absolution  from  his  oath,  which  was 
granted.  Alexander,  when  asked  by  the  King  to 
confirm  the  articles,  told  Becket  to  concede  what  was 
consistent  with  the  honor  of  the  clerical  estate,  at  the 
same  time  admonishing  him  to  yield  to  the  King 
wrherever  he  could  do  so  without  detriment  to  his 
clerical  rights.  But  he  soon  began  to  take  a  decided 
attitude  against  the  Clarendon  articles,  and  forbade 
the  English  bishops  to  surrender  any  portion  of 
church  freedom  or  to  take  a  new  oath.  If  they  had 
already  given  improper  promises,  they  were  not  to 
fulfil  them.  Becket,  meanwhile,  was  inflicting  pen- 
ance on  himself  for  his  oath  to  sustain  the  articles, 
and  was  refraining  from  mass,  until  the  Pope  com- 
manded him  to  resume  his  clerical  duties  and  told 
him  that  if  he  felt  oppressed  in  his  conscience  he 
might  confess  to  a  priest. 

On  the  20th  of  April,  1 164,  Victor  died  at  Lucca, 
and  the  imperial  party,  without  waiting  for  an  ex- 
pression from  the  Emperor,  elected  Guido  of  Cremera 


Becket  Condemned,  251 

as  Paschal  III.  The  Emperor  yielded  a  grudging 
confirmation,  and  Paschal  found  himself  opposed  by 
some  of  the  German  bishops  of  the  Victorine  faction 
who  did  not  care  to  prolong  the  schism,  and  also  by 
Clugny  and  the  episcopate  of  Burgundy,  both  of  which 
had  supported  Victor. 

Becket  was  cited  in  October  before  a  council  of  the 
realm  at  Northampton,  on  a  charge  of  withholding 
justice  from  a  royal  officer  who  claimed  an  estate 
from  the  see  of  Canterbury.  The  council  pronounced 
him  guilty  of  perjury  and  treason,  and  declared  all 
his  property  confiscate.  His  appeal  to  the  Pope,  and 
his  prohibition  of  his  suffragans  from  sitting  in  judg- 
ment in  a  secular  council — two  direct  violations  of  the 
Clarendon  articles — led  some  of  the  bishops  to  ask 
the  King  to  exempt  them  from  concurring  in  the  sen- 
tence, they  promising  to  unite  in  a  request  to  the 
Pope  to  depose  Becket.  A  deputation  led  by  Roger 
of  York  and  Gilbert  of  London  accordingly  waited 
upon  the  Pope,  complained  of  Becket  as  a  disturber 
of  the  peace,  and  submitted  for  his  confirmation  the 
sentence  pronounced  at  Northampton.  Alexander 
was  much  embarrassed.  He  promised  to  send  legates 
to  England  to  investigate  the  case,  but  did  not  bind 
himself  not  to  confer  personally  with  Becket.  Becket, 
who  had  taken  refuge  in  Flanders,  came  in  person  to 
the  Pope,  and  laid  before  him  the  articles  of  Claren- 
don. Alexander  at  first  blamed  him  for  betraying 
his  office  by  recognizing  these  articles.^    Becket  con- 

1  Froude  justly  observes  that  the  story  that  the  Pope  and  cardinals 
had  never  seen  the  "  Constitutions  "  is  incredible.  ("  Life  and  Times 
of  Thomas  a  Becket.") 


252  Age  of  Hilde brand. 

fessed,  declaring  that  he  had  been  placed  in  the  see 
of  Canterbury  by  secular  power,  and  had  accepted 
it  uncanonically.  He  now  relinquished  it,  to  be  re- 
stored or  not,  as  the  Pope  might  determine.  It  was 
a  rare  opportunity  for  Alexander,  but  he  did  not  use 
it.  Becket  was  too  important  an  agent  in  the  contest 
with  the  King  of  England  to  be  sacrificed.  The 
Pope  reinstated  him.  He  was  assigned  a  residence 
near  Sens,  and  was  bidden  to  remain  quiet  and  to 
avoid  irritating  Henry  for  the  present. 

During  Alexander's  absence  from  Rome  the  city 
had  been  quietly  governed  by  the  senate,  which,  in 
its  acts,  took  no  cognizance  of  the  Pope.  Judicial 
documents  of  this  period  are  dated  in  the  era  of  Vic- 
tor IV.  Alexander's  representative  in  Rome,  Julius 
of  Palestrina,  died,  and  his  successor  prevailed  upon 
the  Romans  to  take  the  oath  to  Alexander,  and  to 
constitute  the  senate  according  to  the  papal  sense. 
A  deputation  was  sent  to  Alexander  urging  him  to 
return.  The  efforts  in  his  favor  were  assisted  by  the 
bitterness  created  by  the  operations  of  Christian  of 
Mainz,  the  soldier-bishop  and  the  faithful  warrior  of 
Frederick.  Paschal  had  taken  up  his  residence  in 
Viterbo,  which  was  Frederick's  basis  of  all  expedi- 
tions against  Rome.  Christian  and  the  Count  Gotelin 
were  in  command  of  the  imperialists  there,  and  they 
penetrated  into  Latium  and  pressed  the  Romans  so 
hard  that  they  finally  purchased  a  truce  and  declared 
themselves  ready  to  acknowledge  Paschal  if  Alex- 
ander should  refuse  to  return. 

In   the   meantime  a  marriage   contract  had  been 


Diet  at  Wurzburg.  253 

arranged  between  Henry's  daughter  and  a  son  of 
Barbarossa,  and  Henry  agreed  to  send  commissioners 
to  a  diet  at  Wurzburg,  at  which  Paschal  should  be 
acknowledged.  The  diet  was  opened  on  the  2 2d  of 
May,  and  the  presence  of  Henry's  commissioners 
and  the  exertions  of  Bishop  Rainald  of  Dassel  turned 
the  scale  against  Alexander.  The  Emperor  asserted 
the  canonical  election  of  Paschal  and  swore  to  remain 
true  to  him  and  never  to  acknowledge  Alexander. 
The  diet  enacted  that  an  oath  abjuring  Alexander 
should  be  taken  by  every  male  in  the  empire  over 
twelve  years  old.  Constrained  by  necessity  and  con- 
ditionally, the  German  bishops  and  princes  pledged 
themselves  to  the  Wurzburg  decisions,  and  the  Eng-  ^ 
lish  deputies,  in  the  King's  name,  likewise  swore  ad- 
herence to  Paschal. 

Henry,  however,  failed  in  ^gaining  the  English 
bishops  for  Paschal  at  the  Synod  of  London,  and 
found  himself  compelled  to  ask  the  Pope's  pardon  for  : 
his  compact  with  the  Emperor.  This  fiasco  encour- 
aged Alexander  to  attempt  the  restoration  of  Becket, 
and  also  to  prevail  on  Henry  not  to  insist  on  the 
Clarendon  articles,  especially  to  allow  no  transgres- 
sions growing  out  of  the  violation  of  oaths  and  out  of 
contests  over  church  affairs  to  be  brought  before  secular 
tribunals.  He  exhorted  Becket  to  endeavor  to  con- 
ciliate the  King,  and  declared  invalid  the  sentence  of 
confiscation  pronounced  upon  him  at  Northampton. 
But  the  Pope  did  not  find  Henry  at  all  tractable  in 
the  matter  of  Becket's  restoration.  The  King,  more- 
over, wrote  to  the  cardinals,  roundly  asserting  the  in- 


254  ^^^  of  Hildebra7id. 

dependence  and  sovereignty  of  his  crown ;  and  Alex- 
ander thought  it  most  expedient  to  let  Becket  remain 
for  the  time  being  in  France,  and  requested  Louis  to 
give  him  a  bishopric  or  an  abbacy  somewhere. 

Alexander  embarked  for  Rome  in  August,  1 165. 
His  galley  escaped  the  pirates  and  the  Pisans,  and 
William  of  Sicily  escorted  him  from  Messina  to 
Rome,  where  he  arrived  in  November.  He  was 
burdened  with  debt,  and  the  gifts  and  loans  from 
France  were  insufficient  to  maintain  him  in  Rome 
among  a  people  who,  as  he  himself  said,  even  in  the 
midst  of  peace  looked  only  to  the  hands  of  the  Pope. 
He  thought,  however,  that  he  could  now  take  more 
stringent  measures  with  Henry  of  England,  and  ac- 
cordingly exhorted  the  monks  of  Canterbury  to  sup- 
port Becket.  In  his  financial  distress  he  wrote  to 
the  Archbishop  of  Rl:j,eims  for  aid,  and  urged  him  to 
sustain  Becket,  who  was  still  in  France,  and  soon 
after  admonished  the  English  bishops  and  the  church 
of  Canterbury  to  do  nothing  without  Becket's  con- 
sent. Especially,  in  the  event  of  Henry's  death,  they 
were  not  to  anoint  and  crown  his  successor  with- 
out Becket's  approval.  His  next  step  was  to  name 
Becket  legate  for  all  England  except  the  see  of  York, 
which  was  the  most  high-handed  measure  he  had 
yet  taken  in  opposition  to  Henry — to  set  up  over 
his  realm  an  archbishop  whom  he  had  deposed.  He 
directed  Becket  to  go  forward  in  all  that  concerned 
the  property  or  the  rights  of  the  church.  He  next 
commanded  the  bishops  of  the  province  of  Canter- 
bury to  see  that  all  benefices  taken  from  Becket's 
clergy  by  the  orders  of  the  King  were  restored  to 


Alexander  Forced  to  Conciliate.        255 

them,  and  finally  directed  the  Archbishop  of  Rouen 
to  urge  the  King  to  recall  Becket. 

Henry  had  taken  sides  with  Paschal.  He  wel- 
comed an  opportunity  of  falling  out  with  Alexander 
and  his  cardinals  who  had  supported  Becket  against 
him.  Rainald  of  Dassel  wrote  that  the  King  pur- 
posed to  send  a  strong  deputation  to  Rome  to  de- 
mand of  the  Pope  that  he  abandon  Becket,  invalidate 
his  acts,  and  swear  to  maintain  the  English  church- 
right.  In  case  of  his  refusal,  he  will  cut  loose  from 
him  with  all  his  kingdom,  fight  him,  and  ban  every  one 
in  England  who  shall  acknowledge  him.  Frederick 
indorsed  this  plan,  and,  in  expectation  of  Henry's  aid, 
armed  for  a  new  Roman  expedition  to  expel  Alexan- 
der. But  in  May,  1166,  William  of  Sicily  died  and 
left  the  Pope  sixty  thousand  florins,  to  which  his  son 
and  successor,  William  H.,  added  a  like  sum,  besides 
contemplating  a  marriage  with  the  daughter  of  the 
Greek  Emperor.  Under  such  circumstances  it  be- 
hoved Barbarossa  to  make  his  attack  powerful  and 
decisive. 

But  the  dangers  which  menaced  Alexander  from 
England  and  Germany  forced  him  to  make  conces- 
sions. Against  Becket's  protest  he  consented  to  send 
legates  to  England.  To  the  appeal  of  the  English 
bishops  against  Becket  he  replied  that  his  legates 
were  invested  with  full  powers.  He  informed  Henry 
that  he  had  forbidden  Becket  to  annoy  him  or  his 
realm  before  the  decision  of  the  legates.  If  he  should 
issue  any  ofTensive  sentence  before  that  time,  it  would 
be  invalid.  The  legates  were  to  absolve  the  royal 
counsellors  excommunicated  by  Becket.     To  Becket 


256  Age  of  Hilde brand, 

he  wrote  that  he  had  exhorted  the  King  to  restore 
him  to  favor.  He  must  forbear  all  measures  against 
Henry  and  his  kingdom.  If  the  King  shall  refuse  to 
listen  to  the  legates,  Alexander  will  know  how  to 
maintain  Becket's  rights.  He  is  to  keep  this  letter 
secret. 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

BATTLE    OF    MONTE    PORZIO — BARBAROSSA'S   DIS- 
ASTERS— BECKET. 

ATE  in  1 1 66  Barbarossa  went  to  Italy. 
Lombardy  was  boiling  with  hatred  to- 
wards him,  and  the  Emperor  did  not 
suspect  the  extent  or  the  intensity  of  the 
opposition  which  he  was  to  encounter. 
The  Pope  found  his  allies  in  the  subjected  cities,  which 
united  in  a  league  for  hfe  and  death.  The  Greek  Em- 
peror Manuel  also  came  to  his  assistance.  He  sent 
ships  to  Ancona,  and  agreed  to  subject  the  Greek 
Church  to  the  Papacy  if  Alexander  would  acknowl- 
edge him  as  Emperor  of  the  West.  This  was  not  to 
be  thought  of ;  but  Alexander  meant  to  keep  his  hand 
on  Manuel  as  a  convenience  in  case  of  emergency.  He 
treated  his  messengers  respectfully,  and  sent  legates 
to  Constantinople,  promising  to  continue  the  ban  on 
Frederick  and  to  decree  his  deposition.  Frederick's 
plan  was  to  drive  the  Greeks  from  Ancona  and  the 
Pope  from  Rome,  and  to  install  Paschal  III.  in  St. 
Peter's ;  while  Rainald  of  Cologne,  with  a  small  force, 
was  to  make  a  way  for  Paschal  from  Tuscany. 

Rainald  accordingly  approached  Rome  while  Bar- 
barossa was   still  before   Ancona.     Almost   all  the 

257 


258  Age  of  Hildebrand. 

fortified  places  turned  against  Alexander.  His  ex- 
hortations and  his  money  alike  failed  to  prevent  the 
secession  of  a  part  of  the  people  to  Frederick  and 
Paschal.  Still  the  majority  of  the  Romans  adhered 
to  him  because  of  their  childish  hatred  of  some  little 
neighboring  cities  like  Albano,  TivoH,  and  Tusculum, 
which  refused  to  acknowledge  the  senate  and  united 
with  the  imperialists.  It  was  this  which  brought  on 
a  catastrophe. 

Over  Tusculum  the  Pope  had  obtained  rights  by 
Eugenius's  purchase  of  Oddo  Frangipani's  share  in 
the  city.  Hadrian  IV.  had  given  the  papal  share  in 
fief  to  the  elder  son  of  Ptolemaeus  II.,  and  had  made 
him  his  vassal.  The  senate,  however,  was  unwilling 
that  the  church  should  appear  as  the  protectress  of 
this  city  which  refused  the  state  obedience  and  trib- 
ute. Rainald,  with  his  Cologne  troops,  entered  Tus- 
culum, where  the  enraged  Romans  besieged  him. 
He  sent  for  help  to  Ancona,  and  Christian  of  Mainz, 
with  thirteen  hundred  Germans  and  savage  Brabant- 
ines,  came  at  once.  Christian  encamped  at  Monte 
Porzio,  near  Tusculum,  and  sent  messengers  to  Rome, 
who  were  received  with  scorn.  On  the  29th  of  May,^ 
1 167,  the  Romans  attacked  him  with  nearly  forty 
thousand  men,  the  largest  force  which  they  had  sent 
into  the  field  for  centuries.  The  Germans  animated 
their  courage  with  the  battle-song,  "  Christus  der  du 
geboren  warst."  The  Brabantines  were  driven  back; 
but  the  compact  little  body  of  the  Cologne  cavalry 
opportunely  appeared  from  Tusculum,  a  troop  of 
Christian's  took  the  Romans  on  the  flank,  and  an 
irresistible  charge  cut  their  army  in  two.     Horse  and 


Slormmg  the  Leouina,  259 

foot  fled  while  the  broadswords  of  the  Brabantines 
mowed  through  the  struggling  masses.  Scarcely  a 
third  of  the  Roman  army  reached  the  city,  and  only 
the  walls  of  Aurelian  and  the  approaching  night 
stayed  the  pursuit.  The  fields  and  roads  were  strewn 
with  dead  and  wounded,  and  thousands  were  carried 
prisoners  to  Viterbo. 

The  panic  in  the  city  equalled  that  in  the  field. 
The  Pope  wept,  and  committed  himself  to  the  protec- 
tion of  the  Frangipani  at  the  Coliseum.  The  Ger- 
mans encamped  before  Rome,  strengthened  by  re- 
cruits from  the  towns  of  the  Campagna.  Christian 
sent  word  to  the  Emperor  to  come  and  complete  the 
work ;  and  Barbarossa,  after  receiving  the  capitula- 
tion of  Ancona,  hastened  to  the  city  and  appeared  at 
Monte  Mario  on  the  22d  of  July.  A  Sicilian  force 
sent  against  him  was  repulsed,  and  he  stormed  and 
captured  the  Leonina,  which  was  occupied  by  the 
adherents  of  the  Pope,  who  still  held  St.  Peter's. 
The  church  was  barricaded  on  every  side ;  its  roof 
was  covered  with  catapults,  and  the  interior,  even  the 
tomb  of  the  apostle,  bristled  with  arms.  The  city 
held  out  for  eight  days.  Walls  and  towers  and  the 
portico  erected  by  Innocent  II.  were  destroyed,  and 
the  whole  Leonina  was  a  heap  of  rubbish.  The  church 
alone  resisted;  fire  was  thrown  into  the  court,  and  a 
splendid  mosaic  was  destroyed  which  adorned  the  wall 
above,  while  the  Viterbese  lifted  from  their  hinges  the 
bronze  gates,  to  convey  them  to  their  own  city  as  a  me- 
morial of  the  siege.  Frederick  of  Rotenburg,  the  son 
of  the  Emperor  Conrad,  had  the  doors  of  the  cathe- 
dral broken  open  with  axes.    When  at  last  St.  Peter's 


26o  Age  of  Hildebrand. 

itself  was  in  danger  of  being  destroyed  by  fire,  the 
garrison  laid  down  their  arms.  The  church  was  pol- 
luted with  blood  and  with  dead  bodies. 

The  cathedral  was  carried  on  the  29th.  The  next 
day  Paschal  was  installed  there,  and  on  the  ist  of 
August  Beatrix,  the  wife  of  Barbarossa,  was  crowned 
Empress  by  the  antipope.  Though  surrounded  by 
the  Roman  imperialists,  the  Emperor's  forces  were 
confined  to  the  Leonina,  and  the  Romans,  furious  at 
their  defeat,  kept  possession  of  the  city.  Alexander 
remained  in  the  stronghold  of  the  Frangipani.  Two 
Sicilian  galleys  came  up  the  river  to  take  him  awa}^ 
if  he  should  desire  to  escape;  but  he  distributed  the 
money  which  they  brought  him  to  the  Frangipani 
and  Pierleoni,  and  to  the  guards  at  the  gates^  and 
sent  the  vessels  back. 

At  last  Conrad,  Archbishop  of  Mainz,  who  had  gone 
over  to  Alexander  and  had  thereby  lost  his  benefice, 
was  sent  to  Frederick's  camp.  He  represented  that 
the  Pope  was  the  only  obstacle  to  peace,  and  proposed 
thatboth  popes  should  abdicate  and  that  a  third  should 
be  canonically  chosen.  The  proposition  was  rejected 
by  Alexander  and  his  cardinals,  but  the  wearied  Ro- 
mans agreed  to  it,  and  a  popular  uprising  took  place 
which  drove  Alexander  from  the  city.  Three  days 
after,  he  was  sitting  in  pilgrim's  garb  at  a  fountain 
near  Cape  Circello,  sharing  his  meal  with  his  compan- 
ions. At  Terracina  he  resumed  the  papal  robes,  and 
reached  Benevento  in  August. 

His  flight  defeated  the  Emperor's  hopes  of  com- 
ing to  an  agreement  with  the  church,  but  facilitated 
peace  with  the  city.     Just  about  this  time  the  Pisans 


The  Tide  Turns.  261 


entered  the  Tiber  with  eight  galleys,  and  destroyed 
the  country-seats  on  the  banks  ;  and  one  of  the  vessels 
advanced  as  far  as  the  Ripa  Romea.^  The  courage 
of  the  Romans  failed,  and  Frederick,  who  could  not 
hope  to  take  by  storm  the  towers  of  the  nobles,  even 
if  Rome  should  open  its  gates,  was  disposed  to  make 
reasonable  terms.  Peace  was  concluded  on  the  fol- 
lowing conditions :  Senate  and  people  swore  fidelity 
to  the  Emperor  and  to  defend  the  crown-rights  within 
and  without  the  city.  The  Emperor  recognized  the 
senate  with  its  existing  powers,  but  as  invested  by 
him,  confirmed  the  validity  of  all  Roman  wills  and 
contracts,  and  granted  exemption  from  all  taxes  and 
duties.  He  restored  the  prefecture  as  an  imperial 
office,  caused  a  new  common  council  to  be  chosen, 
and  took  four  hundred  hostages  from  the  Romans.  ^ 

But  just  here,  at  the  height  of  his  power,  with  his 
imperial  rights  restored  in  Rome,  his  Pope  in  St. 
Peter's,  the  Gregorian  hierarchy  overthrown,  and  the 
reestablishment  of  the  universal  empire  of  Rome  ap- 
parently within  his  grasp,  a  new  enemy  appeared.  A 
tremendous  rain-storm  burst  upon  the  city  on  the  2d 
of  August,  followed  by  intense  heat  and  an  outbreak 
of  the  Roman  fever,  which  made  fearful  havoc  among 
the  citizens  and  destroyed  the  flower  of  his  army. 
Thousands  died,  and  their  corpses  were  thrown  into 
the  river ;  and  the  Emperor,  with  the  remnant  of  his 
forces,  withdrew  on  the  6th  of  August,  left  Paschal 
and  the  hostages  at  Viterbo,  and  went  on  to  Pisa  and 
thence  to  Pavia,  losing  more  than  two  thousand  men 
on  the  way. 

1  Now  the  port  of  Ripa  Grande. 


262  Age  0/ Hildebrand. 

Close  upon  this  disaster  followed  the  revolt  of  the 
Lombard  cities.  Venice,  Verona  and  her  depend- 
encies, Vicenza,  Padua,  Treviso,  Ferrara,  Brescia, 
Bergamo,  Cremona,  Milan,  Lodi,  Piacenza,  Parma, 
Mantua,  Modena,  and  Bologna  entered  into  league  to 
throw  off  the  imperial  yoke ;  and  in  the  spring  of  1 168 
Frederick  left  Italy  and  made  his  way  to  Germany  in 
disguise.  This  democratic  uprising  worked  for  the 
advantage  of  the  Papacy.  The  Pope  became  in  Lom- 
bardy  the  protector  of  the  democracy  which  he  was 
fighting  at  Rome  ;  and  the  freedom  of  the  church  be- 
came identified,  for  the  time  being,  with  the  freedom 
of  the  Republic.  "  The  moral  power  of  the  church 
enhanced  or  sanctified  the  energy  of  the  cities,  and  the 
triumph  of  the  democracy  delivered  the  Papacy  from 
the  schism  and  from  the  imperial  dictation." 

The  Romans  meanwhile  continued  their  battles  wath 
the  little  neighboring  cities.  They  destroyed  Albano 
in  1 168,  assisted  by  Christian  of  Mainz  and  the  imper- 
ial prefect  who  led  the  German  party  in  Rome.  Pas- 
chal had  returned,  and  the  senators  had  taken  him  up 
in  order  to  obtain  the  freedom  of  the  Roman  host- 
ages ;  but  they  would  not  allow  him  to  enter  the  city. 
On  the  other  side  of  the  Tiber,  under  the  protection 
of  Stephen  Tebaldi,  he  was  tremblingly  awaiting  the 
change  of  the  senate  by  the  new  election  in  Novem- 
ber, when,  on  the  20th  of  September,  1168,  he  died 
in  the  Vatican,  and  his  place  was  filled  by  John,  Ab- 
bot of  Struma,  with  the  title  of  Calixtus  III. 

Alexander,  at  Benevento,  was  still  annoyed  with 
the  quarrel  between  Becket  and  Henry  II.  At  the 
request  of  the  English  bishops,  in  1 166,  he  had  ap- 


Beckefs  Suspension  Confirmed.        263 

pointed  two  cardinals,  Otho,  and  William  of  Pavia, 
as  legates  to  England  with  full  powers.  War  had 
broken  out  between  England  and  France,  and  Alex- 
ander determined  to  use  these  legates  to  restore 
peace,  and  instructed  them  accordingly.  He  also 
directed  them  not  to  consecrate  a  bishop  until  Becket 
should  have  been  restored.  Becket  was  very  angry, 
not  only  at  the  appointment  of  legates,  but  also  at 
the  selection  of  Otho  and  William,  whom  he  charged 
with  craftiness,  falsehood,  and  avarice.  He  declared 
that  he  would  never  submit  to  their  arbitration.  He 
intended  to  anathematize  the  King  and  to  declare  an 
interdict,  but  learned,  to  his  consternation,  of  the 
Pope's  letter  to  the  King  invalidating  all  sentences 
of  his  issued  before  the  decision  of  the  legates. 

A  meeting  of  the  cardinals  with  Becket  was  finally 
arranged  at  Gisors,  at  which  the  alternative  was  sub- 
mitted to  him  of  recognizing  the  Clarendon  articles 
or  abdicating,  both  of  which  he  refused.  It  was 
agreed  between  the  legates,  the  King,  and  the  bishops 
that  the  bishops  should  appeal  to  the  Pope  against 
Becket ;  and  the  legates  suspended  him  until  the 
Pope's  answer  should  be  received.  To  Becket's  great 
indignation,  the  suspension  was  confirmed.  Alex- 
ander still  preserved  a  friendly  tone  in  his  letters  to 
Henry ;  but  as  the  King's  obstinacy  seemed  to  be 
only  confirmed  by  these  attempts  at  conciliation,  a 
new  papal  deputation  was  sent  to  him,  urging  him  to 
restore  Becket,  and  reminding  him  how  often  the 
Pope  had  restrained  the  archbishop  from  pronouncing 
sentence  against  him. 

But  the  vacillation  of  the  Roman  see  during  this 


264  Age  of  Hildebra7id. 

tedious  contest  was  too  patent  to  be  covered  by  such 
pettifogging.  Alexander  has,  not  too  severely,  been 
called  a  chameleon.  Another  change  now  developed 
in  the  opposite  direction.  The  Pope  dropped  the 
tone  of  entreaty,  declaring  that  he  could  no  longer 
tolerate  Henry's  stubbornness ;  that  he  would  no 
longer  close  Becket's  mouth,  and  that  the  sword  of 
St.  Peter  was  not  so  rusted  that  it  could  not  be 
drawn.  At  the  end  of  1168  he  removed  Becket's 
suspension,  recalled  the  legates,  and  resolved  to 
make  another  attempt  at  reconciliation,  now  that 
peace  had  been  arranged  between  France  and  Eng- 
land. 

At  an  assembly  at  Montmirail,  convened  on  the 
7th  of  January,  11 69,  to  witness  the  formal  reconcil- 
iation of  the  two  kings,  Becket  appeared,  and  pro- 
fessed his  readiness  to  submit  the  whole  case  to  the 
judgment  of  the  kings  and  of  the  assembly,  but  added, 
"saving  the  honor  of  God;"  whereupon  Henry  ab- 
ruptly broke  off  the  negotiation.  Becket's  obstinacy 
at  first  disgusted  Louis,  but  he  soon  took  him  into 
favor  again.  Henry  sent  to  Alexander,  offering  him 
large  sums  and  free  disposal  of  the  chair  of  Canterbury 
if  he  would  keep  Becket  away.  Alexander  refused, 
but  agreed  to  send  two  new  deputies  for  further  ne- 
gotiation, and  forbade  Becket  to  take  any  measures 
against  Henry  until  after  the  departure  of  the  del- 
egates; but  before  he  received  these  instructions*, 
Becket  at  Clairvaux  banned  Gilbert  of  London  and 
other  followers  of  the  King.  Alexander  was  greatly 
embarrassed,  and  evaded  and  shuffled  in  the  hope  that 
time  would  bring  about  a  solution.    The  two  new  dep- 


The  Pope  Checks  Becket,  265 

uties,  Gratian  and  Vivian,  were  sent,  not  cardinals,  but 
ecclesiastical  lawyers.  The  Pope  reproved  Becket  for 
the  excommunication  of  Gilbert,  and  commanded  him 
to  suspend  the  sentence. 

At  a  second  conference  at  Montmartre  between 
Henry  and  Louis,  Becket  consented  not  to  usurp  the 
functions  of  the  civil  power  on  condition  of  the  res- 
toration of  his  estates  and  the  payment  of  the  arrears 
of  rent.  To  this,  notwithstanding  the  objections  of 
Louis,  Henry  assented.  But  Becket's  concession  was 
only  in  order  to  gain  time.  He  urged  the  Pope  to 
lay  Normandy  under  interdict  as  the  surest  means  of 
enforcing  Henry's  submission.  The  Pope  replied  by 
recommending  Becket  to  humble  himself  before  the 
King,  and  by  instructing  the  Archbishop  of  Rouen  and 
the  Bishop  of  Nevers  to  absolve  Gilbert  of  London 
and  the  others  whom  Becket  had  excommunicated 
at  Clairvaux.  He  also  gave  those  prelates  author- 
ity to  lay  under  interdict  all  Henry's  territory  on 
the  Continent  if  he  should  not  yield  within  forty 
days. 

Exasperating  as  was  the  absolution  of  the  bishops 
of  London  and  Salisbury  to  Becket,  a  harder  blow 
was  in  store.  Henry's  feeble  health  made  him  anx- 
ious to  settle  the  succession  by  the  coronation  of  his 
son,  and  he  had  invited  the  Pope  to  perform  the 
ceremony.  The  coronation  was  the  recognized  pre- 
rogative of  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury ;  but  the 
uncertainty  as  to  the  duration  of  Becket's  exile  and 
the  state  of  the  King's  health  made  it  unwise  to  de- 
lay. It  soon  came  out  that  the  Archbishop  of  York 
had  received  a  commission  from  the  Pope  to  crown 


266  Age  of  Hildebra7id. 

the  prince.  Becket  was  furious,  and  declared  that  in 
the  court  of  Rome,  now  as  ever,  Christ  was  crucified 
and  Barabbas  released;  but  he  set  himself  to  work 
upon  the  weak  and  vacillating  Pope  to  get  the  com- 
mission annulled,  and  succeeded  in  persuading  him 
to  issue  an  order  to  Roger  not  to  officiate.  This  order 
Roger,  for  some  unknown  reason,  never  received,  and 
accordingly  crowned  Prince  Henry  at  Westminster  on 
the  14th  of  June,  1 1 70,  assisted  by  the  bishops  of  Lon- 
don, Salisbury,  Durham,  and  Rochester. 

Becket  spared  no  effort  to  create  the  impression 
that  the  coronation  was  illegal  and  the  title  invalid. 
Henry,  anxious  to  escape  the  threatened  interdict, 
attempted  once  more  to  compose  the  quarrel,  and  at 
Freteval,  in  July,  a  formal  reconciliation  with  Becket 
took  place  on  the  terms  proposed  at  Montmartre. 
The  questions  of  the  Clarendon  articles  and  the  coron- 
ation were  evaded.  Becket  at  once  secretly  obtained 
from  the  Pope  letters  of  suspension  against  the  Arch- 
bishop of  York  and  the  bishops  who  had  officiated  at 
the  coronation.  Alexander  informed  these  prelates 
of  their  suspension,  and  declared  that  they  had  in- 
fringed Becket's  rights  by  participating  in  the  coron- 
ation, and  that  Roger  had  intruded  himself  into  the 
see  of  Canterbury,  and  had  performed  an  act  which 
did  not  belong  to  him.  This  was  followed  by  a  gen- 
eral order  to  the  English  bishops  to  remove  from  their 
benefices  all  clergy  who  had  disregarded  ban  or  inter- 
dict, to  excommunicate  them  if  obstinate,  and  if  they 
should  officiate  after  excommunication  tocommit  them 
permanently  to  monasteries.  He  Instructed  the  Arch- 
bishops of  Sens  and  Rouen  to  demand  of  Henry  the 


Becket  Recalled,  267 

renunciation  of  the  Clarendon  articles  as  agreed  upon 
in  the  recojteiliation  ivitJi  Becket^  and  the  compensa- 
tion of  Becket  for  his  financial  losses ;  and  if  he  should 
not  comply  with  these  requisitions  in  thirty  days  to 
lay  his  territory  on  the  Continent  under  interdict.  The 
bishops  of  the  English  territory  on  the  Continent  were 
authorized  to  lay  that  territory  under  interdict  if  the 
King  should  not  fully  restore  Becket,  and  a  direct  de- 
mand was  made  upon  Henry  to  reinstate  him  and  to 
exact  an  oath  from  his  son  to  protect  the  franchises 
of  the  Church  of  Canterbury. 

Four  months  after  the  Treaty  of  Freteval  the  King 
recalled  Becket  to  England.  Two  strong  parties 
were  hostile  to  him — the  bishops,  with  a  considera- 
ble part  of  the  clergy,  and  certain  nobles  and  royal 
officers  who  occupied  property  claimed  by  the  see  of 
Canterbury,  or  held  estates  of  the  see  in  sequestra- 
tion. On  his  arrival  at  Sandwich  he  was  met  by  a 
party  of  his  enemies,  who  searched  his  baggage  and 
demanded  that  he  should  absolve  the  bishops.  They 
were  answered  by  a  volley  from  that  well-stocked 
arsenal  of  abuse  which  was  always  at  Becket's  com- 
mand. The  bishops  in  question  were  described  as 
archdevils,  priests  of  Baal,  standard-bearers  of  the 
Balaamites,  and  children  of  perdition.  By  a  secret 
messenger,  a  nun  disguised  as  a  boy,  he  sent  to 
Roger  of  York  the  letter  of  suspension,  and  to  the 
Bishops  of  London  and  Salisbury  the  decree  of  ex- 
communication. He  entered  Canterbury  amid  en- 
thusiastic demonstrations  from  the  populace ;  but  his 
triumph  was  brief.  Certain  knights  of  Henry's  court, 
acting  upon  a  hasty  and  angry  expression  of  the 


268  Age  of  H tide  brand. 

King,  took  matters  into  their  own  hands,  and  on 
the  evening  of  the  29th  of  December,  1 1 70,  hewed 
Becket  down  with  their  swords  in  the  north  transept 
of  Canterbury  Cathedral. 

Becket,  ecclesiastically,  was  a  lineal  descendant 
of  Hildebrand.  He  represented  the  Gregorian  idea 
of  the  complete  subordination  of  the  secular  to  the 
ecclesiastical  power.  This  was  the  real  issue  behind 
the  fight  on  the  Clarendon  articles  and  the  whole 
quarrel  with  Henry  H.  Personally,  it  is  as  wide  of  the 
mark  to  characterize  him  summarily  as  an  unscrupu- 
lous traitor  as  it  is  to  write  him  down  a  saint.  We 
must  not  expect  too  much.  With  all  his  versatility 
and  force  of  will,  he  was  not  an  original  man  and  did 
not  rise  above  the  level  of  his  age.  His  character 
was  thoroughly  secular.  The  act  of  Henry  which 
converted  into  an  archbishop  a  soldier,  a  courtier,  a 
statesman,  and  a  man  of  pleasure,  did  not  change 
the  man  himself,  any  more  than  a  similar  act  by  Bar- 
barossa  changed  Christian  of  Mainz.  The  man  re- 
mained the  same  at  the  core,  though  charity  may  set 
down  his  suddenly  assumed  austerities  to  a  sincere 
determination  to  conform  himself  to  a  position  for 
which  his  previous  training  and  associations  had  un- 
fitted him.  It  is  evident  that  the  saintly  side  of  his 
life  was  perfunctory  and  unnatural.  ''  An  artificial 
and  conscious  striving  after  saintship,"  to  use  the 
words  of  Mr.  Freeman,  "  was  something  very  unlike 
the  natural  and  inevitable  saintship  of  Anselm."  His 
general  sincerity  may  be  granted,  but  he  could  not 
always  be  trusted  to  keep  faith.  He  was  obstinate 
and  intractable,  haughty  and  imperious;  his  temper 


Character  of  Becket.  269 

was  furious,  and  his  language  on  occasion  violent  and 
abusive.  His  courage  was  magnificent,  his  energy 
indomitable.  He  had  somehow  won  the  heart  of  the 
common  people,  and  was  hailed  by  them  as  the 
father  of  the  orphans  and  the  judge  of  the  widows; 
and  his  morals  were  chaste  amid  strong  temptations. 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

PAPAL  TRANSACTIONS  IN  FRANCE  AND  ENGLAND 

— BARBAROSSA  IN  LOMBARDY BATTLE  OF 

LEGNANO — TREATY  OF  VENICE — CLOSE  OF 
ALEXANDER'S  PONTIFICATE. 

HE  antipope  Calixtus  III.  was  acknowl- 
edged in  Germany  at  the  Diet  of  Bam- 
berg in  June,  1169;  and  on  the  15th  of 
August,  Philip,  the  Archbishop  of  Co- 
logne, who  had  received  the  pallium  from 
another  antipope,  Paschal  III.,  crowned  Henry,  the 
four-year-old  son  of  Barbarossa,  as  King  at  Aachen. 
Frederick,  in  the  following  year,  attempted  negotia- 
tions with  Alexander,  who  was  now  at  the  head  of 
the  Lombard  league ;  but  as  he  refused  definitely  to 
recognize  Alexander  as  rightful  Pope,  nothing  re- 
sulted but  the  renewal  and  confirmation  of  the  com- 
pact between  the  Pope  and  the  Lombards. 

Frederick  continued  his  efforts  to  form  an  alliance 
with  Louis  of  France.  He  contemplated  a  marriage 
between  his  son  and  the  daughter  of  Louis.  A  per- 
sonal interview  of  the  two  monarchs  greatly  disturbed 
the  Pope,  and  he  bade  Henry,  the  Archbishop  of 
Rheims,  and  Louis's  brother,  to  try  to  find  out  what 
had  passed  between  them  and  to  inform  him.      He 

270 


Ireland  and  the  Romafi  See.  2  7 1 


warned  Louis  against  the  proposed  marriage,  charged 
Henry  of  Rheims  to  hinder  it  in  every  way  possible, 
and  urged  instead  a  marriage  with  the  son  of  the 
Byzantine  Emperor,  which,  he  said,  would  secure  for 
the  French  kingdom  and  for  the  maiden's  relatives 
an  inexhaustible  fund  of  money. 

Alexander  now  hoped  to  be  received  in  Rome,  and 
in  October,  1 1 70,  entered  Tusculum  with  an  armed 
force ;  but  the  Romans  refused  to  admit  him  to  the 
city,  and  he  was  forced  to  remain  in  Tusculum  for 
more  than  two  years,  in  sight  of  Rome,  and  aban- 
doned it  in  1 1  73  only  to  continue  his  exile  in  Segni. 

Hadrian  IV.,  in  11 56,  had  given  Ireland  to  Henry 
II.  Hadrian's  appropriation  of  the  island  was  simply 
a  gigantic  and  audacious  theft,  justified  by  his  own 
assertion  that  Ireland  and  all  islands  to  which  the 
light  of  Christianity  had  come  belonged  indubitably 
to  the  Holy  See.  Now,  after  fifteen  years,  Henry 
took  possession  of  Ireland  and  put  the  Irish  church 
wholly  under  the  control  of  the  Pope.  Henry's  hasty 
words  about  Becket — "  What  cowards  have  I  about 
me  that  no  one  will  deliver  me  from  this  low-born 
priest?" — were  already  being  used  against  him  by 
the  clergy.  The  murder  of  the ''  martyr  and  saint "  was 
laid  at  his  door.  This  was  a  most  effective  lever 
which  enabled  Alexander  to  take  a  high  tone  of  moral 
indignation  towards  the  King.  It  began  to  be  rumored 
that  the  Pope  intended  to  excommunicate  Henry  and 
to  lay  all  his  dominions  both  in  England  and  on  the 
Continent  under  interdict.  Superstition  and  remorse 
did  their  part  in  bending  the  stubborn  King.  At 
last,  on  the  27th  of  September,   11 72,  in  the  cathe- 


272  Age  of  Hildebrand. 

dral  of  Avranches,  in  Normandy,  the  following  terms 
were  arranged  between  Henry  and  the  papal  legates : 
The  King  was  to  disclaim  under  oath  the  guilt  of 
Becket's  murder,  but  was  to  give  satisfaction  because 
his  words  had  moved  the  murderers  to  the  act. 
These  murderers  must  undertake  a  crusade.  The 
King  must  renounce  the  Clarendon  articles,  give  the 
free  right  of  appeal  to  Rome,  receive  the  kingdom  for 
himself  and  his  successors  from  the  Pope,  and  he  and 
they  were  to  regard  themselves  as  rightful  kings  only 
if  acknowledged  by  the  Pope.  He  was  to  restore 
the  property  of  the  Church  of  Canterbury  and  to 
show  favor  to  both  clergy  and  laity  who  had  favored 
Becket.  He  should,  if  required,  undertake  a  peni- 
tential pilgrimage  to  Jerusalem,  Rome,  or  Compos- 
tella.  He  must  kneel  to  the  legates  as  a  penitent 
and  receive  absolution,  but  without  disrobing  or 
blows. 

The  absolution  document  of  the  cardinals,  in  which 
the  King's  promises  were  registered,  did  not  contain 
the  provisions  respecting  the  feudal  relation  of  Eng- 
land to  the  Pope.  The  greater  part  of  the  Constitu- 
tions of  Clarendon  remained  in  force ;  the  King  con- 
tinued to  fill  the  episcopal  chairs,  and  the  clergy  did 
not  leave  the  country  without  his  permission.  Only 
the  right  of  appeal  to  Rome  was  assured. 

But  Henry  soon  drew  upon  himself  again  the 
threats  of  the  Pope.  The  young  prince  Henry, 
brave,  ambitious,  and  liberal,  began  to  aspire  to  in- 
dependence. According  to  his  father's  promise  to 
the  Pope  and  Louis,  he  was  recrowned  by  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Rouen,  and  his  wife,  Margaret,  with  him. 


Quee7i  Eleanor's  Treachery.  273 

While  visiting  his  father-in-law  in  Paris,  Louis  took 
the  opportunity  to  persuade  him  that  by  his  corona- 
tion he  had  acquired  the  right  to  sovereignty,  and 
was  entitled  to  the  immediate  possession  of  a  part 
if  not  the  whole,  of  his  dominions.  Accordingly, 
on  his  return  to  England,  he  requested  his  father  to 
resign  to  him  either  the  crown  of  England  or  the 
duchy  of  Normandy  ;  and,  on  the  King's  refusal,  made 
his  escape  to  Paris,  v/here  he  was  protected  and  sup- 
ported by  Louis.  To  add  to  King  Henry's  misfort- 
unes, his  Queen,  Eleanor,  betrayed  extreme  jealousy 
and  discontent,  and  persuaded  her  two  younger  sons, 
Geoffrey  and  Richard,  that  they  also  were  entitled  to 
the  immediate  possession  of  the  territories  assigned 
to  them.  She  engaged  them  to  fly  secretly  to  France, 
and  had  disguised  herself  in  male  attire  to  follow 
them,  when  she  was  seized  by  the  King's  order,  and 
thrown  into  prison  with  two  daughters  of  the  King 
of  France,  the  one  Henry's  daughter-in-law  and  the 
other  about  to  become  such. 

In  this  dangerous  situation  Henry  applied  to  the 
Pope  to  excommunicate  his  enemies  and  to  compel 
the  obedience  of  his  children.  Alexander,  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Tarantaise,  the  Bishop  of  Clermont,  and  the 
Prior  of  Chartreuse  were  instructed  to  demand  the 
release  of  Louis's  children  within  forty  days,  under 
penalty  of  ban  and  interdict ;  but  the  spiritual  weapons 
did  not  prove  effective,  and  the  Pope  found  it  prudent 
to  fall  back  upon  the  role  of  mediator,  which,  however, 
proved  equally  impotent. 

Naturally  war  followed  between  England  and 
France.      Many  of  the  Norman  nobility  deserted  to 


2  74  ^^^  of  Hildebrand, 

Prince  Henry,  and  the  Breton  and  Gascon  barons  in- 
clined to  the  cause  of  Geoffrey  and  Richard.  Dis- 
affection had  crept  in  among  the  English,  and  the 
Earls  of  Leicester  and  Chester  had  openly  declared 
against  the  King.  Louis  had  formally  engaged  the 
chief  vassals  of  the  crown  on  the  side  of  his  son-in- 
law.  Prince  Henry  had  actually  assumed  the  func- 
tions of  sovereignty  by  distributing  portions  of  his 
father's  territories  among  these,  and  the  Counts  of 
Flanders,  Boulogne,  Blois,  and  Eu  had  openly  enlisted 
under  his  banner.  William  of  Scotland  had  joined  the 
confederacy,  and  a  plan  had  been  concerted  for  a  simul- 
taneous invasion  of  different  parts  of  Henry's  domain. 
The  war  between  England  and  France  was  far  from 
agreeable  to  the  Pope,  since  it  interfered  with  his 
plans  in  the  East.  He,  however,  renewed  the  unsuc- 
cessful attempt  of  four  years  before  to  inaugurate  a 
crusade,  declaring  that  such  an  enterprise  would  work 
to  allay  the  hostility  between  the  French  and  the 
English,  which  was  so  injurious  to  the  interests  of  all 
Christendom  as  well  as  to  those  of  the  Holy  Land. 
The  bugbear  which  haunted  him,  a  family  alliance 
between  Louis  and  Barbarossa,  moved  him  to  appeal 
again  to  Henry  of  Rheims,  without  whose  aid,  he 
imagined,  the  project  could  not  be  carried  out.  He 
bade  the  archbishop  to  endeavor  to  convince  Louis 
that  he  should  seek  help  against  his  enemies,  not  from 
a  man,  but  from  God;  which,  translated  into  papal 
terms,  meant  that  he  should  marry  his  daughter  to 
the  son  of  the  Byzantine  Emperor,  and  not  to  the  son 
of  Barbarossa.  That  he  might  omit  no  means  of  con- 
ciliating Louis,  he  canonized  Bernard  of  Clairvaux. 


Legnano,  275 


With  a  view  to  effect  a  peace  between  Henry  and 
Louis,  he  sent  Cardinal  Hugo  to  England  in  October, 
1175.  Louis  was  complaining  of  Henry's  delay  of 
the  marriage  of  his  daughter,  who  was  betrothed  to 
Louis's  son,  Duke  Richard  of  Aquitaine.  Alexander 
instructed  the  legate  to  require  Henry  to  have  the 
marriage  ceremony  performed  within  two  months, 
under  penalty  of  an  interdict  upon  the  province  of 
Canterbury.  The  legate  did  not  carry  out  this  order, 
and  every  semblance  of  peace  between  the  two  kings 
soon  disappeared. 

In  the  meantime  the  contest  between  Alexander 
and  Barbarossa  was  drawing  to  a  close.  In  the 
autumn  of  1 1 74,  the  Emperor,  on  the  invitation  of 
the  Roman  senate,  again  crossed  the  Alps  with  the 
intention  of  humbling  the  Pope  and  the  Lombards. 
Christian  of  Mainz  preceded  him,  but  was  checked 
by  the  desperate  resistance  of  Ancona,  while  the  Em- 
peror laid  siege  to  Alessandria,  the  fortress  erected 
and  named  in  honor  of  the  Pope.  The  stubborn  de- 
fence of  both  Ancona  and  Alessandria  stimulated  the 
courage  of  the  burghers,  and  forced  Barbarossa  to 
treat  for  peace  with  the  Pope.  Alexander  sent  three 
cardinals  into  Lombardy ;  but  Barbarossa's  attempt 
to  separate  the  Lombards  from  the  Pope  terminated 
the  negotiations  amid  the  reproaches  of  the  cardinals 
that  the  Emperor  alone  was  responsible  for  protract- 
ing the  schism. 

The  issue  was  fought  out  at  Legnano  on  the  29th 
of  May,  1 1 76.  Here  the  long-cherished  fiction  of 
the  Holy  Roman  Empire — the  domination  of  Christ- 
endom on  the  basis  of  the  unity  of  faith — and  the 


276  Age  of  Hildebrand, 

idea  of  national  right  and  national  independence  met 
face  to  face  and  tried  conclusions.  Barbarossa's  per- 
sistent effort  of  twenty- five  years  to  destroy  the 
freedom  of  the  Italian  cities  was  hopelessly  defeated. 
Legnano  was  ''  the  Marathon  of  the  Lombard  re- 
publics." 

New  negotiations  followed.  While  the  Emperor 
still  hoped  to  separate  the  Pope  from  his  Lombard 
allies,  the  Pope  desired  only  a  peace  which  should 
include  the  King  of  Sicily  with  the  Lombards ;  and 
as  the  report  had  been  circulated  in  Lombardy  that 
he  had  made  peace  with  the  Emperor  for  himself 
alone,  he  announced  that  he  was  coming  to  Lombardy 
in  person,  and  that  he  would  agree  to  no  terms  which 
should  not  include  the  Lombards,  the  King  of  Sicily, 
and  other  helpers  of  the  church. 

The  terms  proposed  in  the  conference  at  Anagni 
in  the  beginning  of  November  were  that  Barbarossa 
should  acknowledge  Alexander  as  lawful  Pope,  sur- 
render to  him  the  prefecture  of  the  city  of  Rome, 
and  renounce  imperial  rights  over  it,  and  give  up  the 
Mathilde  property  and  other  church  fiefs  with  the 
"  regalia  "  of  St.  Peter's  and  other  church  property. 
Pope  and  Emperor  should  support  each  other  as 
father  and  son.  The  Emperor  should  also  conclude 
peace  with  the  Lombards  on  terms  framed  by  arbi- 
trators appointed  by  himself,  the  Pope,  and  the  Lom- 
bards; and  likewise  with  the  King  of  Sicily,  the 
Emperor  of  Constantinople,  and  all  who  had  assisted 
the  Roman  Church.  The  conflicts  of  the  Emperor 
with  the  church  which  had  arisen  before  the  time  of 
Hadrian   IV.,  and  those  with   the   King  of  Sicily, 


The  Peace  of  Venice,  2']^ 


should  be  adjusted  by  a  court  of  arbitration  consti- 
tuted by  the  Pope  and  the  Emperor.  The  antipope 
Cahxtus  was  to  receive  an  abbacy.  The  Emperor, 
the  Empress,  and  their  son  Henry  were  to  be  re- 
garded by  the  Holy  See  as  "  Catholic,  and  in  good 
and  regular  standing." 

^^^£rum_was  selected  as  the  place  for  the  confirma- 
tion of  the  treaty,  and  in  May,  i\Jl}  a  congress 
assembled,  where,  for  the  first  time,  deputies  of  free 
cities  appeared,  independent  of  Pope  or  Emperor. 
The  terms  arranged  at  Anagni  were  ratified.  The 
Emperor  was  to  insure  the  King  of  Sicily  and  the 
Emperor  of  Constantinople  a  peace  of  fifteen  years, 
and  to  promise  peace  to  the  other  helpers  of  the 
church,  and  was  also  to  agree,  under  oath,  to  a  six 
years'  peace  with  the  Lombards ;  while  the  Pope,  at 
a  general  council,  was  to  threaten  with  the  ban  every 
one  who  should  disturb  the  peace  between  the  empire 
and  the  church. 

The  Emperor,  with  the  special  permission  of  the 
Pope,  made  his  formal  entrance  into  Venice  on  the 
24th  of  July.  Early  in  the  morning  the  Pope  sent 
out  to  him  seven  cardinals,  to  whom  Barbarossa  ab- 
jured  the  three  antipopes  and  pledged  obedience  to 
Alexander.  Having  received  absolution,  he  entered 
the  city,  where,  in  front  of  St.  Mark's,  he  kissed  the 
Pope's  feet  and  received  from  him  in  reluFn  the  kiss 
oTpeacel  Alexander  led  the  Emperor  by  the  hand 
into  the  church  and  gave  him  his  blessing.  The 
next  day,  at  mass,  Barbarossa  and  the  princes  again 
kissed  the  Pope's  feet  and  handed  him  a  present  of 

1  Authorities  differ  as  to  the  month.     I  follow  Langen. 


Age  of  Hilde brand. 


money ;  and  on  leaving  the  church,  the  Emperor  held 
the  Pope's  stirrup.  On  the  ist  of  August  the  peace 
was  solemnly  ratified  in  public.  The  Pope  opened 
the  proceedings  with  an  address  in  which  Barbarossa 
figured  as  the  returned  prodigal.  The  Emperor 
acknowledged  his  fault  in  rejecting  Alexander,  re- 
peated his  oaths  of  peace  and  truce,  and  again  received 
absolution.  On  the  14th  of  August  the  promised 
synod  was  held  in  St.  Mark's,  and  the  anathema  pro- 
nounced upon  all  who  should  break  the  peace  just  con- 
cluded. Calixtus  III.  was  declared  deposed,  and  schis- 
matics who  should  continue  obstinate  were  banned. 

The  Peace  of  Venice  was  an  important  epoch  in 
the  history  of  Italy.  The  impression,  upon  Rome 
especially,  was  profound.  The  relations  which  it  in- 
stituted between  the  city  and  the  Pope  and  Emperor 
placed  it  upon  less  favorable  ground  than  the  Lom- 
bards. While  all  Italy  was  rejoicing,  the  Romans 
lost  the  courage  to  prolong  the  contest  with  the  Pope, 
whom  the  Emperor  acknowledged  as  the  ruler  of 
Rome.  Alexander  knew  that  his  exile  was  at  an 
end.  Seven  Roman  nobles  brought  him  letters  from 
the  senate,  the  clergy,  and  the  people,  inviting  him 
to  return.  Still  mistrustful,  he  sent  cardinals  to 
Rome  to  negotiate  with  the  people.  After  some 
delay  an  agreement  was  reached.  The  new  senators 
took  the  oath  of  fealty  to  the  Pope ;  St.  Peter's  and 
all  its  revenues  were  restored  to  him,  and  security 
was  pledged  to  all  travellers  to  Rome. 

After  a  banishment  of  ten  years,  the  Pope  ad- 
vanced by  way  of  Tusculum  to  Rome,  and  made  his 
entry  on  the  12th  of  March,  1 178,  the  festival  of  St. 


Alexander  Returns  to  Rome,  279 

Gregory.  He  was  received  with  great  pomp  by  the 
senate  and  the  magistrates ;  the  knights  and  soldiers 
greeted  him  with  sound  of  trumpets,  and  the  people 
bore  olive-branches  and  chanted  triumphal  hymns. 
His  tent  would  not  hold  the  throngs  which  crowded 
to  kiss  his  feet,  and  it  was  evening  before  he  could 
reach  the  gate  of  the  Lateran,  where,  from  the  an- 
cient dwelling  of  the  popes,  he  gave  the  people  his 
benediction. 

But  settled  peace  seemed  impossible.  The  elements 
of  discord  were  too  many  and  too  powerful  to  be  per- 
manently composed  by  treaties  and  foot-kissing  and 
stirrup-holding.  Foreshadowings  of  a  new  division 
between  the  Pope  and  the  Emperor  soon  made  their 
appearance.  The  Pope  found  it  necessary  to  com- 
plain that  the  March,  which  belonged  to  the  empire 
only  in  part  and  mostly  to  the  church,  had  been  as- 
signed at  Venice  under  his  very  eyes,  and  without 
asking  his  consent,  to  ''some  one"  (Conrad  of  Liitzel- 
hard).  Nor  were  the  Pope's  relations  with  the  Ro- 
mans by  any  means  happy.  People  and  senate  had 
acknowledged  him  under  constraint,  and  the  strife 
continued  between  the  Republic  and  the  Pope.  The 
papal  power  was  hated  without  being  feared.  Mur- 
murs were  heard,  and  there  were  signs  of  an  eruption, 
not  only  in  the  city  but  in  the  entire  territory.  P>very 
place  in  Roman  territory  emulated  the  Lombards. 
Every  one  had  its  own  municipality,  with  its  consuls 
or  other  magistrates  at  its  head.  Many  barons  in 
Tuscany  refused  alike  to  acknowledge  the  Pope  and 
to  submit  to  the  Roman  senate.  Schisms  were  inau- 
gurated on  every  side.      Calixtus,  the  antipope,  re- 


2  8o  Age  of  Hilde brand, 

fused  to  obey  the  decisions  of  Venice,  and  Viterbo 
served  him  as  a  residence,  where  he  was  supported 
by  the  lords  of  Vico,  among  whom  was  the  city  pre- 
fect John. 

Out  of  hatred  to  Viterbo,  the  Romans  resisted  the 
imperial  troops,  led  by  Christian  of  Mainz,  the  Em- 
peror's plenipotentiary.  Alexander  was  compelled 
by  the  strained  relations  between  Christian  and  the 
Romans  to  retire  again  to  Tusculum,  where  he  had 
the  gratification  of  receiving  the  submission  of  Calix- 
tus.  The  Pope  treated  him  kindly,  and,  later,  made 
him  rector  of  Benevento.  Notwithstanding  this,  the 
imperialists,  contrary  to  Frederick's  wish,  chose  an- 
other antipope  in  September,  1 178 — Lando  of  Sezza, 
a  Frangipani,  under  the  title  of  Innocent  III.  He 
found  little  support,  and  in  January,  1 180,  was  seized 
and  confined  for  life  in  the  monastery  of  Cava. 

Alexander's  eventful  life  was  now  drawing  to  a 
close.  He  held  a  general  synod  at  the  Lateran  in 
March,  1 1 79,  where  the  Peace  of  Venice  was  sanc- 
tioned, the  consecrations  of  schismatic  popes  and  their 
followers  were  declared  invalid,  and  it  was  decreed 
that,  in  future,  the  lawful  Pope  should  be  only  he 
upon  whom  two  parties  of  the  cardinals  against  one 
should  agree.  Alexander  then  retired  from  Rome 
to  his  old  haunts,  Anagni,  Segni,  and  Velletri.  On 
the  1 8th  of  September,  1181,  occurred  the  death  of 
Louis  of  France,  who  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Philip 
Augustus,  Philip  II. 

From  Tusculum  Alexander  issued  a  new  and  un- 
availing summons  to  a  crusade.  He  died  on  the  30th 
of  August,  1 181.      So  many  bitter  enemies  had  he 


^ 


The  Pope's  Bier  Stoned,  281 

among  the  Romans  that  his  bier,  as  it  was  borne  to 
the  Lateran,  was  pelted  with  stones  and  mud.  No 
Pope  since  Hadrian  I.  had  occupied  the  chair  so 
long;  but  during  eighteen  of  the  twenty-two  years 
he  had  presided  over  a  divided  church,  and  he  had 
spent  more  than  half  of  his  pontificate  in  exile.  He 
represented  the  aims  and  the  general  policy  of  Hil- 
debrand.  He  was  energetic,  but  politic  and  vacillat- 
ing. He  united  the  training  of  a  lawyer  with  that  of 
a  theologian.  With  all  his  weakness  and  vacillation, 
he  extended  the  conquests  of  Gregory  VH.  and  of 
Calixtus  n.  He  seriously  weakened  the  imperial 
power,  and  his  pontificate  will  be  remembered,  if  for 
nothing  else,  as  marking  the  successful  assertion  of 
their  freedom  by  the  Itahan  cities — a  result  which,  as 
has  been  justly  remarked,  was  his  good  fortune  and 
not  his  merit. 

His  interest  in  learning  was  shown  by  repeated 
decrees  in  favor  of  professors,  especially  in  France, 
and  by  his  promotion  of  free  education.  His  own 
literary  work  was  considerable,  and  a  part  of  it  has 
only  recently  come  to  light. 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

FIVE  POPES  IN  TEN  YEARS — THIRD  CRUSADE — THE 
NEW  ROMAN  CONSTITUTION — DEATH  OF  BAR- 
BAROSSA — HENRY  VL  EMPEROR. 

IN  September,  1181,  Hubald,  Bishop  of 
Ostia  and  Velletri,  a  Cistercian,  was 
elected  Pope  and  enthroned  at  Velletri 
as  Lucius  III.  He  went  to  Rome  after 
two  months,  but  was  compelled  to  leave 
it  before  four  months  had  elapsed.  A  new  issue  had 
arisen  between  the  Pope  and  the  Romans.  The  Ro- 
mans, in  1 1  70,  in  violation  of  their  agreement  with 
Alexander,  had  entirely  demolished  the  walls  of  Tus- 
culum.  The  Tusculans  now  began  to  restore  them, 
but  the  Romans  interfered ;  and  the  Pope,  whose  re- 
lations with  Barbarossa  were  friendly,  appealed  to 
Christian  of  Mainz,  who  was  in  Tuscany,  He  came 
at  once,  and  attacked  and  plundered  Rome  as  a  pun- 
ishment for  expelling  the  Pope  and  for  repeated  in- 
vasions of  his  territory.  The  August  fever  proved 
fatal  to  him.  He  was  one  of  the  greatest  princes  of 
his  age,  and,  while  bearing  the  office  of  an  archbishop, 
never  laid  aside  the  characteristics  of  a  warrior,  but 
remained  till  his  death  a  lusty  knight,  devoted  to  war 
and  to  beauty. 

282 


A  Ghastly  Procession,  283 

His  death  was  a  serious  blow  to  the  Pope.  The 
Romans  now  boldly  attacked  the  towns  of  the  Cam- 
pagna  which  still  adhered  to  him.  Again  they  laid 
waste  the  territory  of  Tusculum  and  penetrated  far 
into  Latium.  Their  hatred  of  the  clergy  was  intense, 
and  they  inflicted  on  them  the  greatest  cruelties. 
Having  on  one  occasion  seized  a  party  of  priests  on 
the  Campagna,  they  blinded  all  but  one  of  them,  set 
them  on  asses,  put  upon  their  heads  parchment  mitres 
on  which  the  names  of  cardinals  were  displayed,  and 
forced  the  one  whose  eyes  they  had  spared  to  con- 
duct this  ghastly  procession  to  the  Pope. 

The  Pope  moved  about  between  Velletri,  Segni,  and 
Anagni ;  and  in  July,  1 184,  went  to  Verona  and  met 
Barbarossa,  who,  not  long  before,  had  concluded  a 
definite  peace  with  the  Lombard  cities.^  The  nego- 
tiations between  them  occupied  more  than  three 
months,  but  the  Pope  could  obtain  from  the  Emperor 
no  binding  promise  to  assist  him  against  the  Romans, 
nor  come  to  any  understanding  concerning  the  Ma- 
thilde  property.  He  proposed  to  Barbarossa  to  crown 
his  son  Henry  at  once  as  Emperor.  A  few  bulls, 
decrees,  and  canonistic  decisions  issued  from  Verona 
in  1 1 84  and  1185  complete  the  record  of  Lucius's 
pontificate.     He  died  on  the  25th  of  November,  1 185. 

Humbert  of  Crivellis  succeeded  as  Urban  HI.,  one 
of  Barbarossa's  bitterest  enemies.  The  hostility  soon 
broke  out,  the  immediate  causes  being  the  marriage 
of  Barbarossa's  son,  Henry  VI.,  with  Constantia,  the 

1  At  Constance,  1183,  by  which  the  autonomy  of  the  Lombard  cities 
was  substantially  conceded,  with  the  right  to  fortify  themselves,  levy 
armies,  and  extend  the  bounds  of  their  confederacy. 


284  Age  0/  H  tide  brand, 

heiress  of  Sicily,  and  Urban's  refusal  to  crown  him. 
The  Roman  see  was  disconcerted  by  the  splendid 
result  which  German  statecraft  had  extracted  from 
Sicily.  The  dynasty  of  Roger  was  well-nigh  extinct ; 
William  II.  remained  childless,  and  therefore  favored 
the  union  of  Roger's  daughter  with  the  heir  to  the 
German  crown.  Sicily,  the  anxiously  guarded  fief 
of  the  papal  see,  and  which  had  so  often  served  it 
against  the  German  throne,  would,  after  William's 
death,  fall  to  the  German  empire.  Without  regard 
to  the  Pope,  the  feudal  lord  of  Sicily,  and  in  spite  of 
his  protest,  the  marriage  was  celebrated  at  Milan  in 
January,  11 86.  At  the  same  time  Frederick  had 
Henry  crowned  Emperor.  As  the  Pope  refused  the 
imperial  crown,  and,  as  Bishop  of  Milan,  the  Lombard 
crown  also,  the  coronation  was  performed  by  the 
Patriarch  of  Aquileia  and  several  Italian  bishops, 
who  were,  of  course,  rewarded  for  their  participation 
with  suspension  by  Urban. 

On  his  return  from  Italy,  Frederick,  irritated  by 
the  Pope,  carried  his  hostility  so  far  as  to  commission 
his  son  for  an  inroad  into  the  papal  territory,  and  to 
close  the  Alpine  passes,  so  as  to  render  all  intercourse 
with  the  Pope  impossible.  The  Romans  willingly 
aided  Henry ;  the  districts  of  Latium,  which  still  ad- 
^hered  to  the  Pope,  were  laid  waste,  and  all  hope  of 
his  return  to  Rome  was  cut  off. 

Urban  resolved  on  extreme  measures,  and  forbade 
imperial  messengers  sent  to  treat  about  conditions  of 
peace  to  enter  Verona,  where  he  himself  was  forced 
to  remain.  He  was  disposed  to  pronounce  the  ban 
upon  the  Emperor,  but  the  Veronese  declared  that  this 


Gregory  VIII.  285 


should  not  be  done  in  their  city.  He  then  thought 
of  going  to  Venice  and  issuing  the  ban  there,  and  set 
out  for  that  purpose  in  the  autumn,  but  only  reached 
Ferrara,  where  he  died  in  October,  1187,  without 
having  set  fc)ot  in  Rome  during  his  pontificate.  His 
death  was  ascribed  to  his  grief  at  the  news  of  the 
capture  of  Jerusalem  by  Saladin,  an  event  which 
shook  Europe  with  surprise  and  consternation.  Po- 
litical complications  and  private  afflictions  were  alike 
forgotten.  Superstition  saw  the  eyes  of  the  images 
of  Christ  and  of  the  saints  drop  bloody  tears.  Every 
one  accused  himself  of  having  brought  down  the 
vengeance  of  Heaven  upon  the  Holy  City  by  his  own 
offences,  and  sought  to  appease  divine  justice  by 
penitence.  Luxury  was  banished,  injuries  were  for- 
gotten, alms  were  lavishly  distributed,  and  Christians 
gave  themselves  to  fasting  and  mortification. 

Albert  of  Benevento,  an  imperialist,  succeeded  Ur- 
ban in  October,  1187,  ^s  Gregory  VHI.  He  was  a< 
man  of  mild  disposition,  and  his  two  chief  wishes 
were  peace  with  the  empire  and  a  crusade  to  Jeru- 
salem. The  Papacy  was  exhausted  by  the  contest 
under  Alexander  HI. ;  the  Peace  of  Venice  and  the 
Treaty  of  Constance  had  ended  the  war  with  the  cities, 
and  the  marriage  alliance  with  Sicily  had  strength- 
ened the  imperial  throne.  Gregory  hastened  to  come 
to  an  agreement  with  Frederick.  He  engaged  not 
to  interfere  with  his  claims  upon  Sicily,  and  to  ac- 
knowledge all  imperial  rights  in  Italy.  He  issued' 
letters  to  Christendom  touching  the  fall  of  Jerusa- 
lem, and  set  out  for  Pisa  for  the  purpose  of  reconcil- 
ing it  with  Genoa,  so  that  the  two  might  combine  to 


286  Age  of  Hildebrand. 

reconquer  Palestine.  In  October  he  summoned  the 
Emperor  and  the  German  princes  to  equip  a  crusade. 
Next  to  the  religious  and  moral  reform  of  the  church 
this  was  the  ruling  idea  of  his  brief  pontificate.  In 
church  politics  he  seemed  disposed  to  siftk  the  Gre- 
gorian ideal,  to  appear  only  as  the  first  of  bishops, 
and  to  restore  all  secular  power  to  the  Emperor's 
hands.     He  died  at  Pisa  in  December,  1187. 

Paul  of  Palestrina  followed,  a  Roman  by  birth,  as 
Clement  III.  He  set  himself  to  promote  the  crusade 
inaugurated  by  Gregory  VIII.  He  accomplished 
the  peace  between  Genoa  and  Pisa,  and  appointed  a 
legate  to  preach  the  crusade  in  Germany.  He  sent 
envoys  to  Rome  to  negotiate  for  his  return,  and  in 
February,  1188,  entered  the  city,  where  he  was  re- 
ceived with  great  splendor.  During  the  forty-four 
years  of  the  existence  of  the  Roman  senate,  the  popes, 
almost  continuously,  had  been  sacrificed  to  this  rev- 
olution in  the  city  government.  Innocent  II.  died 
amid  the  tumult  of  its  first  proclamation,  and  prob- 
ably because  of  it;  Lucius  II.  fell  by  a  stone  in  the 
attempt  to  storm  the  republican  intrenchments  on 
the  Capitol;  Eugenius  III.,  Alexander  HI.,  Lucius 
HI.,  Urban  HI.,  and  Gregory  V^III.  had  spent  their 
pontificates  wholly  or  partly  in  exile.  Clement  HI. 
now  at  last  brought  the  Papacy  back  to  Rome,  con- 
cluding a  formal  treaty  with  the  city  as  an  independ- 
ent power.  The  fruit  of  the  Lombard  victories  and 
of  the  vigorous  resistance  of  the  Romans  to  Emperor 
and  Pope  had  ripened.  Rome  came  into  the  same 
relations  with  the  Pope  as  the  Lombard  cities  with 
the  Emperor. 


The  Third  Crusade.  287 

By  the  treaty  the  Pope  was  recognized  as  sover- 
eign. He  was  to  invest  the  senate  at  the  Capitol, 
and  the  senate  was  to  swear  fealty  to  him.  He  re- 
gained the  right  of  issuing  coins,  of  which  the  senate, 
however,  was  to  retain  a  third,  in  order  to  free  the 
churches  from  the  debts  incurred  by  the  war.  St. 
Peter's  and  all  the  churches  were  made  over  to  him, 
and  all  the  former  papal  revenues  were  restored. 
The  senate  retained  the  control  of  the  Lucanian  bridge 
over  the  Anio  on  account  of  the  feud  with  Tivoli. 
The  Pope  was  to  indemnify  the  Romans  for  the  losses 
by  the  war,  and  agreed  to  give  a  hundred  pounds 
annually  for  the  restoration  of  the  city  walls.  He 
was  to  have  the  right  to  summon  the  Roman  militia, 
at  his  own  cost,  to  defend  his  patrimony.  Tusculum 
was  to  belong  to  the  Roman  see  in  perpetuity,  and 
its  walls  and  fortifications  were  to  be  destroyed  by 
the  beginning  of  1 189.  The  Pope  was  not  to  hinder 
the  Romans  from  prosecuting  the  war  with  Tivoli. 

The  constitution  of  1188  was  thus  a  most  impor- 
tant advance  of  the  Roman  commonwealth.  Both  the 
imperial  and  the  patrician  power  were  mastered.  The 
Emperor's  right  was  not  considered.  It  had  been 
practically  renounced  in  the  Treaty  of  Venice.  The 
city  had  passed  out  of  its  old  relations.  The  Pope 
possessed  in  it  neither  ruling  nor  legislative  power. 

The  third  crusade  progressed  rapidly  under  the 
auspices  of  Germany,  England,  and  France.  William, 
the  Archbishop  of  Tyre,  came  from  the  East  to  so- 
licit the  aid  of  the  Christian  princes,  and  was  commis- 
sioned by  the  Pope  to  preach  the  holy  war.  From 
Italy  he  went  to  France,  and  appeared  at  an  assem- 


288  Age  of  Hildeh'and, 

bly  convoked  by  Henry  II.  and  Philip  II.  near  Gisors. 
On  his  arrival,  the  two  kings,  who  were  still  at  war, 
laid  down  their  arms.  William  was  received  with 
enthusiasm,  and  proceeded  to  relate  the  capture  of 
Jerusalem  by  Saladin,  which  moved  the  assembly  to 
tears.  He  then  exhorted  them  to  take  the  cross. 
"  The  gates  of  the  Holy  City  are  broken,  and  her 
guardians  are  exposed  with  cattle  in  the  markets 
of  infidel  cities.  The  inhabitants  of  forty  cities  have 
been  driven  from  their  homes,  and  with  their  weep- 
ing families  are  wandering  among  the  nations  of  Asia 
without  finding  a  stone  on  which  to  lay  their  heads. 
How  can  you  seek  any  other  renown  than  that  of 
delivering  the  holy  places  ?  Within  sight  of  this  as- 
sembly I  have  beheld  preparations  for  war.  Why 
are  you  armed  with  these  swords  ?  You  are  fighting 
here  for  the  banks  of  a  river,  for  the  limits  of  a  prov- 
ince, while  infidels  trample  the  banks  of  Siloa,  and  the 
cross  of  Christ  is  dragged  ignominiously  through  the 
streets  of  Bagdad  ?  The  prophets  and  saints  buried  at 
Jerusalem,  the  churches  transformed  into  mosques,  the 
very  stones  of  the  sepulchres,  all  cry  to  you  to  avenge 
the  glory  of  God  and  the  death  of  your  brethren." 

Henry  and  Philip  embraced  and  were  the  first  to 
receive  the  cross.  A  crowd  of  nobles  and  knights, 
with  several  bishops  of  France  and  England,  took  the 
crusading  oath.  It  was  resolved  that  all  who  did  not 
take  the  cross  should  pay  a  tenth  of  their  revenues 
and  of  the  value  of  their  property  of  all  kinds,  which 
was  to  be  known  as  the  ''Saladin  tithe."  William 
then  proceeded  to  Germany,  and  a  general  diet  was 
convoked  at  Mainz,  where  Frederick  descended  from 


Death  of  Barba^vssa.  289 

his  throne  and  received  the  cross  from  William,  and 
was  followed  by  his  son  Frederick  of  Suabia  and  by 
Leopold  of  Austria  and  Berthold  of  Moravia. 

Before  Frederick  opened  the  crusade  in  the  spring  of 
1 189,  peace  was  concluded  at  Hagenau,  on  the  9th  of 
April,  between  himself  and  the  Pope.  Clement  con- 
sented to  crown  Henry  VI.  as  Emperor,  but  Frederick 
himself  postponed  the  coronation.  In  May,  Frederick, 
at  the  head  of  thirty  thousand  men,  marched  to  Con- 
stantinople and  across  the  desert  highlands  of  Asia 
Minor.  He  captured  Iconium,  moved  on  to  CiHcia,  and 
arrived  at  the  bank  of  the  river  Seleph  or  Calicadnus, 
near  the  Cydnus.  The  stream  was  swollen  by  the 
rains,  and  in  attempting  to  cross  or  to  bathe  he  was 
drowned  on  the  lOth  of  June,  1 190.  Clement  recog- 
nized Henry,  and  arranged  for  his  coronation  at  Easter, 
1191  ;  but  Clement  died  in  the  previous  March. 

Barbarossa,  though  hated  in  Italy,  is  a  magnificent 
figure  in  the  history  of  Germany  and  of  the  middle 
ages.  To  the  German  mind  he  is  the  representative 
of  the  returning  glory  of  the  fatherland.  His  ideal 
of  empire  was  impracticable.  He  aimed  at  renewing 
the  universal  sovereignty  of  the  Roman  Caesars,  and 
his  effort  to  reaHze  this  ideal  promoted  the  cause  of 
popular  freedom  and  hastened  the  emancipation  of 
the  Lombard  cities.  Haughty  and  imperious,  he  was 
also  generous  and  magnanimous.  His  soHd  common 
sense  detected  the  radical  fallacy  of  the  Gregorian 
papal  ideal,  and  he  struck  at  it  with  both  word  and 
sword.  The  questions  of  the  proprietorship  of  church 
property  and  of  the  position  and  jurisdiction  of  the 
metropoHtan  sees  were  in  the  background  in  his  con- 


290  Age  of  Hildebrand, 

test  with  Alexander  III.  The  central  point  of  that 
contest  was  the  restitution  of  the  imperial  sovereignty 
over  the  Papacy  and  its  territorial  possessions. 

He  restored  in  large  measure  the  ancient  independ- 
ence of  the  German  church  and  its  connection  with 
the  throne.  It  occupied  again  the  first  position  in 
the  empire.  Its  representatives  were  thrice  as  nu- 
merous as  the  secular  princes,  and  were  supreme  both 
in  the  council  and  in  the  army  of  the  Emperor.  His 
influence  on  his  people  during  his  latter  years  was 
ennobling,  and  his  reign  marks  the  dawn  of  poetry 
and  culture.  A  more  cosmopoHtan  spirit  pervaded 
all  circles.  Germany  began  to  win  her  share  in  the 
world's  commerce,  and  to  develop  her  individual  in- 
dustries. The  influence  of  the  ancient  models  of 
culture  passed  on  from  France  into  Germany,  and  is 
seen  in  the  improved  Latinity  of  her  contemporary 
historians.  The  division-wall  between  lay  and  cleri- 
cal culture  was  breached,  and  the  poetic  impulse  com- 
municated itself  to  the  clergy. 

The  popular  legends  say  that  Barbarossa  did  not 
die,  but  is  sleeping  in  a  grotto  at  KyfThauser,  whence 
he  will  come  forth  at  the  appointed  hour  to  renew 
the  ancient  glory  of  the  empire. 


"  Er  ist  nienials  gestorben, 
Er  lebt  darin  noch  jetzt ; 
Er  hat  im  Schloss  verborgen 
Zum  Schlaf  sich  hingesetzt. 

"  Er  hat  hinabgenommen 
Des  Reiches  Herrlichkeit, 
Und  wird  einst  wiederkommen 
Mit  ihr  zu  seiner  Zeit." 


Tusculum  Destroyed.  291 


Clement's  successor  was  the  Cardinal  Hyacinth, 
who  took  the  name  of  Coelestine  III.  He  was  eighty- 
five  years  old.  Henry  VI.  was  now  approaching 
Rome  with  a  large  force  to  receive  the  imperial 
crown.  Easter  was  drawing  near,  and  the  Pope  was 
at  first  disposed  to  make  difficulties  about  the  coron- 
ation, while  Henry  was  eager  to  hasten  it  so  as  to 
enter  at  once  upon  his  expedition  to  Sicily.  There 
were  possibilities  of  trouble,  too,  in  the  senate,  if  it 
should  be  inclined  to  object  to  the  coronation.  The 
Romans  availed  themselves  of  these  circumstances  to 
get  Tusculum  finally  into  their  power.  That  city 
had  for  three  years  been  in  arms  against  the  combined 
attacks  of  the  Pope  and  the  senate,  and,  as  a  last  re- 
source, had  turned  to  Henry  and  had  received  from  him 
a  German  garrison.  The  Romans  declared  that  they 
would  resist  Henry's  coronation  if  he  did  not  deliver 
Tusculum  to  them ;  while,  if  he  should  consent,  they 
would  compel  the  Pope  to  crown  him  at  once.  Henry 
agreed  to  this  act  of  treachery,  but  threw  the  responsi- 
bility on  the  Pope,  who  had  made  it  a  condition  of  his 
coronation  that  he  should  deliver  Tusculum  to  him. 

The  King  entered  the  Leonina  on  the  14th  of 
April,' but  the  Romans  closed  the  gates  against  his 
army.  His  coronation,  with  his  wife's,  took  place  in 
St.  Peter's.  The  garrison  of  Tusculum  received  orders 
to  open  their  gates,  and  the  Romans  glutted  their 
vengeance  on  the  unfortunate  city.  The  principal 
citizens  were  either  massacred  or  mutilated.  The 
walls  were  levelled,  and  the  city  which  had  served  the 
Pope  as  a  check  upon  the  Roman  populace,  and  the 
Emperor  as  a  stronghold   against  the  Pope,  finally 


292  Age  of  Hildebrand, 

disappeared  from  history.  Henry,  with  his  army, 
went  to  ApuHa  to  expel  Tancred,  his  wife's  natural 
brother,  whom  the  Normans  had  set  up  as  King  of 
Sicily,  and  to  claim  the  kingdom  of  Naples ;  but  after 
capturing  Salerno  he  lost  nearly  his  whole  army  by 
an  epidemic,  and  was  obliged  to  flee,  leaving  his  wife 
a  prisoner  in  the  hands  of  Tancred,  who  made  terms 
with  the  Pope  and  received  the  kingdom  as  his  feudal 
vassal.  The  temporary  advantage  thus  gained  by 
the  Roman  see,  in  spite  of  the  marriage  alliance 
between  Sicily  and  the  Hohenstaufen,  widened  the 
breach  between  the  Papacy  and  the  empire. 

The  hostility  increased  when  the  Emperor  repos- 
sessed himself  of  Sicily  and  began  to  fill  the  bishop- 
rics in  Germany.  Matters  were  brought  to  an  issue 
in  September,  1192,  by  Henry's  placing  Lothair  of 
Bonn  in  the  episcopal  chair  of  Liege.  The  Pope's 
candidate,  Autbert,  received  consecration  by  his 
command,  whereupon  Henry  destroyed  the  chapter- 
houses and  forbade  Autbert  to  enter  Germany.  A 
few  days  after  he  caused  him  to  be  assassinated.  The 
Pope  banned  the  murderer.  Henry  prohibited  jour- 
neys to  Rome,  and  imprisoned  at  Siena  the  cardinal 
bishop  Octavian  of  Ostia,  who  was  returning  to  France. 

Richard  I.  had  succeeded  to  the  English  throne  in 
1 189.  With  Philip  of  France  he  had  engaged  in  the 
crusade,  and  the  two  kings  were  under  a  mutual 
pledge  not  to  invade  each  other's  dominions  during 
its  continuance.  Jealousy,  however,  arose  between 
them  on  the  way  to  Constantinople,  and  at  Acre, 
where  both  distinguished  themselves.  Philip,  dis- 
gusted at  Richard's  popularity,  returned  to  Europe 


Richa  rd  of  England  Imprisoned.       293 


and  began  intriguing  against  England.  After  the 
truce  with  Saladin,  Richard  set  out  to  return,  and, 
attempting  to  pass  through  Germany  in  disguise,  was 
detected  and  seized  at  Vienna  by  Leopold  of  Austria, 
who,  enraged  at  some  insult  received  during  the  siege 
of  Acre,  threw  him  into  prison,  and  in  1193  handed 
him  over  to  the  Emperor,  who  confined  him  in  the 
castle  of  Tiefels  and  refused  to  release  him  except  on 
the  payment  of  an  enormous  ransom  and  the  acknowl- 
edgment of  himself  as  his  feudal  lord.  Philip  had 
secured  the  alliance  of  the  Emperor  in  his  war  with 
Richard,  and  endeavored  to  persuade  Henry  to  give 
Richard  up  to  him. 

As  a  crusader,  Richard  was  under  the  special  pro- 
tection of  the  Pope ;  and  Coelestine  was  at  once  ap- 
pealed to  by  the  Archbishop  of  Rouen  and  by  clergy 
in  Germany  to  interfere.  The  queen-mother,  Eleanor, 
addressed  to  him  urgent  letters,  begging  him  to 
send  legates  and  to  restore  her  son.  The  legates, 
however,  were  not  forthcoming,  and  did  not  appear 
during  Richard's  inprisonment,  although  the  Pope 
threatened  both  France  and  Germany  with  interdict 
if  Richard  were  not  released.  Under  the  influence 
of  this  menace  and  of  the  protest  of  the  German 
barons,  Henry  at  last  agreed  to  liberate  Richard  for 
an  immense  sum ;  but  Leopold  of  Austria,  after 
Richard's  release,  detained  hostages  for  the  payment 
of  the  ransom.  On  Richard's  complaint  to  the  Pope, 
Coelestine  excommunicated  Leopold,  laid  his  coun- 
try under  interdict,  and  commissioned  the  Bishop  of 
Verona  to  have  the  sentence  proclaimed,  every  Sun- 
day and  hoHday,  throughout  the  duchy. 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 

THE  EMPEROR  MASTER  OF  ITALY — PAPAL  COM- 
PLICATIONS IN  FRANCE  AND  SPAIN — DEATH 
OF  HENRY  VI.  AND  CCELESTINE  III. — THE 
GREAT    HERESIES. 

HE  death  of  Tancred  caused  Henry  to  set 
out  again  for  Italy  in  the  summer  of 
1 194,  in  order  to  secure  possession  of  the 
kingdom  of  Sicily,  for  which  he  greatly 
desired  the  Pope's  confirmation.  His 
visit  to  Sicily  was  signalized  by  atrocious  cruelties. 
Having  caused  himself  and  his  wife  to  be  crowned  at 
Palermo,  he  put  out  the  eyes  of  Tancred's  son,  muti- 
lated and  tortured  many  of  his  partisans,  had  the 
corpse  of  Tancred  disinterred  and  rifled  of  the  royal 
insignia,  and  imprisoned  his  widow.  The  Emperor 
was  thus  master  of  Italy.  Even  the  papal  territory 
was  in  his  hands,  and  the  Lombards  saw  themselves 
in  danger  of  losing  their  hardly  won  freedom.  He 
committed  the  administration  of  Italy  to  Germans, 
created  his  brother  Philip  Duke  of  Tuscany,  and  en- 
feoffed him  with  the  Mathilde  property,  Conrad  of 
Urslingen  with  Spoleto,  and  the  general  Markwald 
with  Romagna  and  the  Marches.  He  took  possession 
of  the  church's  patrimony  almost  to  the  gates   of 

294 


Ph Hip  and  Ingeborg,  295 

Rome,  professed  to  be  master  even  in  the  Trastevere, 
and  styled  himself  Duke  of  the  Campagna.  He  ap- 
peared to  have  revived  his  father's  ideal  of  universal 
empire,  of  the  enslavement  of  Italy,  and  of  the  over- 
throw of  the  Gregorian  Papacy.  The  city  prefect  in 
Rome  habitually  opposed  the  Pope,  and  the  Frangi- 
pani  allied  themselves  with  the  Emperor.  The  feeble 
Ccelestine  was  forced  not  only  to  abandon  to  the 
senate  the  government  of  Rome,  but  also  to  surrender 
to  the  Emperor  the  Sabina  and  the  Maritima.^  The 
secular  power  of  St.  Peter  seemed  to  be  passing  away. 
The  papal  finances  were  in  a  desperate  condition,  and 
simony  prevailed  in  the  Curia  as  never  before. 

New  complications  now  appeared  in  France.  Philip 
Augustus  since  1193  had  been  married  to  Ingeborg, 
the  sister  of  the  King  of  Denmark,  but  had  separated 
from  her  on  the  pretended  ground  of  blood-relation- 
ship with  his  first  wife.  On  the  appeal  of  Ingeborg 
and  her  brother  to  Rome,  the  Pope  sent  two  legates 
to  France,  who,  however,  were  able  to  accomplish 
nothing.  He  then  wrote  to  the  Archbishop  of  Sens, 
expressing  his  regret  for  the  King's  conduct,  enlarg- 
ing upon  the  sacredness  of  the  marriage  relation  and 
the  care  wliich  the  church  should  observe  respecting 
it,  declaring  the  separation  invalid,  and  commanding 
the  archbishop  to  thwart  any  possible  attempt  of  the 
King  to  contract  a  new  marriage.  The  same  order 
was  given  to  the  Archbishop  of  Rheims,  and  Philip 
was  commanded  to  resume  his  relation  with  Ingeborg. 
But  within  four  weeks  Philip  married  Agnes,  the 
daughter  of  the  Duke  of  Tyrol. 

1  A  strip  on  the  coast  from  Tcrracina  northward  to  Toscanella. 


296  Age  of  Hildebrand, 

Henry  VI.,  in  the  meantime,  endeavored  to  make 
peace  with  the  Pope,  regardless  of  consequences. 
Having  become  master  of  Italy,  he  was  infatuated 
with  the  idea  of  seizing  the  Byzantine  throne,  and 
thus  uniting  East  and  West  under  his  sceptre.  The 
shortest  road  to  this  was  a  new  crusade.  Accord- 
ingly he  wrote  to  the  Pope  that  the  best  means  of 
delivering  the  Holy  Land  and  extirpating  prevalent 
heresies  was  the  reconciliation  of  the  church  and  the 
state.  He  desired  Ccelestine  to  send  legates  to  treat 
with  him  concerning  peace.  At  Bari,  on  Good  Fri- 
day, 1 195,  the  Emperor  privately  took  the  cross,  and 
had  the  crusade  preached  at  Easter  by  way  of  thanks- 
giving for  the  divine  mercy  which  had  enabled  him 
to  overcome  Sicily.  The  Pope  returned  a  concilia- 
tory answer,  sent  two  cardinals  to  discuss  matters 
with  the  Emperor,  and  appointed  two  others  to  go  to 
Germany  during  the  summer  and  preach  the  crusade, 
according  to  Henry's  desire.  About  the  same  time 
he  charged  his  legate  in  England,  Archbishop  Hubert 
of  Canterbury,  with  the  English  bishops,  to  take  part 
in  the  enterprise  and  to  induce  King  Richard  to  do 
so.  He  issued  a  new  bull  of  privilege  to  the  Latin 
clergy  at  the  Holy  Sepulchre,  and  took  ecclesiastical 
possession  of  the  island  of  Cyprus,  which  had  been 
conquered  by  Richard  of  England  in  1191,  sending 
two  legates  to  superintend  the  collection  of  tithes. 
He  also  addressed  himself  to  the  suppression  of  the 
infidels  in  the  West,  enjoining  the  kings  of  Spain  to 
take  up  arms  against  the  Saracens. 

King  Alfonso  of  Leon  proved  refractory.  Because 
of  his  marriage  with  the  daughter  of  King  Sancho  I. 


Ban  upon  Leon.  297 

of  Portugal,  who  was  related  to  him  by  blood,  he, 
with  his  wife  and  father-in-law,  had  been  laid  under 
ban.  Through  the  submission  of  his  wife,  the  Prin- 
cess Therese,  who  took  the  veil  and  was  afterwards 
honored  as  a  saint,  the  marriage  was  dissolved  and 
the  ban  removed.  But  the  King  was  in  league  with 
the  Saracens  against  Castile,  and  refused  to  abandon 
his  alhance ;  and  Ccelestine  accordingly  renewed  the 
ban,  summoned  his  subjects  to  fight  the  Saracens, 
and  commanded  the  Archbishop  of  Toledo,  in  case 
the  King  should  continue  his  league  with  the  infidels, 
to  release  them  from  their  allegiance  in  the  name  of 
the  apostolic  see. 

The  attempt  of  the  Emperor  to  unite  the  kingdom 
of  Sicily  with  the  empire  had  been  vigorously  opposed 
in  Germany,  especially  by  the  bishops.  The  project 
of  the  crusade  met  with  a  better  reception,  and  was 
indorsed  by  the  Diet  of  Wiirzburg  in  March,  11 96. 
At  this  diet  the  Emperor  also  gained  the  consent  of 
the  princes  to  make  the  German  crown  and  the  im- 
perial dignity  hereditary,  and  therefore  independent 
of  the  Pope.  Even  the  opposing  princes  were  per- 
suaded to  acknowledge,  at  Frankfort,  the  three-year- 
old  son  of  the  Emperor,  Frederick,  as  heir  to  the 
crown.  While  Henry  was  arming  for  a  new  expedi- 
tion to  Italy,  he  continued  his  negotiations  with  the 
Pope.  There  was  an  abundance  of  matter.  Letters 
of  Coelestine  to  the  Byzantine  Emperor  Alexius  had 
been  intercepted  by  Henry's  servants ;  the  Emperor's 
brother  Philip  had  committed  many  acts  of  violence 
in  Italy ;  and  Henry's  own  outrages  in  Sicily  were 
regarded  by  the  Curia  as  crimes. 


298  Age  of  Hilde brand. 

In  the  summer  of  1 196  Henry  made  his  last  disas- 
trous expedition  to  Italy.  Some  weeks  were  spent 
near  Tivoli  in  negotiations  with  the  Pope  about  an- 
ointing young  Frederick  as  King;  but  nothing  was 
accomplished,  and  the  Emperor  moved  on  to  Sicily. 
His  final  experience  there  might  easily  have  been 
construed  as  a  retribution  for  his  horrible  cruelties. 
A  conspiracy  was  formed  against  him,  in  which  his 
own  wife,  and  according  to  some  accounts  the  Pope, 
participated,  and  from  which  he  barely  escaped.  He 
sent  young  Frederick  to  Germany  in  charge  of  his 
brother  Philip  to  have  him  crowned  there ;  but  before 
their  arrival  he  died  on  the  28th  of  September,  1 197. 
As  he  was  still  under  excommunication,  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Messana  went  to  Rome  to  obtain  permis- 
sion for  his  interment,  which  the  Pope  granted  on 
condition  that  Richard  of  England  should  receive 
back  the  price  of  his  ransom.  Frederick's  reception 
of  the  Sicilian  crown  he  made  dependent  on  the 
agreement  of  the  cardinals.  The  Empress  must 
swear  that  Frederick  was  the  lawful  son  of  the  Em- 
peror and  herself ;  and  for  their  consent  the  Pope  and 
the  college  of  cardinals  were  to  receive  a  thousand 
marks  of  silver. 

After  the  Emperor's  death  a  great  part  of  Tuscany 
and  the  kingdom  of  Sicily  returned  to  the  sovereignty 
of  the  Pope.  Other  territories,  on  the  contrary,  such 
as  imperial  Tuscany,  armed  themselves  against  the 
attempts  which  were  now  being  begun  by  the  Roman 
Curia  to  extend  its  secular  sovereignty  beyond  any 
previous  limits. 

Coelestine  did  not  long  survive  the  Emperor,     His 


Cha  racter  of  Ccelestine  III,  299 

last  sickness  attacked  him  just  before  Christmas.  He 
assembled  the  cardinals  for  consultation  about  his 
successor,  but  they  refused  to  accept  his  candidate, 
John  of  St.  Paul,  of  the  house  of  Colonna,  and  he 
died  on  the  8th  of  January,  1198.  ^  Forsaken  by  the 
princes,  almost  wholly  bereft  of  his  secular  power, 
with  an  empty  treasury,  he  little  dreamed  that  his 
immediate  successor  would  most  fully  carry  out  the 
Gregorian  conception  of  the  church's  secular  domin- 
ion.'^Eighty-five  years  old  when  he  assumed  the 
papal  chair,  Coelestine  could  not,  especially  with  such 
an  Emperor  as  Henry  VI.,  realize  this  ideal.  Mild  and 
yielding  by  nature,  the  sharp  antagonisms  in  his  ad- 
ministration were  owing  to  his  dependence  upon  their 
representatives  in  the  college  of  cardinals — his  two 
immediate  successors,  Innocent  III.  and  Honorius 
III.  Following  the  leader  of  the  zealots,  Cardinal 
Lothair,  he  seemed  to  desire  to  be  another  Alex- 
ander III. ;  but  under  the  counsel  of  his  personal  friend 
Cencius  his  strenuousness  relaxed.  Hence  he  was 
continually  experiencing  defeats,  was  powerless  in 
Rome,  and  left  to  his  successor  numerous  unsettled 
complications  in  different  parts  of  Europe. 

Before  going  further,  our  attention  must  be  directed 
to  the  principal  forms  of  heresy  with  which  several 
succeeding  pontificates  came  into  conflict. 

The  heresies  of  this  period  may  be  roughly  divided 
into  two  classes — the  one  including  those  who  held 
all  the  great  essential  truths  of  Christianity,  but  were 
opposed  to  the  whole  sacerdotal  system,  and  the 
other  those  who  were  tainted  with  serious  doctrinal 
errors.     It  should  be  said  in  advance  that  almost  our 


300  Age  of  Hilde brand. 

only  sources  of  information  are  the  representations 
of  the  persecutors.  The  literature  of  the  persecuted 
has  well-nigh  vanished. 

The  conditions  of  society  in  southern  France  were 
favorable  to  the  propagation  of  heresy.  The  whole 
population  and  civilization  were  in  marked  contrast 
with  those  of  the  north.  The  various  elements  which, 
from  remote  antiquity,  had  successively  occupied  the 
soil — Phoenician,  Greek,  Gothic,  Saracenic — had  set 
a  cosmopolitan  stamp  upon  the  population.  The  citi- 
zens of  Narbonne  and  Marseilles  were  of  a  different 
type  from  the  citizens  of  Paris.  Culture  and  luxury 
had  made  greater  progress  than  in  the  north.  Chiv- 
alry and  poetry  were  assiduously  cultivated  by  the 
nobles.  The  people  of  the  commercial  cities  were 
enlightened  and  educated.  The  clergy  were  negli- 
gent, luxurious,  and  despised  by  the  people,  and  the 
patent  derelictions  of  the  church  were  freely  criticised 
by  those  who  possessed  any  religious  earnestness  or 
positive  conviction.  Bernard  of  Clairvaux  pathetic- 
ally described  the  state  of  religion  in  the  territories 
of  the  Count  of  Toulouse  :  **  Churches  without  people, 
people  without  priests,  priests  without  the  reverence 
due  to  them,  Christians  without  Christ,  sacraments 
no  longer  sacred,  the  apostolic  and  prophetic  voices 
silenced  by  the  voice  of  a  single  heretic." 

It  was  amid  such  a  population  that  the  first  anti- 
sacerdotal  heresy  was  preached,  in  Val  Louise,  about 
1 1 06,  by  Pierre  de  Bruys,  of  Embrun,  and  forty  years 
later  by  a  monk,  Henry  of  Lausanne.  They  taught 
that  infant  baptism  was  useless,  rejected  the  Euchar- 
ist,  declared   that  churches   were   unnecessary  and 


'*  The  Poor  of  Lyons T 


should  be  destroyed,  that  alms,  masses,  and  prayers 
for  the  dead  were  unavailing,  and  that  the  cross,  as 
the  instrument  on  which  Christ  was  tortured,  should 
not  be  invoked  but  destroyed. 

In  the  second  half  of  the  twelfth  century  appeared 
Peter  Waldo,  a  rich  merchant  of  Lyons,  who,  desir- 
ing to  know  the  Scriptures,  caused  a  translation  of 
the  New  Testament  to  be  made  into  the  Romance  lan- 
guage, and  a  collection  of  extracts  from  the  fathers, 
known  as  "  the  Sentences."  He  became  filled  with 
zeal  to  imitate  the  apostolic  life  as  commanded  by 
Christ,  and  accordingly  sold  his  property  and  devoted 
himself  to  preaching  in  the  streets  and  fields.  Others 
associated  themselves  with  him,  who  were  sent  to 
preach  in  neighboring  towns.  They  assumed  a 
peculiar  dress,  and  a  sandal  with  a  plate  affixed  to  it, 
from  which  they  were  called  iiisabbatati  or  zaptati 
C'shoed  ").  They  called  themselves  Li  Poiire  de  Lyod 
("  the  Poor  of  Lyons  ").i  Being  forbidden  to  preach 
by  the  Archbishop  of  Lyons,  they  disobeyed  and  were 
excommunicated.  Peter  appealed  to  the  Pope,  who 
approved  his  vow  of  poverty  and  authorized  him  to 
preach  when  permitted  by  the  priests. 

1  The  attempt  has  been  made  to  prove  for  the  Waldenses  an  earlier 
origin.  According  to  this,  the  name  Vaudois  is  derived  from  vaux,  or 
Waldenses  from  vallis.  The  apostolic  church  of  Italy,  it  is  said,  pro- 
scribed by  the  Papacy,  withdrew  into  Upper  Italy  and  found  an  asylum 
in  the  valleys,  and  the  name  originally  meant  "  Christians  of  the  val- 
leys." They  are  primitive  Christians,  descendants  and  representatives 
of  the  primitive  church  through  Claudius  of  Turin  (820).  See  Alexis 
Muston,  "  L'Israel  des  Alpes,"  translated  by  J.  Montgomery;  E. 
Comba,  "  Waldo  and  the  Waldensians  before  the  Reformation  "  ;  and 
"  Storia  della  Riforma  in  Italia."  Monastier,  "  Histoire  de  I'figlise 
Vaudoise";  DieckhoflF,  "  Die  Waldenser  im  Mittelalter  "  ;  Herzog, 
"  Die  Romanischen  Waldenser  "  ;  Henry  C.  Lea,  "  A  History  of  the 
Inquisition  in  the  Middle  Ages." 


302  Age  of  Hildebrand, 

In  1 1 79  they  appeared  before  the  Lateran  council, 
submitted  their  version  of  the  Scriptures,  and  asked 
for  permission  to  preach.  Lucius  III.  anathematized 
them  at  the  Council  of  Verona  in  1 1 84.  At  Narbonne, 
in  1 190,  they  publicly  discussed  in  the  cathedral  with 
one  Raymond  of  Daventry  six  propositions :  that 
they  refused  obedience  to  Pope  and  prelates ;  that 
all,  even  laymen,  may  preach;  that  God  is  to  be 
obeyed  rather  than  man ;  that  v/omen  may  preach ; 
that  masses,  prayers,  and  alms  for  the  dead  are  use- 
less ;  that  prayer  in  bed  or  in  a  stable  is  as  efficacious 
as  in  a  church.  They  held  that  the  ministrations  of 
sinful  priests  were  invalid,  and  that  confession  to  a 
layman  was  as  good  as  that  to  a  priest.  Their  three 
distinctive  rules  of  morality  were :  every  lie  is  a 
mortal  sin ;  every  oath,  even  in  court,  is  unlawful ; 
homicide  is  never  admissible,  even  in  judicial  execu- 
tions or  in  war.  Their  persecutors  universally  testi- 
fied to  their  chastity,  temperance,  truthfulness,  and 
modesty.  They  revered  the  Scriptures,  and  had 
translations  of  the  whole  Bible  in  the  vulgar  tongue. 

More  dangerous  to  the  church  was  a  sect  in  which, 
for  a  time,  the  Waldenses,  by  force  of  circumstances, 
were  partially  merged — the  Cathari,  or  "pure." 
Their  doctrine  grew  out  of  the  dualistic  teaching  of 
Manes,  who  appeared  in  Persia  about  the  middle  of 
the  third  century.  He  taught  that  the  world  was 
the  product  of  two  eternal  and  antagonistic  princi- 
ples, good  and  evil.  Spirit  is  identified  with  the 
good,  matter  with  the  evil  principle.  Every  individ- 
ual man  is  at  once  a  child  of  light  and  darkness — has 
a  good  soul  and  a  body  substantially  evil.     The  re- 


The  Albigenses.  303 


demption  of  light  from  darkness  is  effected  by  Christ 
and  by  the  Holy  Ghost ;  but  as  matter  is  essentially 
evil,  the  human  Christ  was  only  a  phantom.  The 
morality  of  this  system  was  severely  ascetic,  the  great 
aim  being  to  destroy  corporeity  and  to  set  the  soul 
free  from  the  fetters  of  matter. 

Manichaeism  appeared  in  Europe  before  the  close 
of  the  third  century,  and  was  everywhere  persecuted 
in  the  Roman  empire.  It  wac  especially  loathsome 
to  the  church,  and  the  object  of  tiic  active  hostihty 
of  popes,  bishops,  and  emperors  from  the  i:'me  of  Leo 
the  Great.  From  one  of  its  leaders,  Paul  ot  Samo- 
sata,  the  system  acquired  the  name  of  Pauliciannm. 
The  Cathari,  who  sprang  from  the  same  Manich;jean 
source,  originated  in  eastern  Europe,  probably  in 
Bulgaria,  and  their  first  traces  in  the  West  are  found 
in  France  and  Flanders.  Their  principal  seat  was  in 
southern  France,  where  they  were  known  as  Albi- 
genses. The  basis  of  their  doctrinal  system  was 
Manichaean.  They  rejected  all  church  machinery. 
The  Roman  Church  was  **  the  synagogue  of  Satan," 
in  which  salvation  was  impossible.  The  Catharan 
church  inherited  the  powder  to  bind  and  loose.  They 
translated  the  Scriptures,  but  retained  the  Latin 
prayers.  The  Eucharist  was  replaced  by  the  "  Ben- 
ediction of  bread,"  which  was  performed  daily  at 
table.  Every  act  of  eating  or  drinking  was  preceded 
by  prayer.  Confession  was  general,  and  was  per- 
formed monthly  by  the  assembly  of  the  faithful. 
The  principal  ceremony  was  the  **  Consolamentum," 
or  baptism  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  which  reunited  the 
soul  to  the  Holy  Spirit  and  wrought  absolution  from 


304  Age  of  Hilde brand. 

sin.  It  consisted  in  the  imposition  of  hands,  required 
two  ministrants,  and  could  be  performed  by  a  woman. 
Torture  at  the  end  of  Hfe  reHeved  them  of  torment  in 
the  next  world,  and  suicide  was  not  uncommon. 

They  were  strictly  ascetic.  Matter  was  the  work 
of  Satan,  and  the  Catharan  must  be  continually  war- 
ring with  the  flesh.  Hence  whatever  tended  to  the 
reproduction  of  animal  life  was  avoided.  Marriage 
was  prohibited  except  among  a  few.  Meat,  milk, 
and  eggs  w^x  e  forbidden.  They  fasted  three  days  in 
the  wc^k,  and  had  three  annual  fasts  of  forty  days 
each.  They  were  mostly  peasants  and  mechanics; 
their  habits  were  moral,  and  their  proselytizing  zeal 
extreme.  They  appeared  in  France  as  early  as  1017, 
and  in  Lombardy  a  little  later.  By  1052  their  teach- 
ing had  extended  to  Germany,  and  became  more 
widely  spread  as  the  twelfth  century  advanced. 

Italy  was  deeply  infected,  Milan  being  the  centre. 
About  the  middle  of  the  eleventh  century,  and  dur- 
ing the  papal  attempts  to  enforce  celibacy  on  the 
Milanese  clergy,  there  arose  there  the  term**  Patarins." 
This  word  was  derived  from  pates,  which  in  the  old 
Romance  dialects  meant  **  old  linen."  Rag-pickers  in 
Lombardy  were  known  as  "  Patari,"  and  the  quarter 
in  Milan  inhabited  by  them  was  named  **  Pataria." 
From  their  Bulgarian  origin  the  Patari  were  also 
known  as  **  Bulgari,"  '' Bugari,"  or  '*  Bugres  "  ;  and 
from  the  number  of  weavers  among  them  they  re- 
ceived in  France  the  name  of  **  Texerant  "  or  **  Tex- 
tores."  The  name  '*  Albigenses "  arose  from  the 
district  of  Albi,  where  they  were  numerous,  and  came 
into  general  use  during  the  crusades  against  Raymond 


Obstinacy  of  the  Heresy.  305 


of  Toulouse.  In  Italy  the  heresy  offered  the  most 
stubborn  resistance  to  all  attempts  to  extirpate  it. 
The  numerous  subdivisions  of  the  country  and  the 
constant  strife  between  the  civic  communities  ren- 
dered any  general  means  of  repression  impossible. 
It  pervaded  all  the  northern  half  of  the  peninsula, 
and  was  found  as  far  south  as  Calabria. 


i  In  V 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

INNOCENT  III. — STEPS  TOWARDS  PAPAL  SUPREMACY 
IN  ITALY — A  NEW  CRUSADE  PROCLAIMED — 
THE  CONTEST  FOR  THE  GERMAN  CROWN. 

OTHAIR,  the  son  of  Count  Trasimund  of 
Segni,  the  nephew  of  Clement  III.,  and 
the  kinsman  of  several  cardinals,  was  born 
at  Anagni  in  1160  or  1161.  He  studied 
theology  and  jurisprudence  at  Rome, 
Paris,  and  Bologna,  was  consecrated  as  subdeacon 
by  Gregory  VI 1 1.,  and  was  made  cardinal  deacon  by 
Clement  III.  He  lost  his  inifluence  on  the  accession 
of  Coelestine  III.,  partly  through  family  feuds  and 
partly  through  the  contrast  between  his  character 
and  that  of  the  Pope — between  his  youthful  energy 
and  the  Pope's  senile  weakness.  This  very  contrast, 
however,  together  with  Coelestine's  numerous  defeats 
and  the  prospect  of  the  revival  of  the  papal  power  in 
Italy,  were  the  reasons  why,  on  the  day  of  Coeles- 
tine's death,  he  was  elected  Pope  at  the  age  of  thirty- 
seven,  as  Innocent  III. 

Without  waiting  for  his  installation,  he  began  at 
once  to  issue  mandates  and  decisions,  and  took  in 
hand  the  work  for  which  he  had  been  specially  chosen. 
As  a  financial  basis  of  his  policy,  he  proceeded  to 

306 


Markwald  of  Anweiler,  307 

restore  the  Roman  patrimony.  He  quashed  a  treaty 
with  the  bishops  and  city  authorities  of  Tuscany,  re- 
claimed the  duchy  as  the  property  of  the  Roman 
Church,  demanded  the  free  canonical  right  of  appoint- 
ment to  church  offices  in  Lower  Italy,  and  put  the 
Maritima  and  the  Sabina  under  senatorial  control. 
The  day  after  his  enthronement  he  received  the  oath 
of  fealty  from  the  city  prefect,  and  then  sent  two 
cardinals  to  take  the  March  of  Ancona  and  the  duchy 
of  Ravenna  from  Markwald,  who  held  them  as  im- 
perial fiefs. 

Markwald  of  Anweiler  was  a  knight  of  Alsace,  the 
seneschal  of  Henry  VI.,  and  called  himself  the  Duke 
of  Ravenna.  He  was  the  most  formidable  of  the 
German  chiefs  whom  Henry  had  placed  in  charge 
of  the  Italian  cities ;  and  by  reason  of  his  valor  and 
cruelty  was  a  favorite  of  the  Emperor,  who,  on  his 
death-bed,  appointed  him  regent  of  Sicily.  Con- 
scious of  his  danger  from  Innocent,  he  attempted  in 
vain  to  draw  the  Pope  into  an  alliance  with  himself. 
Italy  was  restless  under  the  German  rule.  Numer- 
ous cities  successively  renounced  their  allegiance  to 
Markwald,  and  left  him  only  Camerina  and  Ascoli. 
Innocent's  cardinals  banned  him,  received  the  oath 
of  fealty  from  his  subjects,  and  released  them  from 
their  allegiance ;  and  Markwald,  after  ravaging  the 
whole  territory  adjoining  Ravenna,  retired  to  south- 
ern Italy.  The  Duke  Conrad  desired  to  hold  Spoleto 
as  a  papal  fief,  but  such  was  the  popular  hatred  of 
the  Germans  that  the  Pope  sent  him  home,  and  Tus- 
cany, with  the  exception  of  Pisa  and  Spoleto,  entered 
into  a  formal  league  in  the  papal  interest,  and  bound 


3o8  Age  of  Hildebrand. 

itself  to  recognize  no  one  as  King  or  Emperor  with- 
out the  Pope's  approval. 

The  old  trouble,  the  inheritance  of  the  Sicilian 
kingdom,  again  came  to  the  front.  The  widow  of 
Henry  VI.,  immediately  after  her  husband's  death, 
had  her  son  Frederick  crowned  at  Palermo,  and  sent 
gifts  to  the  Pope  in  order  to  secure  his  ratification. 
But  Innocent  demanded  her  renunciation  of  the  four 
privileges  granted  first  by  Hadrian  IV.  and  after- 
wards by  Clement  III.  These  were  the  refusal  of  the 
right  to  appeal  to  Rome,  the  visitation  of  papal  legates 
only  by  the  King's  request,  the  confirmation  by  the 
King  of  all  ecclesiastical  appointments,  and  the  hold- 
ing of  synods  only  in  places  where  the  King  might 
be  residing  and  with  his  permission.  The  Empress 
yielded,  took  the  oath  of  fealty  to  the  Pope,  promised 
tribute,  and  received  in  return  the  kingdom  of  Sicily 
as  a  papal  fief. 

The  unexpected  death  of  Henr}^  VI.  awakened 
doubts  as  to  whether  the  young  Frederick  would  be 
recognized  as  heir  to  the  German  throne ;  and  on  the 
strength  of  these  doubts,  Philip  of  Suabia,  in  his 
anxiety  to  keep  the  crown  in  his  own  family,  con- 
sented to  his  own  election,  and  was  crowned  by  the 
legate  at  Worms — a  proceeding  which  was  contrary 
to  the  Pope's  wish,  and  was  the  introduction  to  a  new 
and  serious  conflict. 

By  such  proceedings  Innocent  labored  to  reestab- 
lish the  papal  domination  in  Italy,  and  thereby  to 
obtain  the  money  for  a  comprehensive  ecclesiastical 
administration.  At  the  same  time  he  aimed  at  the 
reformation  of  the  Roman  Curia,  where  bribery  and 


Innocent's  Administrative  Skill.       309 

extortion  prevailed,  and  struck  vigorously  at  these 
and  other  current  abuses.  Pie  forbade  all  officers  of 
the  Curia  to  receive  money  beyond  the  prescribed 
fees  for  the  issuing  of  bulls  and  briefs;  he  prohibited 
papal  notaries  from  having  doorkeepers  in  the  ante- 
rooms to  receive  presents  of  money  ;  and  he  banished 
the  exchange-booths  from  the  Lateran  palace.  He 
despatched  business  with  great  energy  and  prompt- 
ness. A  consistory  was  held  three  times  a  week,  at 
which  he  personally  dealt  with  more  important  mat- 
ters ;  and  his  legal  knowledge  and  administrative 
ability  soon  became  so  famed  that  legal  experts  came 
from  far  and  near  to  learn  of  him.  The  register  of 
his  letters,  more  extensive  than  that  of  any  of  his 
predecessors,  shows  both  by  its  contents  and  by  its 
classical  style  how  carefully  and  efficiently  he  admin- 
istered his  office. 

He  did  not  delay  to  take  measures  for  the  estab- 
lishment of  his  authority  in  foreign  countries.  He 
interposed  to  prevent  the  scandalous  marriage  of  the 
daughter  of  the  King  of  Castile  to  her  uncle,  the  King 
of  Leon;  and  when  the  latter  refused  to  obey,  laid 
the  kingdom  under  interdict.  He  also  pronounced 
the  ban  upon  the  King  of  Navarre  for  his  treachery 
towards  the  King  of  Castile,  and  commanded  Card- 
inal Rainer  to  undertake  a  crusade  against  heretics  in 
France,  such  as  the  Waldenses,  Cathari,  and  Patarines. 
He  directed  the  metropolitans  of  Aix,  Narbonne,  and 
other  sees,  to  proceed  against  those  who  should  at- 
tempt to  establish  new  churches,  **  synagogues  of  the 
devil,"  to  punish  with  exile  and  confiscation  those 
who  refused  to  submit,  and  to  proclaim  remission  of 


3 1  o  Age  of  Hildebrand. 


sins  to  all  who  should  take  part  in  this  crusade.  The 
legate  was  also  to  demand  of  the  King  of  Portugal 
the  payment  of  Peter's  pence,  which  was  now  ten 
years  in  arrear.  He  endeavored  to  persuade  Philip 
of  France  to  take  back  his  lawful  wife,  not  omitting 
to  tell  the  King  that  he  now  dispenses  justice  not 
merely  with  princes  but  over  them. 

Richard  of  England  received  from  him  special 
tokens  of  distinction  in  memory  of  his  former  serv- 
ices and  misfortunes,  and  as  an  enemy  of  the  Hohen- 
staufen ;  but  in  the  contest  of  the  monks  of  Canter- 
bury with  their  archbishop,  Hubert,  he  took  sides 
against  Hubert  and  the  King. 

In  the  summer  of  1 198  the  Pope  addressed  himself 
to  the  project  of  a  new  crusade,  which  appeared  to 
him  one  of  the  most  important  duties  of  his  pontifi- 
cate. In  a  general  letter  he  powerfully  depicted  the 
shameful  condition  of  the  holy  places  in  the  East,  and 
announced  that  the  crusade  would  take  place  the 
next  March.  Prelates  were  sent  throughout  Europe 
to  make  peace  between  princes  and  to  exhort  them 
to  unite  against  the  common  enemies  of  God.  Boxes 
were  placed  in  all  the  churches  to  receive  contribu- 
tions. Priests  were  enjoined  to  command  all  peni- 
tents at  the  confessionals  to  support  the  enterprise, 
and  to  declare  that  no  error  could  find  pardon  with 
God  without  at  least  the  sincere  will  of  participating 
in  the  crusade.  Innocent  ordered  his  own  plate  to  be 
melted  down,  would  allow  only  vessels  of  clay  or 
wood  on  his  table  while  the  crusade  lasted,  and  con- 
tributed a  ship-load  of  provisions. 

A  five  years'  truce  was  effected  between  England 


Philip  and  Inge b org.  3 1 1 


and  France ;  but  Philip  persistently  refused  to  sepa- 
rate from  Agnes,  and  France  was  accordingly  laid 
under  interdict.  Philip  finally  yielded;  but  though 
Agnes  died  soon  after,  he  could  not  be  induced  to 
obey  the  Pope  by  again  receiving  Ingeborg.  In  the 
communications  on  this  subject  even  the  possibility  of 
witchcraft  was  discussed.  The  Pope  wrote  to  Philip 
that  if  he  thought  that  the  union  with  Ingeborg  was 
made  impossible  by  the  work  of  the  devil,  he  should 
nevertheless  make  the  attempt  with  prayers,  alms,  and 
masses.  If  these  should  not  avail,  he  would  issue 
further  instructions  concerning  the  dissolution  of  the 
marriage  by  reason  of  the  impedinientmn  vialeficii. 
Later,  a  cardinal  received  orders  to  investigate  the 
matter  on  the  spot,  and  finally  to  send  the  Queen  to 
Rome;  and  much  anger  was  aroused  by  Innocent's 
legitimizing  the  sons  of  the  dismissed  wife  and  declar- 
ing them  competent  to  inherit.  The  King  did  not  re- 
sume his  relations  with  Ingeborg  until  12 13,  when,  at 
the  Pope's  command,  he  was  arming  for  a  war  with 
England,  and  was  anxious  to  conciliate  the  people, 
and  especially  the  King  of  Denmark. 

With  the  project  of  the  crusade  there  was  bound 
up,  as  usual,  that  of  the  subjection  of  the  Greek  to 
the  Roman  Church.  To  the  Byzantine  Emperor, 
Alexius,  Innocent  wrote,  congratulating  him  on  his 
blessed  privilege  of  defending  the  holy  places,  and 
reminding  him  that  the  Greek  Church  had  been  un- 
faithful to  the  Church  of  Rome,  its  rightful  superior. 
He  offered  him  remission  of  sins  if  he  would  partici- 
pate in  the  crusade  and  arrange  with  tlie  papal  officers 
sent  to  him  what  was  necessary  for  the  prosperity  of 


312  Age  of  Hilde brand. 

the  empire  and  of  the  church.  He  also  represented 
to  the  Patriarch  of  Constantinople  that  the  Greek 
Church  had  withdrawn  itself  from  the  teachings  of 
/teter  and  had  broken  the  unity  of  the  church,  and 
exhorted  him  to  forward  the  crusade  and  to  see  to  it 
that  *'  the  daughter  return  to  her  mother,  and  that 
there  be  again  one  flock  and  one  shepherd." 

Naturally,  Innocent  was  especially  anxious  to  es- 
tablish his  secular  supremacy  in  Italy.  On  his  return 
to  Rome  in  October,  he  exhorted  the  Tuscan  author- 
ities to  continue  obedient  to  the  Papacy,  basing  his 
exhortation  on  the  famous  doctrine  of  the  two  lights. 
The  papal  power  resembles  the  sun,  the  royal  power 
the  moon.  The  sun  is  greater  than  the  moon  in 
every  respect,  and  dispenses  light  to  it.  The  two 
heads  of  the  two  powers  have  their  place  in  Italy, 
which,  by  divine  ordainment,  holds  the  primacy  over 
all  provinces.  Italy,  therefore,  is  the  object  of  the 
Pope's  special  care.  There  lies  the  foundation  of  the 
Christian  religion,  and  through  it  the  primate  of  the 
apostolic  church  rules  both  kings  and  the  heads  of 
the  priesthood. 

Even  in  Italy,  however,  considerable  repugnance 
to  church  domination  manifested  itself  in  many  quar- 
ters ;  and  accordingly  Innocent  sent  instructions  to 
Viterbo  to  regard  all  favorers  of  heretics  as  dishon- 
orable, to  prohibit  them  from  holding  office  and  from 
testifying  and  inheriting,  and  to  treat  their  acts  as 
invaHd  and  their  goods  as  confiscate.  If  through 
this  true  believers  sufl^er  injury,  it  is  because  they 
are  punished  for  the  guilt  of  their  fathers,  accord- 
ing to  the  divine  word  which  declares  that  the  sins 


Contest  for  the  German  Throne.        3 1 3 

of  the  fathers  are  visited  upon  the  children.  In  spite 
of  these  brutal  measures,  Viterbo  and  Orvieto  con- 
tinued to  be  the  headquarters  of  heresy  in  the  papal 
territory,  so  that,  later,  new  proceedings  became  nec- 
essary. The  zeal  for  heresy-hunting  endangered  all 
who  belonged  to  the  Waldensians  or  Patarines ;  but 
as  Innocent  had  learned  that  certain  parties  accused 
of  heresy  in  the  diocese  of  Verona  had  not  departed 
from  orthodoxy,  he  commanded  the  bishop  to  ex- 
amine them,  and  if  he  should  find  them  orthodox,  to 
declare  them  Catholic  and  permit  intercourse  with 
them. 

The  Empress  Constantia  died  in  November,  11 98, 
committing  her  son  to  the  guardianship  of  the  Pope, 
with  a  council  of  regency  consisting  of  four  prelates 
from  southern  Italy.  Markwald  took  this  opportun- 
ity to  claim  the  administration  of  Sicily  and  the  guard- 
ianship of  young  Frederick,  alleging  a  testament  of 
the  Emperor  to  that  effect.  He  attacked  San  Ger- 
mano,  and  nearly  succeeded  in  capturing  Monte  Cas- 
sino,  but  was  finally  compelled  to  return  to  Sicily, 
pursued  by  the  proclamations  of  Innocent,  and  died 
not  long  after  at  Palermo. 

The  contest  for  the  German  throne  now  claimed 
the  Pope's  attention.  Philip  of  Suabia,  the  only  sur- 
viving son  of  Barbarossa,  had,  as  already  stated,  been 
crowned  King  at  Worms.  The  enemies  of  his  house, 
headed  by  the  Archbishops  of  Cologne  and  Treves, 
elected  Otto  IV.,  son  of  Henry  the  Lion,  a  Guelf. 
A  weak  and  contested  sovereignty  in  Germany  was 
an  opportunity  for  the  Papacy.  A  powerful  Em- 
peror meant  a  German  expedition  into  Italy,  a  strug- 


314  Ag^  of  Hildebrand, 

gle  with  the  Pope,  and  a  menace  to  his  secular  power 
in  Germany.  The  Hohenstaufen  were  the  born  ene- 
mies of  the  Papacy,  and  the  attempt  of  Henry  VI. 
to  make  the  crown  hereditary  in  that  house  had 
failed,  because  it  interfered  with  the  claim  of  the  see 
to  assign  the  imperial  crown  at  its  pleasure.  It  was 
easy  to  predict,  therefore,  on  which  side  the  Pope's 
influence  would  be  thrown.  Otto  of  Brunswick,  the 
son  of  the  sworn  enemy  of  the  Hohenstaufen  and 
the  nephew  of  Richard  of  England,  was  sure  to  find 
favor  at  the  papal  court.  But  Innocent  craftily  kept 
himself  in  the  background,  knowing  that  the  majority 
of  the  German  princes  was  with  Philip. 

The  fight  broke  out  in  1 198.  Otto  was  crowned, 
according  to  custom,  by  the  Archbishop  of  Cologne 
at  Aachen,  and  then  applied  to  the  Pope  for  the  im- 
perial crown  and  the  ban  against  those  who  refused 
to  recognize  him.  Among  other  things  he  promised 
that  he  would  not  collect  the  revenues  of  vacant 
bishoprics — a  question  which,  in  Barbarossa's  time, 
had  led  to  repeated  conflicts  with  the  Pope.  Otto's 
request  was  backed  by  the  Archbishop  of  Cologne 
and  other  German  princes,  and  by  Richard  of  Eng- 
land. Philip  also  had  himself  crowned  at  Mainz  by 
the  Bishop  of  Tarantaise,  with  the  participation  of  the 
papal  legate,  the  Bishop  of  Sutri,  who  acted  without 
commission. 

Richard  Coeur  de  Lion  died  in  1 199,  and  his  brother 
and  successor,  John,  attempted  to  obtain  from  the 
Pope  a  decision  in  favor  of  Otto.  Innocent  at  last 
informed  the  Archbishop  of  Cologne  that  he  was  not 
disinclined  to   declare  for  Otto.      He   exhorted   the 


Papal  Allegory.  3 1 5 


partisans  of  Philip  not  to  destroy  the  unity  of  the 
empire,  and  said  that  he  wished  to  decide  for  the  one 
who  had  the  majority  and  the  greater  merit.  Mean- 
while the  Bishop  of  Sutri  returned  to  Rome  in  Philip's 
commission,  and  Philip's  friends  among  the  German 
princes  and  Philip  of  France  urged  the  Pope  to  be- 
stow the  imperial  crown  on  him. 

The  Archbishop  of  Mainz,  acting  under  the  Pope's 
approval,  nianaged  that  the  contest  should  be  de- 
cided by  a  commission  of  arbitration  under  his  own 
presidency  at  Boppard.  Otto  repeated  his  request 
for  the  papal  ban,  and  Philip  sent  commissioners  to 
Rome,  to  whom  Innocent,  in  full  consistory,  ex- 
pounded the  relations  between  the  secular  and  the 
spiritual  powers.  The  priest  is  higher  than  the  King, 
since  the  priest  anoints  the  King.  The  Lord  in  the 
Old  Testament  names  the  priests  **  gods,"  the  kings 
only  "princes."  The  priest  has  power  over  souls, 
the  King  over  bodies ;  and  as  high  as  the  soul  is 
above  the  body,  so  high  is  the  priest  above  the  King. 
The  reader  may  easily  imagine  the  rest.  No  doubt 
the  German  envoys  were  greatly  edified  by  this  piece 
of  allegorical  exposition,  of  which  Innocent  appears 
to  have  been  very  fond,  and  which  possessed  the  ad- 
vantage of  making  Scripture  prove  anything  he  might 
desire. 

From  allegory  he  proceeded  to  history,  declaring 
that  under  Barbarossa  the  empire  was  united  while 
the  church  was  divided ;  but  the  schism  and  he  who 
fostered  it  were  stricken  to  the  earth.  Now  the 
church  is  one  and  the  empire  is  divided.  He  con- 
cluded with  the  assertion,  which  had  the  old  Hilde- 


3 1 6  Age  of  Hildebra7id, 

brandian  ring,  that  the  empire  is  granted  as  an  in- 
vestiture by  the  Pope.  He  sent  a  letter  to  all  the 
German  princes,  commanding  them  to  recognize  the 
worthiest  as  King.  He  declared  that  Philip  seemed 
to  him  to  have  the  majority,  but  that  in  Otto's  favor 
was  the  regularity  of  the  coronation  and  the  fact  that 
the  crown  was  not  hereditary. 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 

HERESY  ATTACKED  IN  FRANCE — INNOCENT  DE- 
CIDES FOR  OTTO — THE  CRUSADERS  AT  VENICE 
— THE    NEW    LATIN    EMPIRE    IN    THE    EAST. 

|T  was  not  likely  that  Innocent  would  long 
keep  his  hands  off  that  stronghold  of 
heresy,  southern  France.  Raymond  VI. 
of  Toulouse  in  1195  succeeded  his  father 
in  the  possession  of  those  vast  territories 
in  the  south,  which  made  him  almost  an  independ- 
ent sovereign.  He  was  allied  by  marriage  with  the 
royal  houses  of  Castile,  Aragon,  Navarre,  France,  and 
England,  and  was  personally  on  friendly  terms  with 
the  French  King.  His  easy  indifference  to  religious 
questions  encouraged  the  spread  of  heresy  in  his  do- 
minions. Most  of  his  barons  were  either  favorably 
disposed  towards  the  Cathari  or  belonged  to  them. 
Toleration  had  endured  for  nearly  a  generation ;  the 
land  was  prosperous  and  at  peace ;  but  the  condition 
of  the  church  was  such  as  to  excite  the  indignation 
of  the  Pope.  It  had  fallen  into  such  disrepute 
among  the  people  that  it  seemed  likely  to  disappear 
altogether.  The  small  number  of  Catholics  in  pro- 
portion to  the  entire  population  indicated  the  extent 

317 


3 1 8  Age  of  Hildebrand, 

of  the  ravages  of  heresy,  and  the  barons  were  rapidly 
despoihng  the  clergy  of  their  possessions. 

Among  Innocent's  first  acts  was  a  summons  to  the 
Archbishop  of  Ausch  to  extirpate  heresy  by  the  ut- 
most ecclesiastical  rigor,  and  if  necessary  by  the  aid 
of  the  secular  power.  Two  commissioners  were  soon 
after  sent  to  represent  the  see  in  the  heretical  region, 
armed  with  letters  to  all  the  princes,  nobles,  and  peo- 
ple of  southern  France,  empowering  them  to  enforce 
whatever  regulations  might  seem  necessary  by  means 
of  the  secular  power,  by  banishment,  and  by  confis- 
cation. For  some  time  these  measures  only  made 
matters  worse ;  for  the  local  prelates,  angry  at  the 
special  powers  conferred  upon  the  legates,  and  afraid 
of  the  exposure  of  their  own  evil  lives,  did  not  raise 
a  finger  to  help  the  papal  emissaries.  Whenever  the 
legates  remonstrated  with  the  heretics,  they  were 
answered  by  allusions  to  the  idleness,  licentiousness, 
and  avarice  of  the  clergy. 

Innocent  therefore  took  stronger  measures.  In 
May,  1204,  he  put  at  the  head  of  the  movement 
Arnaud  of  Citeaux,  the  superior  of  the  Cistercians,  a 
stern,  resolute,  and  implacable  man,  and  issued  a 
commission  with  extraordinary  powers.  Ecclesiasti- 
cal censures  were  to  be  abandoned,  and  force  was  to 
be  employed.  All  impenitent  heretics  were  to  be 
delivered  to  the  secular  authority  for  perpetual  pro- 
scription and  confiscation  of  property;  and  remission 
of  sins  was  to  be  offered  to  all  who  should  aid  in  the 
holy  work  of  suppressing  heresy.  A  special  clause 
authorized  the  legates  to  absolve  all  who  were  under 
excommunication  for  crimes  of  violence  on  condition 


^'  Slay  the  Wolves!^  319 

of  their  joining  in  the  heresy-hunt.  Thus  the  Bra- 
ban^ons,  Hainaulters,  Aragonese,  Catalans,  and  other 
bands  of  freebooters,  idle  and  dissipated  peasants 
ruined  by  war,  outlaws,  escaped  criminals,  outcast 
monks — wretches  who  had  been  the  terror  of  the 
country,  and  who  had  been  anathematized  by  the 
Third  Lateran  Council  in  1 179 — were  deliberately  let 
loose  by  his  Holiness,  and  encouraged  by  him  to  new 
atrocities  in  the  interest  of  the  religion  of  Christ. 
Innocent  also  wrote  to  Philip  Augustus,  urging  him 
to  draw  the  sword  and  "  slay  the  wolves." 

This  attempt  also  failed.  Again  the  local  clergy 
refused  to  second  the  efforts  of  the  papal  legates. 
Philip  held  aloof,  and  even  Pedro  of  Aragon  refused 
the  bait  of  a  concession  of  all  the  lands  and  goods 
which  he  might  acquire  from  heretics.  Pierre  de 
Castelnau,  one  of  the  legates,  visited  Provence  and 
attempted  to  unite  the  nobles  for  the  expulsion  of 
heretics.  Raymond  refused,  and  the  legate  anathe- 
matized him  and  laid  his  territories  under  interdict, 
which  sentence  was  confirmed  by  the  Pope,  who  also 
wrote  to  Raymond  in  abusive  style,  threatening  him 
with  the  vengeance  of  God  here  and  hereafter,  and 
with  the  division  of  his  territories  among  the  princes 
of  Christendom.  Raymond,  however,  remained  in- 
different. The  Cistercian  abbots  became  discouraged 
and  retired ;  Raoul  the  legate  died,  and  Arnaud  was 
summoned  elsewhere.' 

In  the  meantime  Innocent  had  given  his  decision 
in  favor  of  Otto.  An  obstacle  had  indeed  presented 
itself  in  John  of  England's  agreement  with  Philip  of 
France,  with  whom  he  had  just  concluded  peace,  not 


320  Age  of  Hilde brand. 

to  support  Otto  with  money  or  troops  without  his 
approval ;  but  the  Pope  disposed  of  this  by  the  sim- 
ple process  of  declaring  the  agreement  invalid.  To- 
wards the  end  of  the  year  1200  he  sent  his  legate  to 
Germany  with  a  bull  awarding  the  crown  to  Otto. 
In  this  document  he  appealed  to  his  right  to  approve 
the  election  of  the  German  Emperor,  on  the  ground 
that  the  empire  had  been  transferred  from  the  Greeks 
to  the  Germans  through  the  Pope.  Frederick  was  yet 
a  child,  and  would  eventually  unite  the  Sicilian  with 
the  imperial  throne,  to  the  injury  of  the  church. 
Against  Philip  was  the  fact  that  Ccelestine  III.  had 
banned  him  for  occupying  and  plundering  papal  pro- 
vinces, and  that  he  had  been  absolved  against  the 
Pope's  command  and  without  giving  satisfaction.  He 
himself  had  also  banned  him  for  aiding  Markwald. 
By  recognizing  Philip  the  succession  would  become 
hereditary,  and  this  would  be  the  more  disastrous 
because  his  family  had  been  persecutors  of  the  church. 

Such  a  piece  of  special  pleading  displayed  the  con- 
sciousness of  a  weak  case.  No  immediate  conse- 
quences followed,  and  Innocent  accordingly  sent 
three  legates  into  Germany  to  exhort  the  princes  to 
choose  him  who  would  best  serve  the  empire  and  the 
church,  or  else  to  leave  the  decision  to  him.  On  the 
1st  of  March  he  announced  to  Otto  that,  in  virtue  of 
his  plenary  apostolic  power,  he  acknowledged  him 
as  King,  and  was  resolved  to  give  him  the  imperial 
crown. 

Following  this  declaration  a  swarm  of  letters  issued 
from  the  Pope  to  dignitaries  of  all  ranks,  civil  and 
ecclesiastical,  commanding  or  soliciting  their  support 


The  Pope  Challenged.  3  2 1 

of  Otto.  On  the  8th  of  June,  1201,  Otto  at  Neuss 
took  the  oath  to  the  Pope,  swearing  especially  to 
defend  his  secular  dominion  and  to  help  him  to  what 
was  yet  missing.  He  was  proclaimed  King  at  Co- 
logne by  the  papal  legate,  Guido  of  Palestrina,  in  the 
Pope's  name.  The  concourse  of  prelates  and  nobles 
which  the  legate  had  summoned  to  Cologne  did  not 
appear.  Some  of  the  bishops  closed  their  doors 
against  his  messengers.  He  summoned  them  a  sec- 
ond time,  and  began  to  threaten  interdict;  but  he 
wrote  to  the  Pope  in  encouraging  terms,  declaring 
that  nothing  was  now  heard  of  Philip  and  his  par- 
tisans. 

He  was  soon  to  hear.  Even  while  he  was  writing, 
an  assembly  was  convening  at  Bamberg — two  arch- 
bishops, eleven  bishops,  the  King  of  Bohemia,  the 
Dukes  of  Saxony,  Austria,  Steyermark,  Meran,  Zah- 
ringen,  the  Stadtholder  of  Burgundy,  with  a  num- 
ber of  other  princes,  and  three  abbots.  The  spirit  of 
Barbarossa  spoke  out  again  in  their  words  to  the  Pope. 
This  language  of  the  legate — surely  the  Pope  has  not 
authorized  it!  The  presumptuousness  of  it!  What 
ground  can  be  cited  for  such  pretensions?  When 
has  it  been  heard  of  that  a  Pope  or  his  legate  has 
dared  to  take  part  in  the  election  of  a  King  of  the 
Romans,  either  as  elector  or  judge?  On  the  con- 
trary, the  Pope's  election  has  been  dependent  upon 
the  Emperor's  consent.  There  is  no  higher  council 
in  a  contested  election  for  the  empire  than  the  princes 
of  the  empire.  Let  the  Pope  punish  the  legate  for 
his  presumption,  acknowledge  Philip,  and  crown  him 
as  is  his  duty.     The  King  of  France  also  reproached 


322  Age  of  Hildehrand. 

the  Pope  for  becoming  the  protector  of  his  enemy 
Otto,  and  threatened  him  with  hostile  measures. 

In  Innocent's  reply,  he  disclaimed  any  intention  of 
interfering  with  the  rights  of  the  electors,  but  reas- 
serted his  right  and  duty  to  test  the  fitness  of  him 
whom  he  had  to  consecrate  and  crown.  He  had  re- 
spected the  rights  of  the  electors,  and  had  withheld 
the  imperial  dignity  from  one  who  regarded  it  as  his 
inheritance.  He  commended  Guido  for  his  dealing, 
and  exhorted  the  somewhat  timid  Otto  to  be  stead- 
fast and  to  form  an  alliance  with  the  Roman  senate 
and  people,  and  with  the  rectors  and  city  authorities 
in  Tuscany.  He  held  that  the  oath  of  homage  to 
Philip  was  invalid  because  he  had  rejected  him,  and 
peremptorily  commanded  the  Archbishops  of  Salz- 
burg, Magdeburg,  and  Bremen,  Philip's  partisans,  to 
submit  to  Otto.  In  a  similar  tone  he  wrote  to  the 
King  of  France,  representing  that  Otto  had  promised 
never  to  encroach  on  French  interests,  while  he  had 
the  worst  to  fear  from  Philip. 

The  German  bishops,  however,  were  not  scared  by 
these  pontifical  thunders.  They  cared  little  or  nothings 
for  Innocent's  excommunications.  The  most  of  them 
supported  Philip  during  the  entire  contest.  Almost 
all  of  them  were  princes,  and  related  to  the  noble 
houses.  The  Archbishop  of  Mainz  answered  Inno- 
cent's excommunication  by  excommunicating  him, 
and  sent  to  Italy  to  persuade  the  cities  of  Romagna 
to  throw  off  the  papal  yoke.  The  Archbishop  of 
Cologne,  who  had  crowned  Otto,  deserted  him  for  his 
rival.  The  Bishops  of  Bamberg,  Halberstadt,  Spires, 
Passau,  Eichstadt,  and  Friesingen  openly  defied  the 


Innocent  Urges  the  Crusade.  323 

Pope.  The  Archbishops  of  Salzburg,  Magdeburg, 
Treves,  Bremen,  and  Besan9on  declared  for  Philip. 
Conrad  of  Rabensberg,  a  Hohenstaufen  and  Philip's 
chancellor,  was  bought  by  the  Pope  with  the  bishopric 
of  Wiirzburg.  He  was  murdered  soon  after,  and 
Philip  refused  to  redress  the  crime. 

Even  a  pontiff  as  clear-headed  and  resolute  as  In- 
nocent might  well  be  appalled  at  the  problem  which 
Germany  thus  presented ;  but  these  complications  did 
not  prevent  him  from  pressing  his  crusade.  The  re- 
sult of  the  crusades  thus  far  had  not  been  such  as  to 
encourage  a  new  enterprise.  The  fearful  waste  of 
life,  the  countless  atrocities,  the  loss  of  cities  and 
strongholds  won  in  bloody  battle  or  siege,  the  failure 
of  the  great  German  expedition,  the  jealousies  and 
dissensions  among  the  crusaders  themselves,  the  feud 
between  the  only  real  defenders  of  the  Holy  Land — 
the  Knights  Hospitallers  and  Templars — and  the 
utterly  depraved  morals  of  the  Christians  in  Palestine, 
were  quite  sufficient  to  deter  the  most  ardent  enthus- 
iasts from  a  fourth  attempt.  Innocent,  however, 
threw  himself  into  the  project  as  one  conscious  of  a 
divine  mission.  European  Christendom  responded 
languidly.  Richard  of  England  and  Philip  of  France 
were  engrossed  with  their  own  quarrels,  and  Germany 
was  torn  by  the  factions  of  the  rival  emperors. 

Enthusiasm  was  finally  rekindled  by  the  preaching 
of  Fulk  of  Neuilly,  who  went  forth  as  another  Peter 
the  Hermit  under  Innocent's  commission,  proclaim- 
ing the  crusade  in  Normandy,  Brittany,  Burgundy,  and 
Flanders.  Through  his  fervid  appeals  and  Innocent's 
incessant  exhortations,  the  crusade  was  at  last  re- 


324  Age  of  Hildebrand, 

solved  upon.  The  fatal  experience  of  the  former 
land-marches  through  Europe  determined  the  lead- 
ers to  go  by  sea  from  Venice,  which  alone  could 
furnish  a  fleet  sufficient  to  transport  so  large  an  army. 
Six  ambassadors  from  France  accordingly  went  to 
Venice  to  arrange  terms  with  the  Venetian  govern- 
ment. After  eight  days  the  Doge  announced  that 
the  Republic  would  furnish  transportation  for  forty- 
five  hundred  horses  and  nine  thousand  squires,  and 
ships  for  forty-five  hundred  knights  and  twenty 
thousand  infantry,  would  provision  the  fleet  for  nine 
months,  and  would  furnish  fifty  galleys  as  its  own 
share  in  the  expedition,  for  the  sum  of  eighty-five 
thousand  marks. 

In  the  spring  of  1202  the  army  marched  to  Venice. 
The  fleet  was  ready  to  set  sail  on  their  arrival,  but 
the  Venetians  demanded  payment  in  advance,  and 
the  crusaders  were  unable  to  command  more  than 
half  the  sum.  Taking  advantage  of  this,  the  Doge 
proposed  to  remit  the  remainder  if  the  crusaders 
would  assist  the  Republic  in  subduing  the  city  of 
Zara,^  which  had  been  taken  from  it  by  the  King  of 
Hungary.  The  crusaders  hesitated  at  employing 
their  arms  against  a  Christian  city  under  the  protec- 
tion of  the  Pope,  and  at  assuming  the  position  of 
hirelings  of  the  Venetian  Republic.  The  Pope  sent  a 
special  messenger  to  remonstrate  against  the  under- 
taking, which  he  condemned  as  sacrilegious.  The 
Doge,  on  his  part,  maintained  that  the  Pope  had  no 
right  to  restrain  the  crusaders  from  a  legitimate  enter- 

1  In  Dalmatia,  on  the  Adriatic,  one  hundred  and  thirty  miles  south- 
east of  Trieste.     Anciently  known  as  Jadara. 


Capture  of  Zara.  325 

prise,  a  war  against  revolted  subjects  and  pirates,  who 
endangered  the  freedom  of  the  seas  and  menaced  the 
safety  of  pilgrims  to  the  Holy  Land.  In  order  to 
remove  all  scruples  he  announced  his  own  intention 
of  participating  in  the  crusade.  Many  of  the  Vene- 
tians pledged  themselves  to  accompany  him,  and  he 
thus  won  over  the  crusaders,  and  in  a  manner  placed 
himself  at  the  head  of  the  enterprise. 

Just  as  the  host  was  ready  to  embark,  messengers 
appeared  from  Alexius,  the  son  of  the  dethroned  and 
imprisoned  Isaac,  Emperor  of  Constantinople,  entreat- 
ing the  aid  of  the  crusaders  to  replace  his  father  on 
his  throne.  Alexius  himself  made  his  way  to  Philip 
of  Suabia,  who  had  married  his  sister  Irene,  and  who 
received  him  kindly,  though  he  was  unable  to  aid 
him  by  reason  of  his  contest  with  Otto.  He  then 
applied  to  Innocent,  who  paid  no  attention  to  him, 
whereupon  he  appealed  to  the  crusaders  at  Venice, 
where  the  arrival  of  his  envoys  excited  great  interest 
and  sympathy.  As  everything  was  now  ready,  how- 
ever, for  the  movement  upon  Zara,  the  consideration 
of  his  case  was  deferred,  and  the  fleet  set  sail.  They 
arrived  before  Zara  in  November,  1202.  The  city  was 
rich,  populous,  and  well  fortified,  and  was  defended 
by  a  Hungarian  garrison.  After  five  days  it  surrend- 
ered, and  was  given  up  to  pillage,  and  the  booty 
was  divided  between  the  Venetians  and  the  French. 
A  quarrel  among  the  victors  followed,  in  which  more 
blood  was  shed  than  in  the  siege ;  and  the  season 
being  now  too  far  advanced  for  navigation,  the  Doge 
proposed  that  they  should  winter  at  Zara. 

The  Pope  was  anxious  that  the  army  should  set 


326  Age  of  Hildebrand, 

out  for  Syria ;  but  messengers  arrived  from  Philip  of 
Suabia,  who  was  desirous  of  placing  his  brother-in- 
law  on  the  Byzantine  throne,  urging  them  to  proceed 
to  Constantinople.  Much  discussion  followed.  The 
Venetians,  who  bore  a  grudge  against  the  Greeks, 
were  far  more  disposed  to  make  war  on  them  than 
on  the  infidels ;  but  it  was  finally  determined  to  accept 
Alexius's  proposals  and  to  embark  for  Constantinople 
at  the  opening  of  the  spring. 

The  history  of  this  undertaking  belongs  to  Dr. 
Ludlow's  volume  of  this  series.  The  Pope's  position 
was  embarrassing.  The  prospect  of  bringing  the 
Greek  Church  into  line  once  more  was  alluring;  but, 
on  the  other  hand,  the  conquest  of  Constantinople 
was  directly  in  the  interest  of  Philip  of  Suabia.  In- 
nocent finally  expressed  his  disapproval  of  the  expe- 
dition, but  also  his  hope  that  terms  of  accommodation 
might  be  agreed  upon,  and  that  the  debates  concern- 
ing the  Eastern  Empire  might  be  referred  to  him. 
Upon  the  crusaders  who  had  embarked  in  the  Byzan- 
tine enterprise,  he  showered  reproaches,  but  to  no 
purpose.  Constantinople  was  taken,  Isaac  was  liber- 
ated from  prison,  and  the  young  Alexius  was  crowned 
in  St.  Sophia  as  joint  Emperor  with  his  father.  His 
triumph  was  of  short  duration.  Various  causes  con- 
tributed to  create  a  revolution,  which  resulted  in  the 
death  of  Alexius  by  poison  and  strangling,  and  the 
crowning  of  a  demagogue  named  Mourzoufle  as  Em- 
peror. The  crusaders  again  laid  siege  to  the  city, 
and  after  a  terrible  fight  captured  it,  almost  as  much 
to  their  own  surprise  as  to  that  of  the  Greeks.  They 
now  determined  that  a  Latin   Emperor  should   be 


The  New  Latin  Emperor.  327 


placed  on  the  Byzantine  throne,  and  elected  Baldwin, 
the  Count  of  Flanders  and  Hainault. 

Baldwin  at  once  communicated  with  the  Pope,  as- 
suring him  that  this  victory  was  more  important  than 
the  conquest  of  Palestine,  because  Constantinople 
was  now  at  the  service  of  the  Roman  Church  and  of 
the  Holy  Land.  But  he  hoped  now  to  accomplish 
the  conquest  of  Palestine.  The  Pope  might  now,  by 
a  general  letter,  summon  men  of  the  West  of  every 
condition  and  race  to  assist  him  in  his  new  empire. 
He  entreated  him  especially  to  send  clergy  to  instruct 
the  Greeks,  and  to  hold  a  great  council  in  Constanti- 
nople in  order  to  unite  the  new  Rome  with  the  old. 

Innocent  replied,  congratulating  Baldwin.  The 
subjection  of  the  Greek  Church  to  the  apostolic  see, 
the  transfer  of  the  Byzantine  empire  from  the  hands 
of  schismatics  to  those  of  Catholics,  is  the  main  feat- 
ure of  the  victory.  In  a  letter  to  the  clergy  who 
had  taken  part  in  the  crusade,  he  dilated  as  follows : 
*'  In  the  Gospel  narrative,  as  Mary  Magdalene  hast- 
ened to  the  sepulchre  and  told  Peter  and  John  that 
it  was  empty,  Peter  signified  the  Latins,  among  whom 
he  labored  till  his  death.  John,  who  founded  the 
churches  in  Asia,  signified  the  Greeks.  Mary  Mag- 
dalene signified  the  Jews,  for  whom  the  Pharisees 
had  buried  the  Messiah  in  the  Old  Testament  so  that 
they  could  not  find  him.  John  came  more  quickly 
to  the  tomb,  meaning  that  the  Old  Testament  was 
known  to  the  Greeks  earlier  than  to  the  Latins ;  but 
he  did  not  enter  the  tomb,  and  did  not  see  the  Lord's 
napkin ;  that  is,  the  Greeks  had  not  acquired  the 
complete   understanding  of  the  Old  Testament,  and 


o 


28  Age  of  Hilde brand. 


especially  of  the  secret  of  the  Godhead.  Peter,  how- 
ever, went  into  the  grave,  and  saw  everything;  that 
is,  the  Latins  had  the  full  knowledge  of  the  doctrine 
of  the  Trinity  and  of  Christology,"  etc. 

The  Pope  at  once  assumed  the  supervision  of  the 
new  empire.  All  western  sovereigns  and  prelates 
were  commanded  to  maintain  friendly  relations  with 
the  new  Latin  kingdom.  The  clergy  were  exhorted 
to  be  active  in  subjecting  the  Greeks  to  the  apostolic 
chair;  they  should  see  that  the  Latin  service  was 
celebrated  in  Constantinople,  and  should  fill  with 
Latins  the  places  vacated  by  the  Greeks,  besides 
electing  a  bishop,  to  be  installed  by  the  Pope  or  his 
legate. 

Next  in  importance  to  the  election  of  the  Emperor 
was  the  election  of  the  Patriarch.  The  Latins  in 
Constantinople  undertook  this  duty,  but  Innocent 
formally  quashed  their  action  and  himself  named  a 
candidate.  After  profuse  allegorizing,  according  to 
his  wont,  he  proceeded  to  say  that  as  the  Emperor 
had  been  selected  from  the  French,  the  Venetians 
should  be  represented  by  the  Patriarch,  and  they  had 
actually  chosen  the  Roman  subdeacon  Thomas  Mo- 
rosini.  Their  act  was  invalid ;  but  as  the  subdeacon 
was  worthy  and  well  endowed,  and  as  he,  the  Pope, 
desires  to  show  himself  gracious  towards  the  Vene- 
tians, he  nominates  Thomas  in  virtue  of  his  plenary 
power.  By  the  erection  of  the  church  of  Constanti- 
nople into  a  patriarchate,  the  Pope  has  shown  that 
he  is  the  representative  of  the  God-man,  who  alone 
possesses  such  power. 


CHAPTER  XXX. 

STEPHEN  LANGTON — OTTO'S  CAUSE  WEAKENING — 
THE   TEMPLARS. 


HE  years  from  1204  to  1207  presented  a 
mesh  of  political  and  ecclesiastical  affairs 
which  taxed  all  the  resources  of  the 
Roman  see.  Disturbances  in  Rome 
caused  Innocent  to  withdraw  in  the 
spring  of  1203,  and  he  remained  absent  for  nearly  a 
year.  From  the  beginning  of  his  pontificate  there 
had  been  a  party  opposed  to  him  and  to  the  establish- 
ment of  the  papal  sovereignty.  During  his  absence 
the  malcontents  took  advantage  of  the  approaching 
senatorial  election  to  create  disturbance,  and  the  city 
again  became  a  battle-field.  The  names  of  Rainer, 
Pierleone,  Poli,  Capoccio,  Pandolfo,  were  bandied  by 
the  different  factions.  Where  there  were  no  stone 
towers,  wooden  ones  were  erected ;  ditches  were  dug, 
walls  were  thrown  up,  old  baths  and  churches  were 
converted  into  forts,  slingers  and  bowmen  were  en- 
listed, and  catapults  planted.  Many  were  slain,  houses 
were  destroyed,  and  even  fire  was  used.  Finally  the 
storm  spent  itself,  and  the  insurgents  once  more  took 
the  oath  to  the  Pope. 

In  the  East,  Baldwin  died  in  prison,  and  the  Pope 
329 


330  Age  of  Hildebrand, 

recognized  his  brother  Henry  as  Emperor.  Serious 
compHcations  were  arising  in  England.  Though  the 
right  of  nominating  to  the  bishoprics  remained  nom- 
inally with  the  chapters,  the  royal  license  was  neces- 
sary before  election,  and  the  royal  approval  before 
consecration  and  taking  possession  of  temporalities, 
so  that  the  King  had  practically  controlled  appoint- 
ments to  the  greater  sees.  Some  of  the  English  sees, 
however,  which  had  grown  out  of  monasteries  or  were 
connected  with  them,  asserted  the  rights  of  chapters. 
Particularly  the  monks  of  Christ  Church  in  Canter- 
bury claimed  the  right  of  election  to  the  metropolitan 
see,  and  stubbornly  maintained  the  claim  against  the 
suffragan  prelates. 

Hubert,  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  died  in 
1205,  and  some  of  the  junior  monks  of  Christ  Church, 
without  waiting  for  the  King's  sanction,  on  the  night 
of  Hubert's  death,  secretly  chose  Reginald,  their 
superior,  installed  him  before  midnight  as  archbishop, 
and,  under  pledge  of  strict  secrecy,  sent  him  to  Rome 
to  obtain  the  confirmation  of  his  election.  Reginald's 
vanity  prompted  him  to  disregard  the  obligation  to 
secrecy,  and  to  travel  under  the  name  and  with  the 
state  of  an  archbishop ;  and  the  object  of  his  journey 
soon  became  known  in  England.  The  King  was  en- 
raged at  the  contempt  shown  for  his  authority,  and 
the  suffragan  bishops  at  having  been  excluded  from 
the  election.  The  monks  of  Christ  Church,  disgusted 
with  Reginald  and  repenting  their  haste,  declared  the 
election  void,  and  under  the  royal  sanction  elected 
John  de  Gray,  Bishop  of  Norwich  and  a  leader  in  the 
King's   council.      He  was   enthroned   in   the  King's 


Stephe7i  Langton.  331 

presence,  and  invested  with  his  temporalities  by  the 
King  himself. 

Innocent  decided  in  favor  of  the  right  of  the  monks, 
and  the  papal  court  annulled  the  elections  of  both 
Reginald  and  John,  and  ordered  the  monks  who  ap- 
peared on  behalf  of  the  King  and  of  Norwich  to  pro- 
ceed to  a  new  election  at  Rome,  and  to  choose  Stephen 
Langton,  an  Englishman  by  birth,  but  educated  in 
France.  The  Pope  endeavored  to  conciliate  King 
John.  He  sent  him  four  magnificent  rings  adorned 
with  precious  stones,  accompanied  by  a  letter  in  which 
he  explained  the  moral  significance  of  the  jewels.^ 
John,  however,  was  very  angry,  and  vowed  that  he 
never  would  acknowledge  Langton.  He  wrote  to 
the  Pope,  expressing  his  indignation,  reminding  him 
that  he  drew  more  wealth  from  England  than  from 
any  kingdom  beyond  the  Alps,  threatening  to  forbid 
all  communication  between  England  and  Rome,  and 
declaring  that  Langton  would  set  foot  in  England  at 
his  peril.  The  Pope  responded  by  laying  England 
under  interdict. 

In  Germany,  notwithstanding  the  efforts  of  the 
Pope,  Otto's  following  had  considerably  diminished. 
Philip  had  ventured  to  approach  Innocent  with  the 
largest  promises — a  crusade,  restoration  of  all  church 
property  unlawfully  acquired,  not  to  appropriate  the 
property  of  deceased  prelates,  free  election,  and  re- 
form of  the  clergy.  If  he  should  become  lord  of  the 
Byzantine  empire,  he  would  subject  the  church  of 
Constantinople    to    Rome.     He    would    persistently 

1  See  Richard  Thomson,  "  Historical  Essay  on  the  Magna  Charta," 
P-  513- 


332  Age  of  Hildebrand, 

defend  the  Roman  Church,  would  promote  alliances 
of  his  daughters  and  relatives  with  relatives  of 
the  Pope,  and  would  render  satisfaction  for  former 
transgressions.  All  availed  nothing.  The  unfaith- 
fulness of  the  Archbishop  of  Cologne  called  forth 
from  the  Pope  a  menacing  monition  to  obedience; 
and  in  order  to  make  sure  for  the  future  of  the  spirit- 
ual princes  of  the  empire,  he  issued  an  entirely  novel 
mandate  that  the  archbishops,  on  receiving  the  pal- 
lium, should  issue  a  special  document  promising  to 
obey  the  Pope  even  in  affairs  of  the  empire,  and 
declaring  that  refusal  merits  punishment  by  sus- 
pension. 

Philip's  progress  in  Italy  also  caused  Innocent 
much  uneasiness.  Otto's  following  in  Germany  had 
so  diminished  that  Philip  could  venture  to  treat  his 
own  former  coronation  as  invahd;  and  on  the  ist  of 
January,  1205,  he  was  crowned  again  at  Aachen  by 
the  Archbishop  of  Cologne,  who  was  consequently 
banned  in  June  following.  Cologne  was  now  almost 
the  only  community  which  remained  faithful  to  Otto. 
By  the  next  year  he  was  so  forsaken  that  he  desired 
to  conclude  a  truce  with  Philip,  and  the  Pope  under- 
took the  office  of  mediator.  Philip  consented  to  sub- 
mit to  the  arbitration  of  a  commission  of  papal  repre- 
sentatives and  princes  of  the  realm.  He  maintained 
his  right,  and  repudiated  the  charge  of  having  been 
banned  by  Ccelestine  III.  Innocent  endeavored  to 
effect  a  one  year's  truce ;  but  from  his  sending  the 
Patriarch  of  Aquileia  to  Philip,  the  rumor  arose  that 
he  had  abandoned  Otto  and  was  seeking  to  make 
peace  with  Philip.     The  truce  was  not  made.     Otto 


Rise  of  the  Templars.  333 

and  Philip  again  crossed  swords,  and  Philip  succeeded 
in  overpowering  Cologne.  This  was  followed  by  a 
splendid  embassy  from  Philip  to  Rome,  with  promises 
of  submission  to  the  see. 

About  this  time  Innocent's  attention  was  drawn  to 
the  Templars,  against  whom  serious  charges  had  been 
preferred.  This  remarkable  order  of  priestly  soldiers 
originated  in  Jerusalem  in  11 18,  in  the  association 
of  nine  knights  under  a  vow  to  the  Patriarch  of  Jeru- 
salem to  guard  the  public  roads  between  Jerusalem 
and  the  Jordan  for  the  protection  of  Christian  pilgrims. 
Baldwin  II.,  the  King  of  Jerusalem,  allotted  them 
quarters  in  his  own  palace  near  the  site  of  Solomon's 
temple,  whence  their  name  Templars.  He  also  com- 
mended them  to  Bernard  of  Clairvaux,  from  whose 
influence  the  order  received  the  impulse  to  its  subse- 
quent wonderful  development.  The  order  was  form- 
ally recognized  by  the  Council  of  Troyes  in  11 28. 
Their  original  poverty,  so  great  that  two  of  their 
number  had  but  one  horse  between  them,  was  com- 
memorated by  the  device  on  their  seal  of  a  war-horse 
with  two  riders. 

They  speedily  became  the  right  arm  of  the  crusades, 
and  their  history  for  a  hundred  and  forty  years  is  the 
history  of  the  crusades.  Clad  in  armor  from  head  to 
heel,  with  their  long,  naked  swords  at  their  sides  and 
their  lances  in  hand,  led  by  their  black-and-white 
banner  called  Beauscant,  and  which  bore  the  inscrip- 
tion, *'  Non  nobis,  Domine,  non  nobis,  sed  nomini  tuo 
da  gloriam,"  they  were  always  found  where  the  dan- 
ger was  greatest  and  the  fight  hottest ;  and  their  close 
ranks,  their  lofty  stature,  and  their  war-horses  in  steel 


334  ^^^  of  Hilde brand. 

mail  dispersed  or  bore  down  the  battalions  of  the 
Saracens. 

Long  before  Bernard's  death  in  1153,  their  order 
was  estabhshed  in  almost  every  kingdom  in  Latin 
Christendom.  The  community  was  half  monastic 
and  half  military.  Its  three  orders  were  knights, 
chaplains,  and  men  at  arms.  Its  three  vows  were 
implicit  obedience  to  superiors,  chastity,  and  the  re- 
nunciation of  personal  property.  Their  dress  was 
originally  a  white  mantle  with  a  red  cross;  but  the 
white  was  afterwards  confined  to  knights,  and  the 
others  wore  black.  Gold  and  silver  ornaments  on 
their  arms  or  horse-trappings  were  prohibited. 

Their  devotion  to  the  holy  wars  was  soon  rewarded 
with  munificent  gifts  of  land,  castles,  and  wealth  of 
all  kinds.  In  less  than  a  hundred  and  fifty  years 
from  their  foundation  they  numbered  twenty  thous- 
and knights  and  nine  thousand  houses  or  **  command- 
eries  "  in  Europe  and  in  the  East.  They  were  power- 
ful feudal  lords  in  all  the  kingdoms  of  Europe ;  their 
property  was  scattered  from  Denmark  to  Spain,  and 
from  Ireland  to  Cyprus ;  they  were  almoners  of  kings 
and  godfathers  to  their  children,  and  both  in  Paris 
and  in  London  their  houses  were  used  as  strongholds 
for  the  royal  treasure.  They  were  also  summoned 
to  the  great  councils  of  the  church. 

When  their  great  charter  was  issued  by  Alexander 
III.,  they  had  already  ceased  to  be  a  lay  community. 
Clergy  had  been  admitted  in  considerable  numbers, 
so  that  they  administered  within  themselves  all  the 
rites  of  religion.  The  popes  recognized  their  services 
to  the  crusades  by  conferring  on  therri  the  largest 


Abuses  and  Coi'riiptio7is.  335 


privileges  and  exemptions.  Their  immunities  in- 
creased greatly  from  the  time  of  Alexander  III.,  and 
were  confirmed  by  Innocent  III.  Bishops  were  for- 
bidden to  pronounce  excommunication  or  interdict 
upon  them  or  their  churches.  All  wares  and  neces- 
saries for  their  use  were  exempt  from  duties.  Taxes 
could  be  levied  upon  them  only  by  the  Pope.  Their 
churches  had  the  right  of  asylum  ;  neither  from  the 
knights  nor  the  chaplains  of  the  order  could  the 
bishops  require  the  oath  of  fealty ;  and  they  were 
allowed  to  disregard  any  official  documents  which 
contravened  the  liberties  of  the  order.  Their  alleg- 
iance was  to  the  Pope  and  to  the  Grand  Master, 
whose  instructions  were  absolutely  binding  on  every 
member. 

It  would  have  been  strange  if  an  order  thus  prac- 
tically independent  of  both  civil  and  ecclesiastical 
authority  had  not  developed  abuses  and  corruptions. 
The  actual  extent  of  these  will  always  be  a  matter  of 
dispute.  No  doubt  their  familiar  intercourse  with 
Islamite  nobles  and  princes  tended  to  relax  the  rigid- 
ity of  their  faith ;  and  it  was  charged  that  they  had 
so  far  yielded  to  such  influence  as  to  be  guilty,  in 
many  cases,  of  scornful  denial  of  the  Saviour.  Their 
reputation  for  strictness  of  morals  deteriorated.  It 
was  said  that  in  their  secret  conclaves  they  celebrated 
blasphemous  and  obscene  rites,  idolatries  identical 
with  those  of  the  ancient  Ophites  or  serpent- worship- 
pers.^    To  these  charges  were  added  those  of  effem- 

1  The  subject  is  discussed  by  Hallam,  "  View  of  the  State  of  Europe 
During  the  Middle  Ages,"  in  the  fifteenth  note  to  chap.  i.  He  refers  to 
an  essay  in  the  elaborate  work  of  Von  Hammer,  "  Mines  de  I'Orient 


^^6  Age  of  Hilde brand. 

inacy,  haughtiness,  falsehood,  and  avarice.  It  was 
asserted  that  they  performed  service  in  churches 
v^hich  were  under  interdict,  that  they  would  attach 
the  sign  of  the  cross  to  the  breast  of  any  vagabond, 
and  that  for  an  annual  payment  of  two  or  three  pence 
they  would  guarantee  Christian  burial  even  to  the 
excommunicate. 

Innocent,  who  had  been  their  steadfast  and  power- 
ful friend,  was  evidently  satisfied  that  there  were 
substantial  grounds  of  complaint.  He  felt  that  the 
order  had  gone  too  far  in  the  setting  aside  of  the 
bishops ;  and  he  rebuked  them,  telling  them  that 
many  of  their  members  wore  the  cross  but  did  not 
follow  its  teaching;  that  instead  of  being  a  savor  of 
life  unto  life  they  were  a  savor  of  death  unto  death. 
He  warned  them  that  abuses  like  those  alleged  against 
them  would  be  followed  by  withdrawal  of  their  priv- 
ileges ;  and  he  summoned  the  Grand  Master  to  answer 
to  these  charges  under  penalty  of  severe  measures. 

exploit^es,"  which  draws  its  evidence  from  a  comparison  of  the 
sculptures  extant  on  certain  Gnostic  and  Ophitic  bowls  with  those 
in  churches  built  by  the  Templars.  He  declares  that  the  images  and 
symbols  in  some  of  the  churches  are  extremely  obscene.  This  por- 
tion of  Von  Hammer's  work  appeared  in  1855  under  the  title  "  Die 
Schuld  der  Templer."  The  modern  literature  of  the  subject  is  quite 
extensive.  Among  the  prominent  works  may  be  mentioned :  Loise- 
leur,  "La  Doctrine  Secrete  des  Templiers  "  (1872);  Hans  Prutz, 
"  Geheimlehre  und  Geheimstatuten  des  Tempelordens ''  (1879);  F. 
Jacquot,  "  Defense  des  Templiers,"  etc.  (1882). 


CHAPTER  XXXI. 

THE    ALBIGENSIAN    CRUSADE. 

E  come  now  to  one  of  the  darkest  pages 
in  the  history  of  the  Papacy,  and  to  the 
foulest  blot  on  the  character  and  admin- 
istration of  Innocent  III. — the  crusade 
against  the  Albigenses.  In  the  study 
of  this  episode,  every  right-thinking  reader  rises  above 
theological  and  ecclesiastical  differences  into  the  re- 
gion of  common  human  rights  and  natural  humane 
instincts.  The  movement  was  the  legitimate  outcome 
of  the  Hildebrandian  idea,  and  was  instinct  with  its 
spirit. 

The  essential  facts  of  the  case,  succinctly  stated, 
are  these  :  A  large,  peaceful,  and  prosperous  province, 
governed  by  a  generous  and  tolerant  prince,  embraced 
in  its  population  large  numbers  of  sectaries.  Al- 
though later  Christian  thought  condemns  some  of  their 
tenets  as  erroneous,  they  were  industrious,  loyal,  and 
orderly.  Their  pure  morality  was  in  strong  contrast 
with  that  of  the  licentious,  avaricious,  and  lazy  clergy 
of  the  established  church,  and  the  fervor  of  their  de- 
votion with  the  idle  and  heartless  ceremonies  of  papal 
worship.  Upon  this  community  Innocent  fixed  his 
eye,  and  determined  to  bring  it,  by  force  if  necessary, 

337 


338  Age  of  Hilde brand, 

into  conformity  with  Romish  dogma  and  practice. 
Upon  this  peaceful  and  moral  population  his  mandate 
let  loose  all  the  power  of  the  secular  arm,  and  en- 
couraged, by  promises  of  papal  indulgence,  bands  of 
freebooters — men  without  conscience  and  without 
pity,  and  stained  with  every  crime — to  act  as  his 
agents  in  enforcing  submission.     The  Vicegerent  of 

.  God,  the  man  who  delighted  to  represent  himself  as 
commissioned  by  the  God-man,  precipitated  upon 
these  unoffending  and  defenceless  people  all  the  hor- 
rors of  murder,  rapine,  and  unbridled  lust,  for  the 
glory  of  God  and  the  honor  of  the  church  of  Christ. 
It  has  already  been  noted  that  Innocent,  in  May, 

'  1207,  confirmed  the  excommunication  pronounced  by 
his  legate,  Pierre  de  Castelnau,  upon  Raymond  VI. 
of  Toulouse,  and  that  all  his  efforts  had  failed  to 
convince  or  convert  the  heretics.  Letters  represent- 
ing the  alarming  growth  of  heresy  caused  him,  in 
November  of  the  same  year,  to  proclaim  a  crusade 
against  the  heretical  province,  offering  the  same  in- 
dulgence as  to  volunteers  for  Palestine,  and  engaging 
to  take  under  the  special  protection  of  the  church 
the  lands  of  all  who  should  enHst  in  the  good  work. 
All  creditors  of  crusaders  were  to  postpone  their 
claims  without  interest,  and  the  lands  of  heretics 
were  to  be  abandoned  to  the  spoilers.  The  proclam- 
ation, however,  did  not  meet  with  an  immediate  re- 
sponse. To  the  Pope's  appeal  to  Philip  of  France 
for  cooperation,  the  King  replied  coldly  that  his  re- 
lations with  England  would  not  allow  him  to  divide 
his  forces,  but  intimated  that  he  would  assist  if  he 
could  be  assured  of  a  two  years'  truce,  and  if  the 


Murder  of  Pierre  de  Castehiau.        339 


barons  and  knights  of  France  should  be  disposed  to 
engage  in  the  crusade. 

Matters  were  brought  to  a  crisis  by  the  murder  of 
Pierre  de  Castelnau,  which  the  bishops  who  carried 
the  report  to  Rome  unjustly  attributed  to  the  instiga- 
tion of  Raymond.  In  March,  1208,  Innocent  issued 
letters  to  all  prelates  in  the  heretical  provinces,  com- 
manding them  to  excommunicate  the  murderers  and 
abettors,  including  Raymond,  releasing  all  Raymond's 
vassals  from  their  allegiance,  and  declaring  his  lands 
to  be  the  lawful  prey  of  any  Catholic  who  might 
possess  himself  of  them.  Letters  were  also  sent 
to  Philip  and  his  chief  barons,  urging  them  to  take 
part  m  the  crusade.  Commissioners  were  sent  to 
negotiate  a  two  years'  truce  between  England  and 
France,  and  Arnaud  of  Citeaux  called  a  general 
chapter  of  his  order,  at  which  it  was  resolved  to  de- 
vote all  its  energies  to  preaching  the  crusade.  Many 
great  nobles  responded,  and  contingents  came  from 
Germany  and  Lombardy. 

Raymond  appealed  in  vain  to  both  Philip  of  France 
and  Otto  of  Germany.  He  then  went  to  the  council 
held  by  Arnaud  at  Aubinas,  to  prove  his  innocence 
and  to  make  peace ;  but  he  was  refused  a  hearing, 
and  applied  to  Rome  for  terms  of  submission.  Inno- 
cent demanded  that,  as  security  for  his  good  faith,  he 
should  place  in  his  hands  his  seven  most  important 
strongholds,  after  which  he  should  be  heard.  Ray- 
mond consented,  and  the  two  new  legates,  Milo  and 
Theodisius,  treated  him  with  great  friendliness.  Ray- 
mond did  not  know  that  they  had  instructions  from 
Innocent  to  beguile  him  with  fair  promises,  detach 


340  Ag^  of  Hildebra7id. 


him  from  the  heretical  interest,  and,  when  the  heretics 
should  have  been  disposed  of  by  the  crusaders,  to 
deal  with  him  as  they  pleased.  He  was  played  with 
with  the  most  devilish  cruelty  and  craft.  His  seven 
castles  were  delivered,  and  his  power  of  resistance 
was  thus  weakened ;  and  he  was  then  formally  recon- 
ciled to  the  church  with  the  most  humihating  cere- 
monies. All  that  he  gained  by  his  submission  was 
the  privilege  of  joining  the  crusade  and  subjugating 
his  own  territory  ;  and  the  excommunication  was  soon 
renewed  on  the  flimsy  pretext  that  he  had  not  within 
sixty  days  performed  the  impossible  task  of  expelling 
all  heretics. 

The  crusaders  assembled  to  the  number  of  twenty 
thousand  horsemen  and  over  two  hundred  thousand 
foot  at  Lyons  on  the  24th  of  June,  1207.  Raymond 
Roger  of  Beziers,  the  nephew  of  Raymond  of  Toulouse, , 
had  garrisoned  his  capital  at  the  approach  of  the  cru- 
saders, but  withdrew  to  Carcassonne.  Reginald,  the 
Bishop  of  Beziers,  was  with  the  crusading  army,  and 
obtained  permission  to  offer  the  city  of  Beziers  full 
exemption  if  the  heretics  should  be  deHvered  up  or 
expelled.  The  offer  was  refused,  the  city  was  carried 
by  storm,  a  horrible  massacre  followed,  and  the  city 
was  burned.  Another  detachment  of  the  crusaders 
overpowered  the  castle  of  Chasseneuil,  and  the  in- 
habitants were  given  their  choice  between  conversion 
and  the  stake.  Most  of  them  preferred  the  latter. 
Innumerable  strongholds  were  surrendered  without 
resistance,  and  a  mountainous  region,  bristling  with 
castles,  which  might  have  held  out  for  years,  was 
occupied  in  a  month  or  two. 


Surrender  of  Ca  rcasson 7ic.  3 4 1 


The  army  moved  on  to  Carcassonne,  where  Ray- 
mond Roger  had  determined  to  make  the  last  stand. 
A  siege  was  commenced,  and  the  two  outer  suburbs 
were  carried  and  burned.  Raymond  was  offered  the 
privilege  of  departing  with  eleven  others  if  he  would 
surrender  the  city.  He  refused ;  but  the  town  was 
crowded  with  refugees,  the  heat  was  intense,  and  the 
water-supply  failed,  causing  pestilence.  Raymond 
Roger  was  decoyed  into  the  crusaders'  camp  on  pre- 
tence of  negotiation,  was  treacherously  detained,  and 
died  soon  after.  The  city  was  surrendered,  and  the 
people  were  allowed  to  depart  with  barely  enough 
clothing  to  cover  their  nakedness. 

The  siege  of  Carcassonne  introduces  two  men  who 
played  a  prominent  part  in  this  movement — Simon  de 
Montfort  and  Pedro  of  Aragon.  Pedro  was  the  suze- 
rain of  Beziers.  He  was  regarded  as  a  model  of  chivalry 
and  religious  zeal  no  less  than  of  licentious  gallantry. 
In  1204  he  had  taken  the  oath  to  Innocent  with  a 
pledge  to  exterminate  heresy,  had  offered  his  kingdom 
to  the  Roman  see,  and  had  subjected  it  to  an  annual 
tribute.  Montfort  was  the  younger  son  of  the  Count 
of  Evreuse,  a  descendant  of  Rollo  the  Norman,  and 
Earl  of  Leicester  by  his  mother's  right.  He  had  served 
in  the  crusade  of  1201,  under  Baldwin  of  Flanders. 

After  the  capture  of  Carcassonne  the  conquered 
territory  was  bestowed  upon  Montfort ;  but  the  with- 
drawal of  the  great  body  of  the  crusaders  left  him 
with  only  a  small  force,  consisting  mostly  of  Burgund- 
ians  and  Germans,  and  the  homage  which  he  received 
from  his  new  vassals  was  only  formal.  Notwith- 
standing this,  he  succeeded  in  mastering  additional 


342  Age  of  H  tide  brand. 

strongholds,   and    extended    his   dominion  over   tJ 
Albigeois.      He  made  haste  to  get  into  Innocen 
good  graces,  since  the  Pope's  confirmation  was  nece 
sary  to  his  new  dignity,  and  his  assistance  imports 
for  maintaining  it.      He  offered  Hberal  tribute,  whi  -; 
was  accepted ;    but  Innocent   excused   himself  fn 
sending  military  aid  on  account  of  complaints  from 
Palestine   that   forces   had   been   diverted   from   the 
rescue  of  the  holy  places  by  the  French  crusade. 

A  new  campaign  was  begun  in  12  lo  by  Montfort 
in  order  to  master  the  castles  which  still  held  out; 
and  the  reduction  of  these  was  attended  with  the  usual 
atrocities.  Arnaud  of  Citeaux  was  resolved  on  Ray- 
mond's ruin,  and  Montfort  was  eager  to  extend  his  own 
dominion.  In  1209  Toulouse  had  been  summoned 
by  the  legate  to  surrender  all  whom  his  emissaries 
might  select  as  heretics.  The  Toulousans  appealed 
to  the  Pope,  protesting  that  there  were  no  heretics. 
Raymond  went  to  Rome  and  demanded  a  trial.  In- 
nocent declared  that  the  Toulousans  had  justified 
themselves,  and  instructed  the  Archbishops  of  Nar- 
bonne  and  Aries  to  call  a  council  for  the  trial  of 
Raymond;  but  a  letter  of  Innocent  to  Arnaud  in- 
formed him  that  the  matter  had  been  intrusted  to  the 
new  legate,  Theodisius,  merely  as  a  lure  for  Raymond. 
To  lull  Raymond's  suspicions,  the  Pope  presented 
him  with  a  splendid  robe  and  a  ring.  Arnaud  as- 
sumed a  friendly  demeanor.  He  and  Montfort  visited 
Raymond  in  Toulouse,  and  were  splendidly  enter- 
tained. Raymond,  with  his  easy,  credulous  nature, 
was  a  puppet  in  the  hands  of  these  two. 
"  Tra  male  gatte  era  venuto  '1  sorco.'' 


To2iloiise  resists  Montfort.  343 

The  offer  of  the  opportunity  for  purgation  was  a 
fraud  and  a  farce.  The  legates  knew  that  Raymond 
would  clear  himself,  and  the  readiest  method  of  elud- 
ing this  lay  in  charging  him  with  failure  to  pcrfcjrm 
the  impossible  task  of  clearing  his  land  of  heresy. 
A  day  three  months  distant  was  appointed  for  him 
to  appear  and  purge  himself  of  heresy,  and  when  he 
presented  himself  at  that  time  he  was  informed  that 
his  purgation  could  not  be  received  until  he  should 
have  suppressed  heresy  in  his  territories.  Innocent's 
approbation  of  this  dastardly  trick  appears  in  his  let- 
ter to  Raymond  in  December,  12 10,  expressing  his 
sorrow  that  he  had  not  fulfilled  his  promise,  and 
warning  him  that  his  lands  would  be  delivered  to  the 
crusaders  in  case  of  his  failure  to  do  so. 

Raymond  awoke  at  last  to  the  fact  that  his  ruin 
was  designed,  and  began  to  prepare  for  war.  The 
siege  of  Toulouse  was  determined  upon  by  the  cru- 
saders, and  the  Toulousans  were  informed  that  they 
would  not  be  spared  unless  they  should  drive  Ray- 
mond from  the  city  and  renounce  their  allegiance  to 
him.  They  refused,  and  made  so  heroic  a  defence 
that  Montfort  was  forced  to  retire.  This  was  followed 
by  afresh  excommunication  of  the  city,  and  Raymond 
now  took  the  field,  but  with  little  success.  The  crusade 
was  still  preached ;  Montfort's  army  was  renewed  by 
fresh  swarms  of  pilgrims,  and  the  war  was  prosecuted 
with  savage  ferocity.  By  12 12  Raymond's  territor- 
ies were  reduced  to  Montauban  and  Toulouse,  and 
Toulouse  was  practically  beleaguered.  Innocent  now 
seemed  to  awake  to  a  sense  of  his  treachery.  Ray- 
mond's dominions  had  been  seized,  yet  he  himself 


344  ^^^  of  Hildebrand, 

had  had  no  trial  or  conviction.  On  Montfort's  apply- 
ing for  confirmation  of  his  conquests,  Innocent  affected 
surprise.  He  said  that,  though  suspected  of  heresy, 
Raymond  had  never  been  convicted.  He  did  not 
know  why  the  opportunity  for  purgation  ordered  by 
him  had  never  been  afforded!  In  the  absence  of 
formal  trial  and  conviction,  his  lands  could  not  be 
assigned  to  another. 

This  was  followed  by  a  letter  to  Theodisius  and 
the  Bishop  of  Riez,  cautioning  them  not  to  be  remiss 
in  their  duty  as  they  had  been.  To  this  Theodisius 
replied  with  the  transparent  falsehood  that  he  had 
repeatedl}^  summoned  Raymond  to  justify  himself, 
and  that  Raymond  had  neglected  to  make  reparation 
to  certain  prelates  and  churches.  A  council  was 
called  at  Avignon,  to  give  a  pretext  for  pushing 
Raymond  to  the  wall ;  but  Avignon  was  unhealthful, 
many  prelates  refused  to  attend,  and  Theodisius  was 
sick.  Another  council  was  summoned  at  Lavaur, 
not  far  from  Toulouse.  Pedro  of  Aragon  now  ap- 
peared as  Raymond's  protector.  He  could  not  be 
indifferent  to  the  growing  power  of  Montfort.  The 
conquered  fiefs  were  being  filled  with  Frenchmen, 
and  a  parliament  had  just  been  held  to  organize  the 
institutions  of  the  country  on  a  French  basis.  Pedro 
had  already  sent  to  Innocent,  complaining  of  the 
action  of  the  legates,  and  he  came  to  Toulouse  to 
intercede  for  Raymond. 

Pedro's  envoys  secured  from  Innocent  a  command 
to  Montfort  to  surrender  all  lands  taken  from  those 
who  were  not  heretics,  and  instructions  to  Arnaud 
not  to  let  the  Toulousan  war  interfere  with  the  cru- 


Innocent  Inexorable.  345 

sade  against  the  Saracens.  At  Lavaur,  Pedro  pro- 
duced a  general  cession  to  himself,  by  Raymond,  of 
all  his  territories,  with  similar  cessions  by  several 
other  counts.  He  asked  restitution  of  these  lands  on 
condition  that  their  owners  should  give  satisfaction  to 
the  church.  But  the  prelates,  led  by  Arnaud,  were 
bent  on  the  destruction  of  Toulouse,  and  refused  to 
admit  Raymond  to  purge  himself,  and  even  refused 
him  an  interview,  while  they  threatened  Pedro  with 
excommunication  for  intercourse  with  heretics  and 
excommunicates.  Theodisius  and  some  bishops  were 
sent  to  Rome  to  urge  Innocent  not  to  draw  back,  and 
they  painted  Raymond  in  the  darkest  colors.  Let- 
ters poured  in  from  bishops  in  every  part  of  southern 
France,  declaring  that  all  that  was  needed  was  the 
destruction  of  Toulouse,  and  that  if  Raymond  were 
allowed  to  raise  his  head  chaos  would  come  again. 

Innocent  had  solemnly  declared  that  Raymond 
should  have  the  opportunity  of  vindicating  himself, 
and  should  be  condemned  only  after  trial;  but  he 
yielded  to  this  pressure,  and  wrote  to  Pedro  to  cease 
protecting  heretics  under  penalty  of  being  himself  the 
object  of  a  new  crusade.  The  orders  which  had  been 
sent  him  for  the  restoration  of  non-heretical  lands 
were  recalled,  as  having  been  granted  on  misrepre- 
sentation. Toulouse  could  obtain  reconciliation  only 
by  the  banishment  of  those  whom  its  fanatical  bishop, 
Foulques,  might  designate  as  heretics. 

Meanwhile  the  crusade  had  been  vigorously 
preached  in  France,  and  Louis,  Philip's  son,  with 
many  barons,  had  taken  the  cross,  when  Philip's 
preparations  to  invade  England  put  a  stop  to  the 


46  Age  of  Hildebrand, 


movement.  Pedro  entered  into  closer  alliance  with 
Raymond,  and  received  the  oath  of  fealty  from  the 
inhabitants  of  Toulouse.  He  then  formally  declared 
war,  and  besieged  Muret,  ten  miles  from  Toulouse, 
where  he  was  utterly  defeated  by  Montfort,  and  lost 
his  life.  In  12 14  the  Counts  of  Toulouse,  Foix,  and 
Comminges,  the  Viscount  of  Narbonne,  and  the 
city  of  Toulouse  gave  their  unquahfied  submission 
to  the  Pope's  legate,  and  engaged  to  expel  heretics ; 
and  Raymond  placed  his  dominions  in  the  legate's 
hands. 

But  the  land  did  not  receive  peace  with  submission. 
Montfort  had  been  reduced  to  severe  straits.  Tou- 
louse had  put  him  on  the  defensive,  and  Narbonne 
had  refused  him  entrance ;  and  the  legate  was  merely 
playing  a  game  to  tide  him  over  the  time  of  his 
weakness  and  to  divert  the  provinces  until  new  re- 
cruits should  join  the  crusading  army.  These  now 
poured  in  in  swarms.  Their  first  exploit  was  the 
capture  of  Maurillac,  where  appears  the  first  distinct 
reference  to  the  Waldenses  in  the  history  of  the  war. 
Seven  of  them  were  found  among  the  captives  and 
burned.  Montfort  extended  his  authority  over  the 
Agenois,  Quercy,  Limousin,  Ronergue,  and  Perigord; 
and  resistance  being  at  an  end,  the  legates,  in  12 15, 
assembled  a  council  at  Montpellier,  where  Raymond 
was  deposed  and  Montfort  elected  lord  over  the 
whole  territory.  Innocent's  confirmation  was  ob- 
tained, together  with  the  declaration  that  Raymond 
was  deposed  for  heresy,  though  he  had  never  had  the 
trial  which  had  been  promised  him. 

By  the  battle  of  Bouvines,  in  12 15,  in  which  Otto 


Death  of  Montfort.  347 


and  the  King  of  England  were  defeated  by  France, 
Louis  was  released  for  the  performance  of  his  crusad- 
ing vow.  The  two  Raymonds,  father  and  son,  had 
w^ithdrawn  to  await  the  great  council  at  which  the 
elder  Raymond's  fate  was  to  be  decided,  and  which 
met  in  St.  Peter's  in  November,  12 15.  Here  it  was 
assumed  that  Raymond  had  been  found  guilty  of 
heresy.  He  was  deprived  of  his  dominions,  and  sen- 
tenced to  dwell  elsewhere,  and  all  the  territories  won 
by  the  crusaders,  along  with  Toulouse,  were  assigned 
to  Montfort.  The  decision  was  the  signal  for  revolt. 
The  elder  Raymond  proceeded  to  Spain  to  raise 
troops,  and  the  whole  South  rose  to  welcome  him. 
Montfort  set  fire  to  Toulouse,  but  the  citizens  barri- 
caded the  streets  and  held  out  until  he  agreed  to 
spare  it  for  thirty  thousand  marks.  He,  however, 
destroyed  what  remained  of  the  walls  and  disarmed 
the  inhabitants. 

Innocent  died  in  July,  12 16,  but  Honorius  HI. 
prosecuted  the  crusade.  Montfort,  having  crossed 
the  Rhone,  was  rapidly  subduing  the  territories  left 
to  young  Raymond,  when  he  was  recalled  by  the  re- 
port that  Toulouse  was  in  revolt,  and  that  Raymond 
VI.  had  been  received  there  with  auxiliaries  from 
Spain.  He  hastened  back,  and  in  September,  121  7, 
commenced  the  second  siege,  which  continued  for 
nine  months,  and  w\is  resisted  with  desperate  courage 
by  the  citizens.  Montfort  was  killed  by  a  stone  from 
a  mangonel,  w^orked,  it  was  said,  by  women.  He  is 
commemorated  in  an  odd  rilievo  in  the  exquisite  little 
church  of  St.  Nazaire,  at  Carcassonne,  representing 
the   a.ssault  of  Toulouse.     The  besieged   are  bring- 


348  Age  of  Hildebrand, 

ing  a  mangonel  to  bear,  and  some  angels  are  conveying 
the  soul  of  Montfort  into  the  sky.  His  death  was 
regarded  as  the  signal  of  liberation,  and  wherever  the 
garrisons  were  not  too  strong,  the  people  rose,  mas- 
sacred the  invaders,  and  returned  to  their  former 
lords. 

Honorius  III.  recognized  Montfort's  son,  Amauri, 
as  his  successor,  banned  the  two  Raymonds,  and 
granted  Philip  a  twentieth  of  the  ecclesiastical  revenue 
for  another  crusade.  Louis  led  another  army  against 
Toulouse,  with  no  better  success  than  before.  The 
heretics  reappeared  as  soon  as  the  invaders  had  with- 
drawn, and  heresy  was  openly  preached  and  taught. 
The  church  was  regarded  as  the  national  enemy. 
Philip  refused  to  renew  the  crusade,  and  Raymond 
VI.  died  in  August,  1222.  His  body  lay  unburied 
for  a  century  and  a  half  in  the  house  of  the  Hospit- 
allers. 

It  is  needless  to  follow  the  history  further  through 
the  negotiations  of  Raymond  VII.,  King  Louis, 
Amauri,  and  Arnaud.  Another  crusade  was  organ- 
ized on  a  large  scale,  was  led  by  Louis,  and  attacked 
Avignon,  which  capitulated ;  but  on  approaching 
Toulouse,  Louis,  for  some  unknown  reason,  abandoned 
the  enterprise  and  returned.  Raymond  continued 
the  struggle  for  some  time  with  varying  success, 
until,  under  Pope  Gregory  IX.,  in  April,  1229,  peace 
was  finally  concluded  by  Raymond's  complete  sub- 
mission to  the  church.  Two  thirds  of  his  dominions 
were  sacrificed,  and  the  fortifications  of  Toulouse 
were  destroyed.  The  church  had  conquered,  but  she 
had  only  begun.    The  next  stage  was  the  Inquisition. 


CHAPTER  XXXII. 

INNOCENT  ABANDONS  OTTO — TROUBLES  IN  THE 
EAST — MURDER  OF  PHILIP  AND  RECOGNITION 
OF  OTTO — A  NEW  CONTEST  BETWEEN  INNO- 
CENT AND  OTTO — FREDERICK  OF  HOHEN- 
STAUFEN  CROWNED. 

URING  the  year  1207  Philip's  cause  had 
prospered  in  Germany.  While  waiting 
for  the  result  of  the  embassy  which  he 
had  sent  the  previous  year  to  Rome,  he 
strove  in  every  way,  by  alliances,  assem- 
blies, and  journeys,  to  extend  his  influence  in  the 
empire,  especially  in  those  regions  where  Otto's 
friends  were  most  numerous.  From  Frankfort,  early 
in  February,  he  went  to  Gelnhausen,  where  he  be- 
trothed his  third  daughter,  Maria,  to  Henry,  the  son 
of  Henry  of  Lower  Lorraine.  The  citizens  of  Co- 
logne begged  him  to  honor  them  with  a  visit,  and  he 
entered  the  city  the  evening  before  Easter,  and  was 
formally  received  by  the  clergy  and  welcomed  with 
the  acclamations  of  the  people. 

Innocent  had  fostered  the  war  in  Germany  for  ten 
years,  only  to  be  defeated.  Otto's  cause  had  become 
desperate,  and  the  Pope,  who  was  not  celebrated  for 
keeping  faith  where  his  interests  were  involved,  felt 

349 


350  Age  of  Hildebrand, 

compelled  to  abandon  him  and  to  break  his  pledges 
of  alliance.  He  arranged  to  send  the  cardinals 
Hugolino  and  Leo  of  the  Holy  Cross  to  Germany. 
They  were  to  obtain  from  Philip  a  pledge  to  render 
the  oath  to  the  Pope  in  respect  of  all  for  which  he 
had  been  banned,  and  to  acknowledge  the  Pope's 
commands,  in  return  for  which  the  cardinals  had 
authority  to  absolve  him.  They  were  to  insist  on  his 
dismissal  of  the  army  which  he  had  collected  against 
Otto,  and  to  bring  about  a  meeting  of  the  two  rivals, 
and  a  truce  of  a  year  if  peace  could  not  be  effected. 

Innocent  announced  this  embassy  to  all  the  spirit- 
ual and  secular  princes  of  the  realm.  Philip's  em- 
bassy, returning  from  Rome,  preceded  them  in  order 
to  announce  their  speedy  arrival  and  to  procure  their 
safe-conduct.  They  arrived  in  August.  Philip  re- 
ceived them  at  Speyer,  and  entertained  them  splend- 
idly at  his  own  cost.  He  gave  the  required  oath,  and 
was  absolved.  As  soon  as  the  tidings  of  this  reached 
the  Pope,  he  sent  a  special  messenger  to  congratulate 
Philip  on  his  return  to  the  church,  and  to  assure  him 
of  his  countenance.  The  legates  then  proceeded  to 
negotiations  for  peace.  An  assembly  was  convoked 
at  Nordhausen,  and  another  later  at  Quedlinburg. 
The  legates  proposed  that  Otto  should  marry  Philip's 
eldest  daughter,  Beatrix,  and  should  obtain  certain 
properties  with  her ;  should  renounce  the  royal  title 
and  recognize  his  father-in-law  as  King.  Otto,  how- 
ever, was  angry  at  being  offered  a  price  for  the  crown ; 
the  attempt  at  a  treaty  failed,  and  the  most  that  could 
be  secured  was  a  truce. 

Neither  was  the  state  of  affairs  in  the  East  satisfac- 


The  Greeks  Defeat  the  Crusaders. 


O.') 


tory  to  the  Pope.  However  conciliatory  his  dealings 
with  the  Greeks,  the  establishment  of  a  Latin  empire 
and  the  placing  of  Latins  in  the  episcopal  chairs  was 
regarded  by  them  as  an  intolerable  act  of  violence, 
against  which  they  were  in  constant  revolt.  The 
energy  of  the  conquerors  was  enervated  by  the 
climate,  by  the  riches  of  Greece,  and  by  the  long 
sojourn  in  Constantinople,  and  corruption  was  fast 
creeping  into  the  crusading  host.  The  Greeks,  driven 
at  last  to  desperation,  formed  a  conspiracy  under 
Theodore  Lascaris  with  the  Bulgarians  under  King 
Joannicius ;  and  the  crusaders,  who  were  widely  dis- 
persed in  Greece  and  Asia  Minor,  found  themselves 
assailed  by  a  furious  and  pitiless  enemy.  At  Adrian- 
ople,  in  Thrace,  they  suffered  a  crushing  defeat  from 
the  united  Greeks,  Bulgarians,  and  Tartars,  who  took 
possession  of  the  provinces,  massacred  twenty  thous- 
and Armenian  allies  of  the  crusaders  at  Natolia,  des- 
olated the  shores  of  the  Hellespont,  and  penetrated 
into  Thessalonica.  The  Pope's  exhortations  to  the 
Christians  of  the  West  to  take  up  arms  for  the  relief 
of  the  Latins  in  Byzantium  fell  upon  deaf  ears  or 
were  evaded  under  various  pretexts.  The  King  of 
Hungary  alone  raised  a  force  to  march  to  Constantin- 
ople. The  crusading  enthusiasm  had  cooled  under 
the  long  succession  of  disasters,  and  the  warriors 
whom  spear  and  sword  could  not  frighten  shrank 
from  the  menaces  of  pestilence  and  famine. 

Innocent  did  not  relax  his  efforts.  Every  new 
obstacle  seemed  to  stimulate  him  to  bring  all  his 
energies  and  all  the  influence  of  his  position  to  bear 
upon  the  eastern  enterprise.     Nor  were  his  efforts 


352  Age  of  Hilde brand. 

wholly  unavailing.  The  German  princes  agreed  to 
a  general  crusading  tax  throughout  the  empire ;  the 
Templars  and  Hospitallers  at  Jerusalem  obtained 
authority  to  devote  the  contributions  of  the  Cister- 
cians, about  a  thousand  pounds,  to  this  purpose;  a 
cardinal  was  sent  to  France,  and  many  French  knights 
were  persuaded  to  enlist;  and  the  Pope's  eloquence 
was  expended  without  stint  to  induce  the  faithful  in 
Lombardy  and  in  the  March  to  take  up  arms. 

During  the  year  1208  affairs  in  Germany  took  a 
tragical  turn.  Philip,  after  his  reconciliation,  had  ob- 
tained the  Pope's  recognition,  and  had  good  reason 
to  expect  the  imperial  crown.  At  the  beginning  of 
June  he  was  in  Bamberg,  the  appointed  rendezvous 
of  his  army.  He  had  celebrated  the  betrothal  of  his 
niece,  the  daughter  of  Otto,  Duke  of  Burgundy,  with 
the  Duke  of  Meran.  Owing  to  some  malady,  he 
had  himself  bled,  and  was  lying  on  his  bed  at  mid- 
day in  a  chamber  of  the  episcopal  palace,  when  Otto 
of  Wittelsbach  demanded  audience  on  pretended 
business  of  importance,  and,  entering,  struck  Philip 
dead  with  a  blow  of  his  sword. 

Innocent  received  the  news  at  Sora,  and  expressed 
the  strongest  abhorrence  of  the  act  and  of  its  perpe- 
trator. Otto  at  once  took  steps  to  revive  his  sunken 
fortunes.  Though  he  at  first  entertained  thoughts  of 
revenge  on  those  who  had  resisted  his  elevation,  he 
yielded  to  wiser  counsels,  and  agreed  to  submit  his 
election  to  an  assembly  of  princes.  This  moderation 
won  him  the  support  of  many  of  Philip's  former  part- 
isans. He  hastened  to  address  himself  to  the  Pope  in 
order  to  secure  his  influence  with  the  princes.     The 


Otio  Recognized.  353 

Pope,who  had  so  recently  abandoned  him,  assured  him 
of  his  unchanged  favor,  and  accompanied  the  assurance 
with  sundry  pious  exhortations.  As  there  was  already 
some  talk  of  the  succession  of  Frederick  II.,  Otto 
must  energetically  guard  his  own  rights.  At  the 
same  time  Innocent  wrote  to  ^-he  German  bishops 
that,  though  he  abhorred  the  act  of  Philip's  murder, 
it  was  a  favorable  dispensation  of  God.  He  forbade 
them  to  crown  a  new  king  under  penalty  of  ban. 
God  had  visibly  confirmed  the  election  of  Otto. 

An  assembly  at  Arnstadt  decided  to  elect  Otto. 
His  formal  recognition  took  place  at  Frankfort  in 
November,  1208,  by  a  numerously  attended  diet  of 
princes  and  other  dignitaries.  With  a  \'iew  to  avoid- 
ing new  complications,  the  diet  decided  that  hence- 
forth descent  should  confer  no  claim  to  the  crown, 
and  that  the  election  of  the  German  sovereign  should 
be  once  for  all  in  the  hands  of  the  Archbishops 
of  Mainz,  Cologne,  and  Treves,  the  Palgrave  of  the 
Rhine,  the  Duke  of  Saxony,  and  the  Count  of  Brand- 
enburg, to  whom  the  King  of  Bohemia  should  subse- 
quently be  added. 

The  Pope  was  dehghted.  The  cities  of  Italy  paid 
homage  to  Otto,  and  on  the  22d  of  March,  1209,  at 
Speyer,  he  gave  the  guarantees  required  by  the  Pope 
— subjection  to  the  papal  chair,  freedom  of  episco- 
pal elections  and  of  appeals  to  Rome,  renunciation  of 
episcopal  revenues  during  the  vacancy  of  benefices, 
persecution  of  heretics,  and  maintenance  of  the  Pope's 
secular  power  in  Italy.  In  May  he  celebrated  his 
betrothal  to  Beatrix,  the  daughter  of  Philip,  as  a 
means  of  conciliating  the  Hohenstaufen,  and  in  Octo- 


354  ^^^  of  Hilde brand. 

ber  following  arrived  at  Rome.  The  Saturday  after 
his  arrival  he  went  to  St.  Peter's  to  offer  prayer.  He 
was  attended  by  a  brilliant  cortege  of  prelates  and 
princes,  and  by  six  thousand  men  in  armor,  besides  a 
great  number  of  archers.  For  some  unknown  reason 
a  fight  took  place,  in  which  some  of  the  Germans 
were  killed  and  the  Bishop  of  Augsburg  was  roughly 
handled.  The  coronation  took  place  on  the  24th  of 
October,  1209,  with  great  magnificence,  in  St.  Peter's. 
The  same  night  the  fray  broke  out  again.  The 
Romans  made  a  furious  onslaught  on  the  German 
knights,  and  a  large  number  of  men  and  horses  were 
killed. 

Even  at  the  meeting  of  the  Pope  and  the  Emperor 
at  Viterbo,  just  before  the  coronation,  a  division  was 
foreshadowed  by  Innocent's  demand  that  Otto  should 
surrender,  immediately  after  his  coronation,  the  lands 
of  the  church  now  occupied  by  his  troops.  Irritation 
was  also  created  by  the  attack  in  the  city  on  the 
German  troops.  These  seeds  of  strife  rapidly  fructi- 
fied. Otto  remained  in  Italy  after  his  coronation  in 
order  to  secure  his  imperial  rights.  He  took  posses- 
sion of  the  cities  on  the  frontier  of  the  Mathilde  ter- 
ritory, and  consulted  the  jurists  as  to  his  rights  over 
that  territory.  They  replied  that  the  Emperor  had 
surrendered  those  rights  in  ignorance,  and  might  re- 
sume them.  The  principal  Tuscan  cities  opened  their 
gates  to  him.  He  visited  Ferrara,  Imola,  Piacenza, 
and  Milan,  and  confirmed  to  them  the  franchises 
granted  by  former  emperors,  reconciled  their  parties, 
appeased  their  animosities,  and  endeavored  by  every 
means  to  bind  them  to  himself. 


Otto  Excommunicated.  355 

He  then  proceeded  to  attack  church  territories  in 
Campania.  There  were  not  wanting  those  in  Rome 
who  desired  his  success  and  the  restoration  of  the 
former  imperial  dignity.  His  proceedings  became 
more  and  more  offensive.  He  ^o  guarded  the  cities 
and  strongholds  that  nobody  could  come  to  Rome 
without  his  consent.  Clergy  carrying  papal  letters 
from  the  city  were  robbed  of  them,  many  strangers 
on  their  way  to  the  city  were  forced  to  return,  and 
even  crusaders  were  set  upon  and  maltreated. 

Innocent  wrote  to  the  Emperor,  bidding  him  con- 
sider how  he  owed  his  elevation  to  the  Pope,  and 
acknowledge  the  Lord  of  heaven,  who  thrusts  down 
the  mighty  from  their  thrones  and  uplifts  the  poor. 
Otto  is  not  content  with  the  limits  which  satisfied  his 
predecessors,  but  is  attempting  to  fall  upon  the  in- 
heritance of  St.  Peter,  which  it  is  his  duty  to  enlarge 
rather  than  to  diminish.  The  Pope  is  sacredly  bound 
to  defend  the  property  of  the  church  with  the  sword 
of  the  Spirit.  God  punishes  the  great  as  the  small. 
Let  him  beware  lest  God  uproot  him  from  the  land 
of  the  living.  If  Otto  persists  in  his  course  he  will 
be  compelled  to  anathematize  him. 

Otto  repHed  that  he  had  no  wish  to  trespass  upon 
the  Pope's  spiritual  authority,  but  that  the  secular 
power  belonged  to  himself.  He  intended  to  subject 
all  Italy.  He  attempted  to  seize  the  Norman  terri- 
tories, the  heritage  of  Frederick  of  Hohenstaufen,  to 
add  Sicily  to  his  dominions,  and  to  expel  Frederick. 
The  excommunication  was  at  last  launched ;  all  the 
bishops  of  Italy  were  commanded  to  publish  it,  and 
Otto's  subjects  were  released  from  their  allegiance. 


35^  Age  of  Hilde brand. 

The  Pope  now  turned  to  the  King  of  France,  who 
had  persistently  opposed  Otto's  election,  and  wrote 
to  him  that  he  had  been  deceived  in  the  Emperor, 
who  was  carrying  his  haughty  assumption  so  far  that 
he  desired  to  subject  all  the  kings  of  the  earth;  that 
Otto  had  rejected  his  exhortations  to  keep  peace  with 
France,  and  had  declared  that  so  long  as  Philip  held 
possession  of  the  territory  of  his  uncle,  John  of  Eng- 
land, on  French  soil,  he  could  not  lift  up  his  eyes  for 
shame.  Let  Philip  therefore  remain  faithful  to  the 
Roman  Church.  Philip  received  this  communication 
with  great  joy,  and  gave  orders  to  prepare  for  war 
with  the  Emperor. 

But  Otto's  cause  was  waning  in  Germany.  He 
had  been  absent  for  nearly  three  years,  and  the  way 
was  prepared  for  the  Hohenstaufen  to  regain  the 
crown.  The  publication  of  the  ban  was  enthusiast- 
ically welcomed,  especially  in  Suabia,  where  Otto's 
oppressions  had  created  discontent.  The  bishops 
saw  the  danger  which  threatened  the  church  if  some 
bounds  were  not  set  to  his  pretensions;  a  dangerous 
confederacy  was  rapidly  growing,  and  several  cities 
of  Italy  were  already  in  declared  alliance  with  Inno- 
cent and  Frederick.  The  decision  was  finally  taken 
at  an  assembly  at  Niirnberg  to  depose  Otto  and  make 
Frederick  King,  and  two  commissioners  were  sent  to 
invite  him  to  accept  the  crown. 

It  was  hard  for  the  Pope  to  take  up  the  cause  of 
the  Hohenstaufen,  whom  he  cordially  hated  and 
who  had  brought  so  many  evils  upon  the  church ; 
but  Otto's  ingratitude  rankled  in  his  breast,  and  he 
entertained  the  hope  of  binding  Frederick  to  himself 


Frederick  Accepts  the  Crown.         357 


by  his  favors.  The  German  embassy  appeared  at 
Palermo,  and  presented  to  young  Frederick,  only 
seventeen  years  of  age,  the  letter  of  the  princes  in- 
viting him  to  accept  the  crown.  His  young  wife 
remonstrated;  the  nobles  of  Sicily  reminded  him  of 
the  artfulness  of  the  Germans;  but  he  burned  for 
revenge  on  Otto,  who  had  menaced  his  Sicilian  king- 
dom ;  he  was  stirred  by  the  prospect  of  restoring  his 
house  to  its  former  dignity ;  he  thought  he  saw  the 
succession  secured  in  his  first-born  son  ;  and  he  turned 
his  back  on  the  sunny  skies  of  the  South  and  on  the 
voluptuous  luxury  of  the  SiciHan  court,  to  begin  one 
of  the  saddest  records  of  mediaeval  history. 

It  was  too  late  for  Otto  to  quell  the  revolt  in  Ger- 
many. Italy  was  estranged  from  him.  His  cruelty 
and  avarice  had  alienated  many  of  his  former  friends. 
He  hastened  to  celebrate  his  marriage  with  Beatrix, 
with  the  hope  of  drawing  to  himself  a  portion  of  the 
Guelfs;^  but  Beatrix  died  only  a  few  days  after  the 
wedding,  poisoned,  it  was  rumored,  by  Otto's  Italian 
mistresses ;  and  the  Suabians  and  Bavarians  deserted  o 
his  camp  and  went  over  to  Frederick.  The  Pope 
was  behind  Frederick  with  blessings  and  gold.     The 

1  The  terms  "Guelf"  and  "Ghibelline"  first  appear  as  party  names  in 
Germany  in  1 140,  in  the  forms  of ' '  Welf  "  and ' '  WaibHngcn. "  Both  were 
family  names.  Henry  the  Proud  was  of  the  house  of  Wclf,  and  as- 
pired to  the  succession  on  the  death  of  Lothair,  and  consequently  hesi- 
tated to  acknowledge  Conrad  III.,  of  the  house  of  Ilohenstaufen,  who 
was  chosen.  In  the  war  which  followed,  Count  Welf,  the  brother  of 
Henry  the  Proud,  was  besieged  in  Weinsberg,  and  during  the  siege 
his  followers  raised  the  cry  "Welf!"  while  the  besiegers  shouted 
"  Waiblingen  !"  which  was  the  birthplace  of  Conrad's  brother,^  Fred- 
erick of  Suabia.  The  names  were  converted  into  "Guelfo"  and"  Ghib- 
ellino"  by  the  Italians,  and  came  to  represent  respectively  the  papal 
and  the  imperial  party. 


358  A£-e  of  Hildebraiid, 

young  prince  was  welcomed  at  Rome  by  the  card- 
inals and  the  senate.  Avoiding  the  Pass  of  Trent, 
which  was  guarded  by  Otto's  partisans,  he  made  his 
way  by  obscure  routes  to  Coire,  and  occupied  Con- 
stance a  few  hours  in  advance  of  Otto,  who  found  its 
gates  closed  against  him.  All  Germany  along  the 
Rhine  declared  for  him,  and  he  became  master  of 
South  Germany  almost  without  a  battle.  He  was 
crowned  at  Aachen  on  the  25th  of  July,  1215  ;  and 
Otto,  after  one  more  desperate  attempt  to  recover 
his  power,  retired  to  his  paternal  estates,  and  died  in 
poverty  and  humiliation  at  the  Hartzburg  on  the 
19th  of  May,  12 18. 


CHAPTER  XXXIII. 

INNOCENT  AND  JOHN  OF  ENGLAND — THE  CHIL- 
DREN'S CRUSADE— THE  TWELFTH  GENERAL 
COUNCIL — DEATH    OF    INNOCENT    HI. 

URING  the  revolution  in  Germany  the 
contest  between  King  John  of  England 
and  the  papal  court  had  been  maturing. 
Innocent  laid  England  under  interdict  in 
the  spring  of  1208.  John  uttered  dread- 
ful threats  against  prelates  who  should  dare  to  pro- 
claim the  interdict.  The  sherifTs  were  ordered  to 
expel  all  such  from  the  realm,  and  the  greatest  out- 
rages were  perpetrated,  by  the  King's  orders,  upon 
their  persons  and  property.  Langton  wrote  to  John, 
urging  him  to  submit.  John  replied  that  Langton 
was  not  canonically  chosen,  but  that  if  he  would  re- 
nounce his  assumed  right,  the  rights  of  Canterbury 
should  be  cared  for  to  the  honor  of  the  royal  majesty 
and  not  to  Langton's  disadvantage.  John,  however, 
did  not  wish  to  break  absolutely  witii  the  Pope,  and 
accordingly  sent  envoys  to  say  that  he  would  acknowl- 
edge Langton  out  of  reverence  for  the  Pope,  but 
would  not  personally  confer  upon  him  the  investiture 
of  the  archiepiscopal  propcrt}-,  since  he  could  not  brin- 

359 


360  Age  0/  Hildebrand. 

himself  to  regard  him  with  complacency.  That  office 
he  would  transfer  to  the  Pope. 

Innocent  accordingly  commissioned  the  Bishops  of 
London,  Ely,  and  Worcester  to  confer  the  investiture 
in  his  name,  though  he  wrote  to  John  that  it  would 
be  more  creditable  if  he  should  perform  that  office 
himself.  This  was  soon  followed  by  another  letter, 
rebuking  the  King  and  threatening  him  with  excom- 
munication :  **  See !  the  bow  is  bent.  Flee  from  the 
arrow  which  has  not  yet  flown,  that  it  wound  thee 
not!" 

As  this  warning  produced  no  effect,  Innocent  com- 
missioned the  Bishops  of  London,  Ely,  and  Worcester 
to  pronounce  the  excommunication  and  to  send  the 
sentence  for  publication  to  the  few  prelates  still  re- 
maining in  the  kingdom.  The  three  bishops,  how- 
ever, dared  not  return  from  Flanders,  where  they 
had  taken  refuge,  and  the  bishops  who  remained  in 
England  had  not  the  courage  to  obey  the  Pope's 
command,  so  that  only  a  vague  rumor  of  the  excom- 
munication was  circulated.  Geoffrey,  Archdeacon 
of  Norwich,  who  was  employed  in  the  royal  ex- 
chequer, ventured  in  open  council  to  declare  his 
scruples  against  intercourse  with  the  excommunicated 
sovereign,  and  his  courage  cost  him  his  life;  for  the 
King  pursued  him  to  Norwich,  threw  him  into  prison, 
and  had  him  incased  in  a  leaden  mantle. 

The  Pope  could  not  enforce  the  proclamation  of 
the  ban.  The  people  patiently  endured  the  suspen- 
sion of  public  worship,  and  the  secular  barons  regarded 
with  malicious  delight  the  distress  of  the  bishops,  and 
displayed  great  zeal  in  the  King's  service.      Innocent 


John  EncoiLuters  Pandolfo.  361 


also  took  decisive  measures  with  reference  to  the 
property  of  Berengaria,  Richard's  widow,  which  John 
persisted  in  withholding  from  her  on  one  pretence  and 
another.  The  Pope  commanded  a  settlement  within 
six  months.  If  this  should  not  be  made,  the  estates 
belonging  to  the  Queen  should  be  put  under  special 
interdict  until  all  obligations  were  discharged.  John 
refused  settlement,  and  soon  committed  a  new  out- 
rage by  laying  a  tax  on  the  diocese  of  York;  and 
when  the  archbishop  proposed  to  go  to  Rome  and 
protest,  the  King  seized  his  property  and  enjoined 
his  jurisdiction. 

Such  was  the  condition  of  affairs  up  to  12 12,  when 
Innocent  formally  released  John's  subjects  from  their 
allegiance,  and  forbade  all  intercourse  with  the  King 
under  pain  of  excommunication.  Now  appeared 
Pandolfo,  the  Pope's  legate,  with  a  papal  embassy, 
and  had  an  interview  with  John  at  Northampton, 
where  he  demanded  the  return  of  Langton  and  the 
restoration  of  the  Archbishop  of  York.  The  King 
replied  that  if  Langton  dared  to  show  himself  in 
England  he  would  hang  him.  A  war  of  words  fol- 
lowed. John  declared  that  if  Langton  would  resign 
he  would  promise  to  acknowledge  whomsoever  the 
Pope  might  nominate  in  his  place,  and  to  give  Lang- 
ton a  see,  perhaps  in  England.  The  legate  answered 
that  it  was  not  the  church's  habit  to  depose  any 
bishop  without  sufficient  grounds,  but  that  it  knew 
how  to  cast  down  refractory  kings.  "  Can  you  make 
good  your  words?"  sneered  John.  "The  Pope  has 
pronounced  the  ban  over  you,  and  it  is  in  operation," 
answered  Pandolfo.      "  Anything  more  ?  "     *'  Surely. 


62  Age  of  Hildebra7id. 


From  this  day  all  Englishmen  who  have  had  com- 
munication with  you  are  excluded  from  the  church." 
"What  more?"  "Your  subjects  are  released  from 
their  allegiance.  Your  kingdom  belongs  to  any  one 
who  will  take  it."  "Anything  else?"  "  In  God's 
name  we  declare  to  you  that  your  heir  can  never  be 
crowned."  "  My  messengers  informed  me,"  repHed 
John,  "  that  you  were  well  disposed  towards  me ;  but 
I  see  that  you  mean  to  drive  me  from  my  kingdom. 
If  I  had  known  that  you  came  with  such  views,  I 
would  have  had  you  and  your  fellows  set  upon  asses." 
One  more  step  still  remained  to  the  Pope — the 
sentence  of  deposition.  To  carry  this  into  effect,  he 
proposed  to  use  the  King  of  France.  An  assembly 
was  convoked  at  Soissons  in  April,  12 13,  and  the 
Bishops  of  London  and  Ely  proclaimed  the  sentence, 
and  exhorted  the  King  of  France  and  all  others  to 
take  up  arms  to  dethrone  the  King  of  England  and 
replace  him  with  a  worthier  sovereign.  Philip  at  once 
proceeded  to  arm  an  immense  force.  The  fleet  con- 
sisted of  seventeen  hundred  vessels,  which  were  to 
rendezvous  at  Boulogne.  John  also  raised  a  large 
army  of  sixty  thousand  men  and  a  considerable  fleet, 
which  latter  he  distributed  at  different  points,  and 
with  which  he  hoped  to  prevent  the  landing  of  the 
French  in  England.  The  land  force,  which  was  en- 
camped at  Dover,  might  have  proved  invincible  if  it 
had  been  united  by  affection  for  the  King  and  zeal 
for  the  country ;  but  there  were  few  in  the  army 
whom  the  King  could  trust.  The  people  regarded 
him  with  horror  as  under  anathema,  the  barons  were 
disgusted  by  his  tyranny,  cruelty,  and  licentiousness, 


Cowardly  Submission  of  John,        363 


and  the  foul  murder  of  young  Arthur  was  not  for- 
gotten. John  himself  was  an  arrant  coward;  his 
superstitious  fears  had  been  aroused  by  the  prophecy 
of  one  Peter,  which  had  gained  popular  notoriety, 
that  before  Ascension  day  John  would  have  ceased 
to  be  King.  When,  therefore,  Pandolfo  suddenly 
appeared  at  Dover  desiring  an  interview,  the  panic- 
stricken  wretch  was  prepared  to  give  himself  up  to 
the  persuasive  words  of  the  wily  Italian,  and  made 
every  concession  that  he  demanded. 

He  agreed  to  submit  entirely  to  the  Pope's  judg- 
ment, to  acknowledge  Langton  as  primate,  to  restore 
all  the  banished  clergy  to  their  estates,  to  make  resti- 
tution of  all  goods  and  compensation  for  all  damages, 
and  to  release  every  one  who  had  been  outlawed  or 
imprisoned  for  adherence  to  the  Pope.  He  would 
pay  Peter's  pence  and  an  annual  tribute  of  a  thous-  ■^ 
and  marks  sterling. 

The  English  barons  were  indignant.  Most  of 
them  stood  aloof  from  the  King  and  refused  to  join 
him  in  his  invasion  of  France.  The  bishops,  and 
Langton  among  them,  took  sides  with  the  barons 
against  the  papal  legate.  To  Langton's  honor,  the 
churchman  now  gave  way  to  the  Englishman.  A 
new  legate,  Nicholas  of  Tusculum,  was  sent  to  Eng- 
land, to  whom  John  made  formal  submission  at  the 
high  altar  of  St.  Paul's,  and  formally  resigned  the 
kingdom  of  England  and  Ireland  to  the  papal  see. 
The  legate  was  empowered  to  fill  all  vacant  benefices  ; 
and  he  suspended  many  prelates  and  seized  their 
property.  The  barons  at  last  appealed  to  arms. 
John,  in  order  to  insure  papal   protection,  took  the 


364  Age  of  Hildebra7td. 

cross.  The  barons  armed  and  assembled  at  North- 
ampton, and  soon  after  obtained  possession  of  Lon- 
don, and  at  Runnymede  John  signed  the  famous 
Magna  Charta. 

^On  the  24th  of  August,  12 15,  Innocent  issued  a 
bull  declaring  Magna  Charta  void  because  it  infringed 
the  rights  of  the  King  without  the  approval  of  the 
Pope  as  feudal  lord.  It  is  a  notable  point  in  history. 
The  Pope  of  Rome  formally  declares  the  charter  of 
English  freedom  invalid.  The  Hildebrandian  idea 
r  squarely  confronts  the  consciousness  of  independent 
nationality,  brands  it,  and  bids  it  down. 

We  return  to  the  year  12 12,  which  was  marked  by 
a  unique  development  of  the  crusading  spirit.  In 
the  village  of  Cloies,  in  France,  there  appeared  in 
June  of  that  year  a  shepherd  boy  named  Stephen, 
endowed  with  a  remarkable  gift  of  speech,  who  an- 
nounced that  the  Saviour  had  authorized  him  to 
preach  the  cross.  He  went  through  towns  and  cities 
singing,  *'  Lord  Jesus,  help  us  again  to  the  holy 
cross."  His  example  stimulated  other  youthful 
preachers,  who  appeared  with  crosses,  banners,  and 
censers,  and  to  whom  children  of  both  sexes  joined 
themselves.  They  were  freely  entertained  by  the 
people,  and  when  asked,  "  Whither  are  you  going?  " 
replied,  "  To  God.  Beyond  the  sea  we  are  going  to 
seek  the  holy  cross."  In  spite  of  the  remonstrances 
and  restraints  of  parents,  the  children  broke  locks  and 
scaled  walls  and  joined  the  bands.  The  craze  was 
especially  violent  in  Burgundy  and  the  adjoining 
German  territory,  and  youths,  maidens,  old  men,  and 
many  priests  enHsted  in  their  ranks.    When  Innocent 


Fate  of  the  Young  Crusaders.  365 

heard  of  it  he  said,  ''  These  children  put  us  to  shame. 
While  we  sleep  they  bravely  rally  to  win  the  Holy 
Land." 

Several  thousands  of  them  marched  to  Marseilles, 
where  they  fell  into  the  hands  of  two  kidnappers,  who 
offered  to  convey  them  over  the  sea.  They  embarked 
in  seven  large  ships.  Two  of  the  vessels  were  wrecked 
on  the  island  of  San  Pietro,  not  far  from  Sardinia,  and 
all  on  board  were  lost,  much  more  fortunate  in  this 
fate  than  their  surviving  companions,  who  were  car- 
ried to  Alexandria  and  sold  as  slaves.  About  twenty 
thousand  assembled  in  Germany,  and  started  to  reach 
an  Italian  seaport.  Clad  in  smocks,  with  staves  and 
wallets,  they  crossed  the  Alps,  with  a  lad  for  their 
leader  barely  ten  years  old,  named  Nicholas,  the  tool 
of  a  rascally  father.  Many  were  lost  in  the  forests 
and  wastes,  and  died  of  hunger  and  thirst,  while 
others  were  robbed.  Seven  thousand  reached  Genoa, 
and  passed  on  thence  to  seek  another  seaport,  their 
numbers  melting  away  as  they  advanced  into  Lower 
Italy.  A  small  remnant  reached  Brindisi,  where  they 
were  stopped  by  the  bishop.  Nicholas  disappeared, 
and  nothing  more  was  heard  of  him.  Their  condition 
was  pitiable.  Some  hired  themselves  as  servants, 
others  fell  dead  in  the  streets,  and  a  few  reached 
Rome.  On  the  coast  of  San  Pietro  Pope  Gregory 
IX.  afterwards  erected  a  church  in  memory  of  the 
first  victims,  called  "  the  Church  of  the  New  Inno- 
cents," with  a  foundation  for  twelve  clergy. 

New  causes  for  anxiety  were  continually  emerging 
in  the  Latin  empire  in  the  East,  and  a  new  and 
urgent  call   to  the   rescue  of  the   Holy  Land  again 


366  Age  of  Hi  I de  brand. 

rang  through  the  West  from  the  apostoHc  throne. 
Nothing  but  the  dream  of  a  united  Christendom  with 
Rome  at  its  head,  of  the  Greek  Church  merged  in  the 
Roman,  of  the  principaHties  of  the  East  held  as  fiefs 
of  the  Roman  Church,  could  have  maintained  Inno- 
cent's enthusiasm  at  so  high  a  pitch,  in  the  face  of 
such  formidable  discouragements  and  such  general 
apathy.  Moreover,  a  crusade  was  a  convenient  ex- 
pedient for  diverting  popular  thought  from  dangerous 
channels,  for  placing  at  a  safe  distance  a  prince  who 
threatened  to  be  troublesome,  and  for  furnishing  the 
Pope  with  an  army  which,  though  enlisted  for  the 
holy  war,  might  be  serviceable  for  any  other  use  to 
which  he  might  have  occasion  to  put  it. 

Accordingly,  Innocent  displayed  all  his  former  zeal 
and  activity  in  promoting  this  latest  enterprise.  He 
even  wrote  to  the  Sultan  of  Damascus  and  Cairo,  in-' 
viting  him  to  give  back  the  Holy  City  to  the  faithful, 
assuring  him  that  the  Lord  was  about  to  restore  the 
heritage  of  Jesus  Christ,  and  counselling  him  to  avoid 
the  effusion  of  blood  and  the  desolation  of  his  empire. 
He  appealed  by  turns  to  the  Patriarchs  of  Alexandria 
and  Antioch,  and  to  all  the  princes  of  Armenia  and 


Syria.  The  bull  of  the  crusade  was  sent  into  every 
province  of  Christendom ;  preachers  were  chosen  to 
kindle  popular  interest,  and  promises  of  indulgence 
were  freely  dispensed. 

The  great  council  known  as  the  Twelfth  General 
Council  assembled  at  the  Lateran  in  November, 
12 1 5.  In  his  call  Innocent  had  announced  that  this 
assembly  was  to  be  according  to  the  model  of  the 
ancient  general  councils,  and  not  like  the  later  coun- 


The  Twelfth  General  Council.        367 


cils,  in  which  tlie  East  was  not  represented,  and 
where  a  number  of  bishops  merely  assembled  round 
the  Pope  to  Hsten  to  his  claims  and  to  subscribe  them. 
In  this  council  the  East  was  represented,  though  by 
Latin  patriarchs.  The  western  bishops  appeared  in 
great  numbers.  Deputies  were  present  from  the 
Kings  of  England,  Germany,  France,  Aragon,  and 
Hungary,  and  from  Henry,  the  Latin  Emperor  of 
Constantinople,  and  the  needs  of  the  church  and  of 
particular  countries  were  actually  discussed. 

The  Pope  opened  the  council  with  a  sermon,  in 
which  he  declared  his  readiness  to  apply  in  person  to 
the  princes  for  the  relief  of  the  Holy  Land.  Numer- 
ous decisions  were  reached ;  some  on  theological 
points,  as  the  scholastic  contest  about  the  Trinity, 
others  concerning  the  suppression  of  the  Albigensian 
heresy,  the  stated  observance  of  confession  and  the 
Eucharist,  the  prohibition  of  marriage  within  pre- 
scribed degrees.  Jews  and  Saracens  must  wear  dif- 
ferent clothes  from  Christians ;  the  crusade  was  to  be 
diligently  preached  ;  crusaders  who  preferred  it  could 
go  by  sea  from  Sicily ;  Raymond  of  Toulouse  was 
deprived  of  all  his  possessions,  and  was  sentenced  to 
pay  an  annual  tribute  of  four  hundred  marks ;  and 
the  whole  territory  captured  by  the  crusaders  in 
France  was  assigned  to  Simon  dc  Montfort.  Otto 
IV.  ventured  to  send  up  his  claim  to  the  German 
crown,  and  was  summarily  disposed  of.  The  English 
barons  presented  their  complaints  against  John,  but 
the  ban  over  themselves  was  confirmed,  and  London 
was  laid  under  interdict.  The  King  of  P^'rance  was 
excommunicated.      It  is  no  wonder   that   when   the 


368  Age  of  Hildebrand. 

results  of  this  council,  called  two  years  in  advance, 
were  laid  before  the  provincial  S3mods,  the  disappoint- 
ment was  general.  The  decrees  were,  in  fact,  mostly 
repetitions  of  old  canonical  decisions,  and  the  princi- 
pal novelty  was  the  Pope's  introduction  into  a  general 
council  of  dogmatic  decisions  on  scholastic  contro- 
versies. 

Innocent  III.  died  at  Perugia,  on  the  i6th  of  July, 
12 16,  in  the  sixty-fifth  year  of  his  age,  having  been 
Pope  for  eighteen  years  and  a  half. 

His  administration  surpassed  those  of  all  his  pred- 
ecessors. It  carried  Hildebrand's  policy  further  than 
Hildebrand  himself  was  able  to  carry  it,  and  it  did 
not  terminate  in  the  disaster  which  overwhelmed 
the  close  of  Hildebrand's  career.  He  was  not  as 
great  a  man  as  Hildebrand.  He  could  never  have 
originated  Hildebrand's  scheme,  though  he  could  and 
did  carry  it  out  with  a  vigor  equal  to  that  of  Hilde- 
brand himself.  He  was  no  less  resolute,  energetic, 
and  uncompromising,  and  more  flexible  and  versatile. 
He  added  nothing  to  the  great  outlines  of  Hilde- 
brand's policy,  and  he  used  only  the  instruments  and 
methods  which  Hildebrand  and  his  successors  had 
created.  His  moral  life  was  untainted  with  the  gross 
vices  so  common  among  the  clergy,  but  he  was  as 
cruel  as  Hildebrand,  and  more  treacherous.  Rome 
never  canonized  him.  She  recognized  in  him  "  a  king 
rather  than  a  priest,  a  Pope  rather  than  a  saint."  He 
was  the  enemy  of  evil  rather  than  the  fosterer  of 
good.  The  Albigensian  crusade  is  a  deep  and  in- 
delible stain  upon  his  character,  not  only  because  of 
the  horrible  atrocities  which  his  mandate  and  influ- 


Character  of  Innocent.  369 

ence  set  in  motion  and  perpetuated,  but  also  because 
of  his  deliberate  cruelty,  treachery,  and  falsehood 
towards  Raymond  of  Toulouse. 

By  training  he  was  both  a  jurist  and  a  theologian, 
and  was  not  without  classical  culture.  lie  was  fond  of 
preaching,  and  was  much  given  to  expounding  Scrip- 
ture in  that  allegorical  style  which  marked  the  fathers 
of  the  second  and  third  centuries.  He  was  preemin- 
ently a  man  of  affairs,  and  had  immense  power  of 
sustained  effort,  and  a  singular  facility  in  despatching 
business. 

Through  him  the  papal  power  may  be  said  to  have 
effectually  impressed  its  theory  of  sacerdotal  govern- 
ment upon  Europe.  If  there  was  any  period  at  which 
the  Papacy  could  be  said  to  rule  the  world  it  was 
during  his  pontificate ;  but  that  very  fact  makes  the 
failure  of  the  Hildebrandian  theory  the  more  conspic- 
uous. Perhaps  it  does  not  imply  exceptional  obtuse- 
ness  on  Innocent's  part  that  he  did  not  detect  the 
underlying  tendencies  of  his  own  age.  Perhaps  no 
Pope  could  be  expected  to  recognize  these,  or,  if  he 
did,  to  think  for  a  moment  that  they  carried  any 
menace  for  the  system  which  claimed  for  itself  divine 
origin  and  sanction.  Sunk  in  the  dream  of  a  universal 
papal  empire.  Innocent's  eyes  were  closed  to  the 
dawn  which  was  beginning  to  redden  the  sky,  and  its 
fresher  breath  did  not  penetrate  his  sealed  windows. 
The  Hildebrandian  popes  and  their  counsellors,  pos, 
sessed  with  the  idea  of  secular  sovereignty,  and  con- 
centrating their  attention  upon  secular 'agencies,  had 
never  accustomed  themselves  to  mark  the  deeper, 
slower  working  of  spiritual  and  intellectual   forces. 


370  Age  of  Hildebrand. 

Their  kingdom,  unlike  the  kingdom  of  heaven,  which 
they  fancied  that  they  represented,  came  only  with 
observation. 

The  middle  age  was  well  advanced,  but,  as  Saba- 
tier  remarks,  "  he  treated  it  as  if  it  were  only  fifteen 
years  old."  Significant  hints  came  to  him  from  which 
he  might  have  learned  much.  Ban  and  interdict 
were  often  impotent.  The  obedience  of  crusaders  and 
princes  to  the  mandates  of  the  Pope  was  by  no  means 
absolute;  he  was  often  forced  to  disavow  the  pro- 
ceedings of  his  legates,  and  men  like  Stephen  Lang- 
ton  were  his  enemies.  His  crusade  against  heres}^  in 
southern  France  resulted  in  frightful  bloodshed  with- 
out killing  the  revolt  against  ecclesiastical  authority. 
England,  Venice,  and  Lombardy  were  too  strong  for 
him.  Magna  Charta  was  something  which  he  could 
not  annul  by  a  decree.  Beneath  the  Pope's  feet  the 
ground  was  being  silently  honeycombed,  and  the  im- 
posing fabric,  planned  by  Hildebrand  and  built  up  by 
nineteen  successive  popes  during  nearly  a  century 
and  a  half,  was  in  danger  from  its  own  height.  The 
monstrous  assumptions  and  unscrupulous  methods  of 
the  Papacy  had  been  slowly  preparing  a  protest  which 
was  sure  to  make  itself  heard  ere  long;  and  the  vic- 
torious uprising  of  the  Lombard  communities,  the 
Constitutions  of  Clarendon,  the  Magna  Charta,  and 
the  republican  movement  in  Rome  itself,  revealed  the 
existence  and  energy  of  an  independent  national  con- 
sciousness which  boded  no  good  to  the  Roman  hier- 
archy. 


CHAPTER  XXXIV. 

THE  POPES  AND  FREDERICK  II. — THE  PASTOUREAUX 
AND  FLAGELLANTS — TPIE  MENDICANT  ORDERS. 

HE  efforts  of  Innocent's  successors  for 
nearly  a  century  resulted  in  no  new  or 
larger  development  of  the  hierarchical 
principle.  They  were  spent  in  the  at- 
tempt to  maintain  it  at  the  level  to 
which  Innocent  had  brought  it.  The  principal  interest 
of  the  three  following  pontificates — those  of  Honorius 

III.  (1216-27),  Gregory  IX.  (1227-41),  and  Innocent 

IV.  (1243-51) — lies  in  the  papal  contest  with  Fred- 
erick II.,  the  development  of  the  Mendicant  orders, 
the  growth  and  influence  of  the  universities,  and  the 
Inquisition. 

The  English  historian  Matthew  Paris  speaks  of 
Frederick  as  ''the  wonder  of  the  world."  Mr.  Free- 
man remarks  that  "  there  probably  never  lived  a 
human  being  endowed  with  greater  natural  gifts,  or 
whose  natural  gifts  were,  according  to  the  means 
afforded  him  by  his  age,  more  sedulously  cultivated. 
Warrior,  statesman,  lawgiver,  scholar,  there  was  noth- 
ing in  the  compass  of  the  political  or  intellectual 
world  of  his  age  which  he  failed   to  grasp."  ^     By 

1  "The  Emperor  Frederick  the   Second,"   "Historical  Essays," 
First  Series. 


372  Age  of  Hildebrand. 

birth  he  was  half  Norman  and  half  German  ;  by  birth- 
place, Italian ;  by  residence,  Sicilian  ;  by  temperament 
■^  and  education,  Italian  rather  than  German.  Sensual 
and  luxurious,  he  was  also  vigorous  and  brave  in  war, 
and  astute  in  politics.  Professing  strict  orthodoxy 
in  religion  and  enforcing  it  in  his  legislation,  lifelong 
contact  with  the  Saracen  and  natural  affinities  with 
Islamite  art  and  science  made  him  tolerant  of  Islam- 
ism.  By  nature  a  free-thinker,  his  reverence  for 
Christian  truth  and  life  as  exhibited  in  the  Roman 
Church  was  not  enhanced  by  the  examples  of  con- 
temporary prelates,  nor  by  the  cruel  injustice  which  he 
experienced  at  the  hands  of  the  Vicegerent  of  Christ. 
At  his  coronation  Innocent  had  exacted  from  the 
romantic,  enthusiastic,  and  inexperienced  youth  a 
crusading  vow,  which  proved  to  be  the  bane  of  his 
life  and  the  root  of  his  misfortunes.  Both  the  per- 
formance of  the  vow  and  a  quarrel  with  the  Papacy 
were  easily  evaded  under  the  administration  of  the 
mild  and  easy  Honorius  III.  ;  but  his  successor, 
Gregory  IX.,  an  octogenarian,  but  in  full  command 
of  his  faculties,  stern,  irascible,  of  indomitable  will, 
and  with  the  highest  views  of  the  papal  prerogative, 
at  once  assumed  towards  the  young  Emperor  the  at- 
titude of  tutor  and  guardian,  and  undertook  to  break 
him  into  submission.  At  his  command  Frederick  at 
once  proceeded  to  fulfil  his  vow,  and  embarked,  only 
to  return  after  a  few  days  on  a  plea  of  sickness.  Ex- 
communicated for  his  disobedience,  a  second  attempt 
was  visited  with  a  second  excommunication,  and  his 
success  in  rescuing,  by  a  treaty,  Jerusalem,  Nazareth, 
and    Bethlehem    from    infidel   hands,  was  met   with 


Pop7ilarity  of  Frederick.  ;>^^i 

papal  denunciations  for  perfidy  and  contumacy,  and 
for  the  reconciling  of  Christ  and  Behal,  by  the  papal 
interdict  upon  the  Holy  City,  and  by  the  efforts  of 
the  Pope  to  stir  up  war  and  insurrection  in  the  king- 
dom of  Sicily.  Gregory,  however,  was  unable  to 
counteract  the  admiration  and  sympathy  created  in 
Europe  by  Frederick's  success  in  Palestine,  nor  could 
the  papal  forces  resist  Frederick's  determined  on- 
slaught which  scattered  them  in  confusion. 

The  Treaty  of  San  Germano,  in  1230,  under  which 
the  ban  was  removed,  was  followed  by  nine  years  of 
peace  between  the  Emperor  and  the  Pope,  but  also 
by  the  revolt  of  Henry,  P'rederick's  son  and  vicege- 
rent in  Germany,  in  conspiracy  with  the  Lombard 
states,  the  complete  subjugation  of  which  made 
Frederick  master  of  Italy  and  threatened  to  reduce 
the  Pope  to  a  vassal  of  the  empire.  Another  excom- 
munication followed,  a  papal  treaty  with  Venice, 
Genoa,  and  the  confederated  cities  of  Lombardy,  and 
a  war  of  words,  in  which  both  Emperor  and  Pope 
exhausted  the  vocabulary  of  invective.  The  papal 
thunders,  however,  fell  upon  indifferent  ears.  The 
avarice  and  rapacity  of  the  Roman  see  had  alienated 
western  Christendom  from  the  court  of  St.  Peter. 
The  Pope's  allegations  against  Frederick  were  ques- 
tioned and  denied.  Even  the  feeble  Henry  HI.  of 
England  was  moved  to  mild  remonstrance  ;  the  Eng- 
lish clergy  flatly  refused  the  levy  imposed  for  the 
expenses  of  the  Pope's  contest  with  Frederick ;  Ger- 
many was  indignant,  and  met  the  papal  appeal  with 
recommendations  of  peace ;  and  Louis  of  France  re- 
fused his  aid  and  rebuked  Gregory  with  plain  words. 


374  ^^^  of  Hildebrand. 

The  Mendicant  friars,  the  most  active  and  dangerous 
arm  of  the  papal  service,  were  promptly  driven  by 
Frederick  from  his  kingdom,  and  the  English,  French, 
and  German  commissioners  to  a  council  at  Rome 
were  intercepted  and  imprisoned. 

The  contest  was  taken  up  by  Innocent  IV.,  who 
soon  was  compelled  to  flee  to  France,  where  he  met 
with  a  cold  reception  and  was  refused  permission  to 
reside  in  Rheims.  He  succeeded,  nevertheless,  in 
convoking  a  council  in  Rheims  in  June,  1246,  at 
which  Frederick  was  anathematized  and  his  subjects 
released  from  their  allegiance.  Then  the  drama  of 
conspiracy,  intrigue,  and  violence  continued  to  unfold 
itself  for  four  more  weary  years ;  hard  measure  to 
the  meddlesome  friars  who  were  busy  in  stirring  up 
rebellion  among  Frederick's  subjects;  summons  to 
revolt  by  the  Pope ;  conspiracy  of  Sicilian  and  Apul- 
ian  barons,  and  prompt  and  cruel  execution  of  the  con- 
spirators ;  fruitless  attempts  at  negotiation;  then  an 
anti-imperialist  league  in  Germany,  and  Henry  Raspe 
of  Thuringia  elected  through  the  mandate  and  the 
money  of  Innocent,  and  anointed  at  Hochem,  and 
soon  after  defeated  and  dead.  From  this  time  the 
star  of  the  •  Hohenstaufen  seemed  to  wane.  The 
turning-point  was  the  capture  of  Parma  by  the  papal 
forces,  followed  by  the  seizure  of  Frederick's  son,  the 
brave  Enzio,  by  the  Bolognese,  and  the  attempt  to 
poison  the  Emperor  by  his  chancellor. 

Frederick  died  in  1250,  pursued  after  death  by 
papal  maledictions  and  slanders,  which  represented 
him  as  dying  unreconciled  to  the  church,  and  his  son 
Manfred  as  having  hastened  his  death  by  smothering 


Manfred.  375 


him  with  a  pillow.  In  his  last  will  he  directed  that 
all  her  rights  and  honors  should  be  restored  to  tlic 
church  on  condition  of  her  restoration  of  all  the 
rights  and  powers  of  the  empire.  The  church  re- 
fused to  regard  this  concession  as  other  tlian  the 
stubborn  act  of  a  rebel. 

The  death  of  Frederick  did  not  destroy  the  hostil- 
ity between  the  Papacy  and  the  empire.  The  hatretl 
of  the  Papacy  towards  the  house  of  Ilohenstaufcn 
was  implacable,  and  was  carried  into  effect  at  fearful 
cost  to  Italy.  Frederick's  son  Manfred  seized  the 
crown  of  Sicily  and  Naples,  notwithstanding  the 
Pope's  declaration  that  "that  sacrilegious  race"  had 
forever  forfeited  the  throne,  and  held  it,  to  the  ex- 
clusion of  Conradin,  the  young  son  of  Conrad  IV.  of 
Germany.  The  Pope  kept  offering  the  crown  to  one 
and  another,  and  it  was  at  last  accepted  by  Charles 
of  Anjou,  a  younger  brother  of  Louis  IX.  of  France, 
who  was  furnished  with  money  by  the  Pope  to  enable 
him  to  take  possession.  He  defeated  Manfred  and 
assumed  the  sovereignty.  The  P'^rench  rule  by  its 
cruelty  and  outrage  was  a  curse  to  the  southern  king- 
dom, and  in  1268,  Conradin,  now  sixteen  years  of  age, 
with  Frederick  of  Austria,  crossed  the  Alps  in  order 
to  recover  his  inheritance,  and  was  joined  by  the 
Ghibelline  party  in  Italy.  He  defeated  Charles  at 
Scurcola  in  1268,  but  lost  his  victory  through  Charles's 
cunning,  and  he  and  P'rederick  both  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  French  and  were  pubhcly  executed. 

In  Conradin's  death  the  house  of  Hohenstaufcn, 
unrivaled  in  splendor  among  the  houses  of  Germany, 
expired  at  the  hands  of  the  Gregorian  Papacy.    Under 


376  Age  of  Hildebrand, 


it  the  internal  decomposition  of  the  empire  had  be- 
come complete.  Indeed,  the  Holy  Roman  Empire 
really  fell  with  the  death  of  Frederick  II.,  whom 
Dante  calls  "  the  last  Emperor  of  the  Romans."  ^ 
He  was  "  the  last  prince  in  whose  style  the  imperial 
titles  do  not  seem  a  mockery ;  he  was  the  last  under 
whose  rule  the  three  imperial  kingdoms  retained  any 
practical  connection  with  one  another,  and  with  the 
ancient  capital  of  all."  - 

The  pontificate  of  Alexander  IV.,  the  successor  of 
Innocent,  was  marked  by  two  singular  outbreaks  of 
popular  fanaticism.  The  first  was  that  of  the  Pastour- 
eaux,  or  "shepherds,"  an  insurrection  against  the 
nobles  and  churchmen,  which  originated  among  the 
very  lowest  orders  of  society.  In  125  i  appeared  a 
mysterious  preacher  known  as  the  "  Hungarian."  He 
was  an  old  man  who  carried  in  his  clenched  hand  a 
paper  which  he  pretended  he  had  received  from  the 
Virgin  Mary  as  his  commission.  He  spoke  Latin, 
French,  and  German,  and  wandered  from  town  to 
town,  preaching  against  the  rich  who  suffered  the 
Holy  Land  to  remain  in  the  hands  of  the  infidels,  and 
summoning  the  poor  and  the  humble  to  rescue  the 
sacred  places.  Great  applause  followed  his  attacks 
on  the  clergy  and  the  Mendicant  orders,  whom  he 
denounced  as  given  over  to  lusts  of  the  flesh  and  as 
being  vagrants  and  hypocrites. 

The  peasants  left  their  employments  and  thronged 
to  him,  until  the  multitude  amounted  to  a  hundred 
thousand.  The  movement  drew  to  itself  all  the 
disorderly  elements  of  society,  and  the  vagabonds  in 

1  "  Convito,"  iv.,  3.  2  Freeman. 


The  Flagellants.  377 

many  cases  brought  arms  with  them.  At  Orleans 
they  broke  into  the  houses  of  the  clergy  and  burned 
their  books.  At  Bourges  the  Hungarian  was  killed 
in  a  tumult,  and  the  citizens  cut  down  the  crowd  of 
wretches.  Some  of  their  emissaries  went  to  England 
and  excited  an  uprising  among  some  peasants  there. 
Their  leaders  acted  the  part  of  bishops,  blessed  the 
people,  sprinkled  holy  water,  and  celebrated  marriages. 
Their  spoliations  of  the  clergy  won  them  favor  with 
the  people,  and  prelates  of  high  standing  declared 
that  so  great  a  danger  had  never  threatened  Christen- 
dom since  Mahomet.  Simon  de  Montfort  dispersed 
them  at  Bordeaux,  threw  their  leader  into  the  Garonne, 
and  hanged  many  of  them,  and  the  movement  was  thus 
finally  suppressed. 

About  ten  years  later  broke  out  the  inexplicable 
craze  of  the  Flagellants,  who  first  appeared  at  Perugia. 
The  population  was  suddenly  seized  with  a  fury  of 
penitence,  which  possessed  all  ranks  and  ages,  and 
both  sexes.  The  whole  of  Upper  Italy  was  soon  filled 
with  tens  of  thousands  of  penitents,  who  walked  in 
procession,  stripped  to  the  waist,  praying  God  for 
mercy  and  scourging  each  other  with  leathern  thongs 
until  the  blood  marked  their  tracks.  They  marched 
through  the  cities  by  day  and  night  in  the  sharp- 
est cold  of  winter,  preceded  by  priests  with  crosses 
and  banners,  to  the  churches,  where  they  prostrated 
themselves, before  the  altars.  Thirty-three  days,  the 
number  of  the  years  of  Christ's  earthly  life,  was  the 
usual  period  of  the  penance.  Usurers  and  robbers 
restored  their  gains,  and  criminals  confessed  their 
transgressions.     The   movement   spread   throughout 


378  Age  of  Hildebrand, 

Germany  and  Bohemia,  but,  like  all  similar  ebullitions 
of  ignorant  fanaticism,  soon  ceased,  and  was  even  de- 
nounced as  heresy. 

But  a  far  more  serious  and  permanent  development 
was  that  of  the  Mendicant  orders.  The  monastic 
orders  had  long  been  an  established  feature  of  the 
Papacy  and  an  important  and  powerful  organ  of  its 
administration.  They  were  diffused  over  Europe, 
and  had  amassed  great  wealth.  They  had  rendered 
valuable  services  in  rescuing  extensive  domains  from 
desolation,  in  improving  the  art  of  agriculture,  in 
preserving  and  reproducing  the  treasures  of  literature, 
and  in  furnishing  shelter  and  medical  aid  to  the  un- 
protected and  the  sick.  Their  influence  was  felt  in 
church  councils;  they  had  furnished  more  than  one 
distinguished  occupant  of  the  papal  chair,  and  their 
organization  and  discipline  had  contributed  greatly 
to  the  efficiency  of  the  hierarchical  system.  So 
greatly  had  the  number  of  the  religious  orders  in- 
creased during  the  last  two  centuries  that  the  Fourth 
Lateran  Council  had  prohibited  any  further  multipli- 
cation. Any  one  desiring  to  adopt  the  monastic  life 
must  select  one  of  the  orders  already  established. 
Yet  the  very  Pope  who  issued  this  decree  himself  sanc- 
tioned the  creation  of  two  new  orders  whose  influence 
was  destined  to  surpass  that  of  all  their  predecessors. 

By  the  end  of  the  twelfth  century  it  was  apparent 
that  the  church  could  not  maintain  her  grasp  upon 
Christendom  by  force.  It  was  equally  apparent  that 
her  existing  agencies  could  not  or  would  not  foster 
the  spiritual  life  of  the  people.  The  profligacy  and 
rapacity  of  the  clergy  repelled  and  disgusted  them, 


Error  in  the  Monastic  Ideal.  2>79 

and  had  not  a  little  to  do  with  driving  them  into 
those  sects  and  heresies  which  the  church  in  vain 
sought  to  repress.  The  monasteries,  which,  on  their 
serene  heights  or  in  their  lovely  valleys,  seemed  to 
invite  to  praise  and  prayer  and  rapt  meditation,  were 
too  often  haunts  of  debauchery  and  rampant  lust. 
Such  charges  as  .these  cannot  be  laid  to  Protestant 
prejudice.  The  most  plain-spoken  and  sickening  ex- 
hibitions of  these  abominations  proceed  from  church- 
men. But  granting  all  possible  mitigations,  allowing, 
as  we  may  freely  allow,  that  there  was  a  better  side 
to  the  monastic  life,  and  that  within  those  walls  there 
were  not  a  few  whose  piety  was  real  and  whose  lives 
were  pure,  there  was  an  evil  in  the  monastic  ideal  itself. 
For  seclusion  is  not  the  true  ideal  of  Christian  life. 
Mere  absence  of  temptation,  if  temptation  can  ever 
be  absent,  does  not  develop  sanctity.  The  self-cen- 
tred, isolated  life  of  the  recluse  can  never  leaven 
society.  Religion  is  made  for  contact,  and  attains  its 
highest  practical  ends  thereby.  The  crying  needs  of 
those  wretched,  trampled  mediaeval  populations  were 
not  to  be  reached  or  relieved  by  the  macerations  or 
the  ecstasies  of  the  lonely  devotee.  If  there  is  a 
danger  in  loving  the  world,  there  is  also  a  danger  in 
withdrawing  from  it.  It  is  easier  to  retire  into  the 
wilderness  than  to  mingle  with  and  purify  the  com- 
mon life  of  men.  Piety  spoils  if  it  is  shut  up.  The 
best  way  to  increase  it  is  to  communicate  it.  The  monk 
found  that  to  immure  himself  in  the  monastery  was 
not  to  escape  temptation.    The  devil  had  a  pass-key.  ^ 


1  I  know  of  no  more  powerful  development  of  this  truth  than  Georg 
Ebers's  "  Homo  Sum." 


380  Age  of  Hildebrafid. 

There  were  men  in  that  age  who  perceived  and 
exposed  the  abuses  of  clerical  life — men  like  Bernard 
and  Gerhoch  of  Reichersperg  and  Peter  Cantor;  and 
Waldo's  mission  was  an  effort  to  evangelize  the 
church  itself.  But  there  were  also  men  who  looked 
deeper  and  detected  the  radical  error  of  the  monastic 
ideal,  and  who  had  the  courage  to  confront  it  with 
another  and  a  more  Christian  ideal. 

Some  precursors  of  the  great  preaching  orders  ap- 
peared towards  the  end  of  the  twelfth  century,  as 
Foulque  de  Neuilly,  an  obscure  and  imperfectly  edu- 
cated priest,  to  whom  a  preaching  license  was  given 
by  Innocent  III.,  whom  thousands  flocked  to  hear, 
and  who  was  especially  successful  in  reclaiming  dis- 
solute women,  for  whom  the  convent  of  St.  Antoine 
was  founded  at  Paris.  Duran  de  Huesca,  the  Catalan, 
was  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  Waldensians  in  Aragon. 
With  him  originated  the  idea,  afterwards  developed 
by  the  Franciscans  and  Dominicans,  of  an  order  de- 
voted to  preaching  and  missionary  work.  His  plan 
was  submitted  to  Innocent  III.  and  approved.  It 
embraced  strict  chastity  of  life,  absolute  poverty, 
numerous  fasts,  prayer  seven  times  daily,  and  a  habit 
of  white  or  gray  with  sandals.  The  learned  were  to 
devote  themselves  to  preaching  and  reclaiming  here- 
tics. The  care  of  the  poor  was  to  be  the  special  duty 
of  the  order.  This  community,  known  as  the  "  Pau- 
peres  Catholici,"  had  established,  by  the  year  1209, 
communities  in  Aragon,  Narbonne,  Beziers,  Usez, 
Carcassonne,  and  Nismes.  They  disappeared  in  the 
Albigensian  crusade,  and  were  not  heard  of  after 
1212. 


CHAPTER  XXXV. 

THE    DOMINICANS    AND    FRANCISCANS. 


HE  Archbishop  of  Toulouse  brought  with 
him  to  the  great  Lateran  council  in  1215 
a  Spaniard  named  DomingojlgGuzman, 
who  desired  permission  to  found  a  new 
order.  He  was  a  native  of  Calaruega, 
in  Old  Castile,  and  had  been  trained  in  the  University 
of  Palencia.  He  labored  for  a  long  time  in  Langue- 
doc,  where  he  show^ed  that  he  could  learn  even  from 
heretics,  since  he  adopted  a  measure  which  they 
found  very  eflfective  in  disseminating  their  views — 
the  foundation  of  institutions  for  the  gratuitous  edu- 
cation of  young  girls  of  gentle  blood.  The  establish- 
ment of  Prouille  became  a  large  and  w^ealthy  convent, 
which  boasted  of  being  the  germ  of  the  Dominican 
order. 

Disappearing  for  eight  years,  he  came  into  view 
again  after  the  battle  of  Muret  had  destroyed  the 
hopes  of  Raymond  of  Toulouse.  In  12 14  he  was 
forty-four  years  of  age,  earnest,  resolute,  zealous, 
kindly,  winning  in  manners,  and  given  to  the  practice 
of  severe  austerities.  In  this  year,  Pierre  Cella,  a 
rich  Toulousan,  resolved  to  join  him  in  his  mission 
work,  and  gave  a  large  house  near  Chateau  Narbon- 

381 


382  Age  of  Hildebrand, 

nais,  which  for  more  than  a  hundred  years  remained 
the  home  of  the  Inquisition.  A  few  gathered  round 
him  and  hv^ed  as  monks,  devoting  themselves  to 
peaceful  instruction.  Foulques,  the  Bishop  of  Tou- 
louse, as  already  noted,  took  Dominic  with  him  to 
the  Lateran  council  to  obtain  the  Pope's  permission 
to  found  a  new  order.  Innocent  hesitated,  but  the 
story  runs  that  his  doubts  were  removed  by  a  dream, 
in  which  he  saw  the  Lateran  tottering  to  its  fall,  and 
a  man  whom  he  recognized  as  Dominic  supporting  it 
on  his  shoulders.  He  finally  gave  his  consent  on  the 
condition  that  Dominic  and  his  friends  would  adopt 
the  rule  of  some  established  order,  and  Dominic  se- 
lected that  of  St.  Augustine. 

The  order  was  divided  into  provinces,  with  a  pro- 
vincial Prior  over  each  and  a  general  Master  over  all. 
Its  members  were  trained  to  mix  with  the  world,  and 
were  exercised  in  all  the  arts  of  persuasion.  They 
were  known  as  the  Preaching  Friars.  The  vow  of 
poverty  formed  no  part  of  the  original  foundation, 
and  was  not  adopted  until  1220,  after  the  Franciscans 
had  set  the  example.  The  chapter  of  1228  prohib- 
ited the  acquisition  of  lands  or  revenues.  Innocent 
died  before  Dominic  could  reach  Rome  to  receive  the 
papal  confirmation,  but  the  sanction  of  the  see  was 
given  by  Honorius  III.  in.1216.  Returning  to 
Toulouse,  Dominic  immediately  dispersed  his  follow- 
ers on  their  mission  of  preaching  in  all  parts  of  the 
world.  He  himself  went  to  Rome,  where  he  won 
many  disciples.  In  Paris  the  order  was  granted  the 
house  of  St.  Jacques,  and  founded  the  famous  con- 
vent  of   the   Jacobins.      In    12 18   Dominic   went   to 


Francis  of  Assist.  T)'^^ 


Spain,  and  founded  the  first  monastery  of  the  order 
at  Segovia  and  a  second  at  Madrid.  At  Barcelona  a 
respectable  citizen  devoted  his  house  to  the  purpose. 

He  was  now  joined  by  his  brother,  and  the  two 
were  summoned  to  Germany  and  went  subsequently 
to  Hungary,  where  the  Patarines  furnished  a  large 
field  for  their  activity.  Four  years  after  the  six- 
teen disciples  parted  at  Toulouse,  the  order  had  sixty 
convents  and  was  organized  into  eight  provinces — 
Spain,  Provence,  France,  PZngland,  Germany,  Hun- 
gary, Lombardy,  and  Romagnuola.  Dominic  died  in 
122 1,  but  the  organization  continued  to  grow,  draw- 
ing into  itself  the  best  intellects  of  the  age,  and  every- 
where earning,  the  respect  and  confidence  of  the 
people. 

The  founder  of  the  Franciscan  order  was  born  at 
Assisi  about  1 182,  and  was  the  son  of  a  rich  merchant, 
Pietro  Bernardone.  He  was  baptized  by  the  name 
of  Giovanni,  but  his  father  chose  to  call  him  Francis. 
His  youth  was  passed  in  dissipation,  and  he  achieved 
distinction  among  his  companions  by  his  extrava- 
gances, though  the  influence  of  the  Troubadours, 
whose  productions  appealed  to  courtesy  and  delicacy, 
kept  him  from  coarseness  and  indecency.  A  violent 
illness  in  his  twentieth  year  resulted  in  his  conversion. 
He  gave  himself  up  to  solitude  and  sympathetic  min- 
istration to  the  poor,  and  then  went  on  a  pilgrimage 
to  Rome.  On  his  return  to  Assisi  he  surrendered 
his  patrimony,  and  devoted  himself  thenceforth  to  the 
work  of  preaching  and  ministering  to  the  poor  and 
sick,  especially  lepers.  With  his  companions  he  re- 
tired to  Portiuncula,  in  the  vicinity  of  Assisi,  where 


384  Age  of  Hilde brand. 

they  constructed  lodgings  of  boughs.  When  the 
community  reached  the  number  of  twelve  they  went 
to  Rome  to  obtain  the  Pope's  approval  of  their  or- 
ganization. Innocent  reserved  his  full  approbation, 
but  authorized  them  to  continue  their  mission,  and 
gave  them  his  blessing,  with  a  promise  of  full  indorse- 
ment if  they  should  prove  successful.  Portiuncula 
was  formally  ceded  to  them  by  the  Benedictines,  and 
there  the  first  Franciscan  convent  was  established. 

Although  they  did  not  hesitate  to  receive  alms  on 
occasion,  their  rule  was  work  and  not  beggary. 
After  entering  the  order  the  brethren  were  to  con- 
tinue exercising  their  former  callings  or  to  learn  one. 
For  payment  for  their  labors  they  were  to  accept  only 
such  food  as  was  offered  them,  and  if  that  was  insuf- 
ficient they  might  beg.  A  special  feature  of  their 
organization  was  poverty.  Readers  will  recall  the 
praise  of  Francis  which  Dante,  in  the  "  Paradiso," 
puts  into  the  mouth  of  Thomas  Aquinas,  a  member 
of  the  rival  order  of  Dominicans : 

"  For  he  in  youth  his  father's  wrath  incurred 
For  certain  Dame,  to  whom,  as  unto  death, 
The  gate  of  pleasure  no  one  doth  unlock ; 
And  was  before  his  spiritual  court 
^  Et  coram  patre  unto  her  united  ; 

Then  day  by  day  more  fervently  he  loved  her. 
She,  reft  of  her  first  husband,  scorned,  obscure, 
One  thousand  and  one  hundred  years  and  more, 
Waited  without  a  suitor  till  he  came. 


But  that  too  darkly  I  may  not  proceed, 

Francis  and  Poverty  for  these  two  lovers 

Take  thou  henceforward  in  my  speech  diffuse."! 

1  "  Paradiso,"  xi.,  58-75  (Longfellow's  translation). 


Institution  of  the  Franciscan  Order,    385 

The  number  of  his  disciples  constantly  increased. 
They  were  recruited  mostly  from  the  young  men  of 
Assisi  and  its  neighborhood,  some  of  whom  were 
nobles  and  some  farmers.  By  12 16  the  church  had 
discerned  in  the  new  order  a  power  which  it  was  for 
its  interest  to  utilize.  Honorius  III.  offered  it  his 
protection,  seeing  in  it  an  instrument  for  reviving  the 
popular  zeal  for  the  crusades. 

In  12 19  Francis  set  out  for  the  East  to  preach  to 
the  Mahometans.  He  was  carried  before  the  Sultan 
and  was  heard  with  the  reverence  which  the  Islamite 
pays  to  insanity.  He  passed  through  the  Holy  Land 
and  the  kingdom  of  Antioch,  and  then  returned  to 
Italy.  Some  of  his  order  suffered  torture  and  death 
at  the  hands  of  the  Moors  of  Africa. 

It  will  have  been  noticed  that  up  to  this  time  the 
order  as  such  had  received  no  formal  papal  recogni- 
tion. It  had  been  merely  licensed  as  a  preaching 
order,  and  its  missions  had  been  organized  with  the 
Pope's  approval.  Francis  desired  no  more  than  this, 
but  the  papal  court  insisted  upon  precise  and  detailed 
regulations.  Francis,  after  an  interview  with  the 
Pope's  legate,  decided  to  go  to  Rome ;  and  after 
conference  there  a  bull  was  issued  in  1220,  constitut- 
ing the  Franciscans  an  order  in  the  strictest  sense, 
and  thus  inaugurating  a  new  era  in  their  relations 
with  the  church.  The  bull  was  the  laying  of  the 
strong  hand  of  the  Papacy  upon  the  Franciscans. 
From  this  time  Francis  resigned  the  mastership  of 
the  order.  The  final  rule  of  1223,  in  the  attempt  to 
assimilate  the  movement,  transformed  it  from  its  orig- 
inal ideal.     The  association,  which  in  the  beginning 


3 


86  A^-e  of  Hildebrand. 


was  antimonastic,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  dogmatic 
and  sacerdotal  church,  and  was  bent  to  its  policy. 
Under  the  new  rule  the  name  of  the  order  was  the 
•'  Brothers  and  Sisters  of  Penitence." 

The  Mendicant  orders  were  a  startling  innovation 
on  the  monastic  theory.  The  essence  of  monasticism 
was  selfish — the  effort  of  the  individual  to  secure  his 
own  salvation  by  repudiating  all  the  duties  and  re- 
sponsibilities of  life.  The  spirit  of  the  Mendicants 
was  consuming  zeal  for  the  salvation  of  others.  Into 
this  movement  large  numbers  of  laymen  were'  drawn 
by  the  institution  of  the  ''  tertiary  orders,"  through 
which  laymen,  without  abandoning  the  world,  were 
associated  with  the  labors  of  the  brethren.  Upon  a 
population  generally  ignorant,  easily  stirred  to  tem- 
pests of  emotion,  and  groping  blindly  for  something 
better  than  the  church  had  given  them,  the  influ- 
ence of  the  Mendicants  was  profound.  The  Papacy 
recognized  in  them  an  agency  far  superior  to  any  that 
had  hitherto  been  known,  for  bringing  its  power  to 
bear  directly  upon  every  corner  of  Christendom,  for 
breaking  down  the  independence  of  the  local  prelates, 
and  for  fighting  the  enemies  of  the  secular  hierarchy. 

Privileges  and  exemptions  were  showered  upon 
them,  until  they  were  rendered  practically  independ- 
ent of  the  regular  ecclesiastical  organization.  The 
rule  that  excommunication  or  anathema  could  be 
removed  only  by  him  who  had  pronounced  it  was 
altered  in  their  favor.  Bishops  were  required  to  give 
absolution  to  any  Franciscan  or  Dominican  who 
should  apply  for  it,  and  Mendicant  friars  were  author- 
ized to  absolve  members  of  their  own  order  from  any 


A  Blow  at  the  Episcopate.  ^i^*] 

censures  inflicted  on  them.  The  members  of  the 
order  were  thus  responsible  only  to  their  own  super- 
iors, and  could  undermine  the  power  and  influence  of 
the  local  hierarchy  and  replace  them  with  the  absolute 
authority  of  Rome.  By  a  series  of  bulls  of  Boniface 
VIII. ,  in  1295,  they  were  formally  released  from  all 
episcopal  jurisdiction,  and  the  statutes  of  the  orders 
were  declared  to  be  the  only  laws  by  which  they  were 
to  be  judged.  Gregory  IX.,  in  1 241,  granted  them 
the  privilege  of  living  freely  in  the  lands  of  excom- 
municates, and  of  receiving  assistance  and  food  from 
them.  Therefore  they  could  penetrate  everywhere, 
and  serve  as  secret  emissaries  in  the  interest  of  Rome. 
Their  efficiency  was  demonstrated  in  the  long 
struggle  with  Frederick  II.  Frederick  banished  the 
Franciscans  from  Naples  in  1229,  as  papal  emissaries 
seeking  to  undermine  the  people's  allegiance  to  the 
Emperor.  When  Gregory  IX.,  in  1234,  laid  the  Em- 
peror under  ban,  he  communicated  the  ban  to  the 
Franciscan  friars  for  publication ;  and  when  Frederick 
was  deposed  by  the  Council  of  Lyons  the  Dominicans 
were  employed  to  announce  the  sentence.  Thus  the 
Mendicants,  originally  a  spiritual  force  in  a  movement 
against  the  corruption  of  the  church  and  an  evangel- 
istic force  in  the  interest  of  penitence  and  faith,  were 
converted  by  the  Roman  see  into  an  instrument  of  its 
own  greed  and  secular  tyranny.  Gradually  supersed- 
ing the  bishops  in  the  publication  or  enforcement  of 
papal  mandates,  they  worked  on  the  line  of  Hilde- 
brand's  purpose  to  weaken  the  episcopal  power  and 
to  make  everything  centre  in  Rome.  Commissions 
for  the  investigation  or  trial  of  abuses,  formerly  issued 


388  Age  of  Hildebra7td, 

to  bishops,  were  now  issued  to  them,  and  the  papal 
power  was  thus  felt  in  every  abbey  and  episcopal 
palace  in  Europe. 

A  fruitful  cause  of  discord  was  their  intrusion  into 
the  pulpit  and  the  confessional.  Preaching  had  been 
previously  reserved  for  bishops,  and  had  been  much 
neglected,  and  lazy  priests  had  ceased  to  concern 
themselves  about  the  souls  of  their  people.  By 
Gregory  IX.,  in  1227,  the  friars  were  empowered  to 
preach,  to  hear  confession,  and  to  grant  absolution. 
They  gradually  invaded  every  parish,  to  the  immense 
disgust  of  the  local  priesthood  and  the  serious  dimin- 
ution of  their  revenues.  The  matter  was  made  worse 
by  the  fact  that  the  people  welcomed  the  ministrations 
of  the  intruders  and  preferred  them  to  their  own 
spiritual  advisers.  Their  reputation  for  sanctity  and 
the  fervor  of  their  preaching  drew  crowds  to  their 
ministrations.  They  were  more  skilful  in  the  work 
of  the  confessional  than  the  regular  incumbents,  and 
in  the  popular  feeling  superior  virtue  attached  to  their 
penances  and  absolutions. 

Such  intrusions  naturally  provoked  antagonism  be- 
tween the  regular  clergy  and  the  new  orders,  and 
matters  came  to  an  issue  at  Paris,  which  had  wel- 
comed Dominic's  first  missionaries,  while  the  univers- 
ity had  admitted  Dominicans  to  its  corps  of  teachers. 
Two  of  these  refused  to  obey  the  order  of  the  univers- 
ity authorities  to  suspend  lectures  on  account  of  the 
murder  of  some  students.  The  question  was  appealed 
to  Rome,  and  the  Mendicants  were  worsted.  The 
university  now  represented  the  cause  of  the  local 
clergy  generally,  and  made  an  organized  attempt  to 


Saved  by  Death,  389 

deprive  the  orders  of  the  privileges  which  made  them 
so  dangerous.  Innocent  IV.,  who  had  issued  briefs 
in  their  favor,  now  unexpectedly  issued  a  bull  forbid- 
ding them  to  receive  in  their  churches  on  Sundays 
and  feast-days  the  parishioners  of  others ;  to  hear 
confession  without  the  special  license  of  the  parish 
priests ;  to  preach  in  their  own  churches  before  mass, 
and  to  preach  in  parish  churches  and  when  bishops 
preached  or  commissioned  others  to  preach. 

This  was  simply  to  annihilate  both  orders ;  but  they 
were  saved  by  the  death  of  Innocent.  His  successor, 
Alexander  IV.,  a  warm  friend  of  the  Mendicants,  at 
once  revoked  the  bull,  and  decided  the  quarrel  in 
favor  of  the  Dominicans.  The  university  was  at  last 
defeated  and  obliged  to  submit  to  the  demands  of  the 
Mendicants,  but  their  aggressions  created  a  widely 
spread  and  determined  hostility  in  all  ranks  of  the 
clergy.  Some  fresh  concessions  by  Martin  V.  roused 
the  whole  Galilean  church,  and  Honorius  IV.  was 
finally  won  over,  and  was  on  the  point  of  issuing  a 
bull  depriving  the  Mendicants  of  the  right  to  preach 
and  to  hear  confession,  when  his  death  interposed  in 
their  favor.  The  fight  did  not  end  until  the  sixteenth 
century,  and  then  terminated  in  a  compromise. 

Both  orders  in  course  of  time  degenerated.  Preach- 
ing for  money  early  began  among  them.  Their  pro- 
fession of  poverty  became  a  notorious  farce,  and  their 
vow  was  evaded  by  vesting  absolute  ownership  of  all 
property  in  the  Pope,  and  enjoying  the  returns,  which 
was  permitted  by  the  rules.  The  property  thus  vested 
accumulated  so  that  the  two  orders  were  the  richest 
in  Christendom,     Their  monasteries  became  palaces. 


390  Age  of  Hildebr'and. 

Bonaventura,  in  1257,  even  while  fighting  for  them 
against  the  University  of  Paris,  lamented  their  avarice, 
idleness,  excesses,  and  importunate  beggary,  their 
splendid  palaces,  and  their  greedy  grasping  after 
legacies  and  benefices.  Their  employment  as  poHti- 
cal  emissaries  diverted  them  from  their  spiritual  dut- 
ies, attracted  ambitious  and  scheming  men  into  their 
ranks,  and  gave  a  secular  character  to  their  institu- 
tions ;  and  the  mutual  hatred-^and  jealousy  of  the  two 
orders,  and  the  unscrupulous  means  by  which  these 
were  gratified,  were  a  constant  scandal  and  danger 
to  the  church. 


CHAPTER  XXXVI. 

THE    INQUISITION. 

N  important  part  of  the  work  of  the 
Mendicant  orders  was  the  conversion 
and  persecution  of  heretics.  The  In- 
quisition, as  the  most  effective  agent  in 
this  work,  thus  fell  into  their  hands  and 
was  made  their  own.  The  foundation  of  this  fearful 
institution  is  commonly  ascribed  to  Dominic,  but 
without  sufficient  reason,  since  the  Inquisition,  as  a 
regularly  constituted  tribunal,  had  no  existence  until 
several  years  after  his  death.  Neither  can  the  Do- 
minicans exclusively  claim  the  questionable  glory 
of  organizing  and  perfecting  the  institution.  They 
were  convenient  instruments  whenever  a  crusade 
against  heretics  was  set  on  foot,  since  their  order 
was  specially  devoted  to  preaching  and  converting; 
and  as  converting  gradually  gave  place  to  persecut- 
ing, they  and  the  Franciscans  were  equally  available 
and  useful.  Indeed,  it  would  be  difficult  to  fix  a 
precise  date  at  which  the  Inquisition  may  be  said  to 
have  been  formally  founded. 

The  word  itself  gives  a  clue  to  its  original  character. 
It  was  a  search,  a  scrutiny,  an  investigation.  Heresy 
was  not  easy  to  discover.      Many  heretics  were  out- 

391 


392  Age  of  Hildebrand. 

wardly  orthodox,  and  observed  the  forms  and  cere- 
monies of  the  church,  and  many  of  the  local  prelates 
were  indifferent.  Judicial  torture  was  not  employed 
in  the  earlier  investigations  of  heresy.  The  "  ordeal  " 
was  often  applied — trial  by  handling  hot  iron,  or 
floating  or  sinking  in  water,  or  swallowing  a  piece  of 
consecrated  bread;  but  this  mode  of  trial  fell  into 
disrepute  with  the  study  of  Roman  law,  and  was  per- 
emptorily forbidden  by  Innocent  III.,  and  by  the 
Lateran  council  in  12 15.  As  the  feudal  system  de- 
veloped, the  bishops  acquired  new  powers  in  the  ad- 
ministration of  canon  law,  and  the  spiritual  courts 
which  were  attached  to  every  episcopate  served  as 
instruments  for  the  investigation  and  suppression  of 
heresy.  The  jurisdiction  of  these  courts  was  strength- 
ened by  the  study  of  Roman  law  after  the  middle  of  the 
twelfth  century,  and  their  principles  and  practice  were 
greatly  modified.  The  episcopal  judge  was  commonly 
versed  in  both  the  civil  and  the  canon  law,  and  the 
ecclesiastical  procedure  was  systematized  in  accord- 
ance with  the  rules  of  the  civil  process.  Besides  these 
courts  there  existed,  theoretically,  a  system  of  gen- 
eral inquest  for  the  detection  of  all  offences,  including 
heresy,  founded  upon  the  missi  doininici  of  Charle- 
magne, who  were  itinerant  officials  commissioned  to 
traverse  the  empire  and  inquire  into  all  cases  of  dis- 
order, crime,  and  injustice. 

The  church  fell  into  the  same  system,  which  it  car- 
ried out  by  means  of  the  episcopal  visitations.  On 
the  arrival  of  the  bishop  the  whole  body  of  the  peo- 
ple of  the  parish  was  convoked,  and  seven  men  were 
appointed  by  him,  who  were  sworn  to  reveal  what- 


Testes  Sy  no  dales.  393 


ever  they  might  know  or  hear  of  any  offence  which 
required  investigation.  These  witnesses  (testes  syno- 
dales)  became  an  established  institution  in  the  church, 
and  furnished  an  organization  well  adapted  for  the 
discovery  and  investigation  of  heresy,  though  up  to 
the  time  of  the  Albigensian  crusade  the  ignorant  and 
lazy  prelates  did  not  avail  themselves  of  it,  notwith- 
standing the  exhortations  of  the  Pope.  A  vigorous 
effort  was  made  to  utilize  this  organization  in  11 84, 
by  Lucius  III.,  who  issued  a  decree  requiring  all 
archbishops  and  bishops  to  visit,  at  least  once  a  year, 
every  parish  where  there  was  suspicion  of  heresy,  and 
to  compel  two  or  three  good  men  to  swear  to  reveal 
any  reputed  heretic  or  any  one  whose  mode  of  life 
differed  from  that  of  the  faithful  in  general.  Those 
who  were  thus  designated  were  to  be  summoned  by 
the  bishop,  and  if  they  failed  to  purge  themselves 
were  to  be  punished  at  his  discretion.  Obstinate 
heretics  were  to  be  handed  over  to  the  secular  author- 
ities. 

This  attempt  failed.  In  1209  the  decree  of  Lucius 
was  reenacted  with  the  change  that  in  every  parish 
a  priest  should  be  added  to  the  laymen  who  acted  as 
local  witnesses  and  inquisitors.  This  also  was  inef- 
fectual. Two  things  contributed  to  the  solution  of 
the  problem.  One  of  these  was  the  Mendicant  orders. 
Special  and  permanent  tribunals  were  required,  which 
should  be  free  from  local  jealousies  or  partialities,  and 
the  judges  and  examiners  of  which  should  be  spe- 
cially trained  in  the  detection  and  conversion  of  here- 
tics, and  by  their  vows  should  be  inaccessible  to  all 
allurements  of  wealth  or  pleasure.    The  second  thing 


394  A^^  of  Hildebrand. 


was  the  secular  legislation  against  heresy  in  the  edicts 
of  Frederick  II.,  from  1220  to  1239,  which  formed  a 
complete  and  inexorable  code  of  persecution  founded 
upon  the  Lateran  canons. 

By  these  edicts,  those  who  were  suspected  of  heresy 
were  required  to  purge  themselves  under  penalty  of 
deprivation  of  civil  rights  and  of  imperial  ban.  Here- 
tics of  all  sects  were  outlawed.  When  condemned  by 
the  church,  they  were  to  be  delivered  to  the  secular 
power  to  be  burned.  If  they  should  recant  they 
were  to  be  imprisoned  for  life.  If  they  should  relapse 
they  were  to  be  put  to  death,  all  their  property  was 
to  be  confiscated,  and  all  their  heirs  were  to  be  disin- 
herited. The  children  to  the  second  generation  were 
to  be  ineligible  to  positions  of  emolument  or  dignity 
unless  they  should  win  favor  by  betraying  their 
fathers  or  other  heretics.  Houses  of  heretics  were 
to  be  destroyed  and  never  rebuilt.  All  rulers  and 
magistrates  were  to  exterminate  any  persons  whom 
the  church  should  designate  as  heretics.  When  the 
papal  Inquisition  was  commenced,  Frederick,  in  1232, 
placed  the  whole  machinery  of  state  at  the  command 
of  the  inquisitors,  who  were  authorized  to  call  upon 
any  official  to  capture  whomsoever  they  might  des- 
ignate as  a  heretic,  and  to  hold  him  in  prison  until 
the  church  should  condemn  him,  in  which  case  he 
was  to  be  put  to  death. 

The  coronation  edict  of  1220  was  sent  by  Honorius 
to  the  University  of  Bologna,  to  be  read  and  taught 
as  a  part  of  practical  law ;  the  most  stringent  enact- 
ments of  this  infernal  legislation  were  incorporated 
into  the  civil  code,  and  finally  into   the  canon  law 


Commission  of  Gregory _  IX.  395 

itself.  Coincidently  with  the  Treaty  of  Paris  in  1229, 
an  ordinance  was  issued  in  the  name  of  Louis  IX., 
putting  the  royal  officials  at  the  service  of  the  church 
for  the  suppression  of  heresy.  Raymond  of  Toulouse, 
in  1234,  was  compelled  to  enact  a  statute  which  em- 
bodied all  the  principal  points  of  Frederick's  legisla- 
tion, and  decreed  confiscation  against  every  one  who 
should  fail,  when  called  upon,  to  aid  the  church  in  the 
capture  of  heretics.  In  13 15  Louis  le  Hutin  formally 
adopted  Frederick's  edicts,  and  made  them  valid 
throughout  France.  In  Aragon,  Don  Jayme  I.,  in 
1226,  issued  an  edict  prohibiting  all  heretics  from 
entering  his  dominions,  and  in  1234  instituted  an 
episcopal  inquisition,  to  be  supported  by  the  royal 
officials,  in  which  for  the  first  time  appears  a  secular 
prohibition  of  the  Bible  in  the  vernacular.  All  per- 
sons possessing  any  books  of  the  Old  or  New  Testa- 
ment in  Romance  are  summoned  to  deliver  them  to 
their  bishops  within  eight  days,  under  penalty  of  fire. 
As  a  papal  organization,  the  Inquisition  may  be 
said  to  have  taken  shape  in  the  commission  issued  by 
Gregory  IX.  in  1227,  by  which  the  prior  of  the  Do- 
minican house  of  Santa  Maria  Novella  at  Florence, 
with  one  of  his  brethren  and  a  canon,  was  authorized 
to  proceed  judicially  against  the  heretic  Bishop  Pa- 
ternon  and  his  followers,  and  to  compel  them  to  ab- 
jure, calling,  if  necessary,  upon  the  clerics  and  laymen 
of  the  sees  of  Fiesole  and  Florence  for  aid.  In  1235, 
when  the  project  of  an  organized  Inquisition  through- 
out Europe  was  taking  shape,  Gregory  appointed  the 
Dominican  provincial  of  Rome  ''  Inquisitor  "  through- 
out   his   extensive   province,   which   embraced   both 


396  Age  of  Hilde brand. 

Tuscany  and  Sicily.  This  district  appears  to  have 
proved  too  large;  and  about  1240  we  find  the  city 
of  Florence  under  the  charge  of  Fra  Ruggieri  Cal- 
cagni,  who,  in  1243,  qualified  as  ''Inquisitor  of  the 
Lord  Pope  in  Tuscany." 

The  Inquisition  was  thus  a  development  out  of 
existing  materials.  Its  permanent  basis  was  the  se- 
lection by  the  provincial  bishop  of  certain  men  who 
exercised  in  their  province  the  delegated  authority  of 
the  Holy  See,  in  searching  out  and  examining  here- 
tics with  a  view  to  ascertain  their  guilt.  The  fixed 
organization  was  given  by  the  bull  of  Innocent  IV., 
issued  on  the  15th  of  May,  1252,  a  carefully  consid- 
ered and  elaborate  law  which  should  establish  the 
machinery  for  systematic  persecution  "  as  an  integral 
part  of  the  social  edifice  in  every  city  and  state." 
All  rulers  were  to  put  heretics  under  ban  in  public 
assembly.  Any  one  finding  a  heretic  might  seize 
him  and  take  possession  of  his  goods.  Each  chief 
magistrate,  within  three  days  after  assuming  office, 
must  appoint,  on  the  nomination  of  his  bishop,  two 
friars  of  each  of  the  Mendicant  orders,  twelve  good 
Catholics,  with  two  notaries  and  two  or  more  servit- 
ors, whose  sole  business  should  be  to  arrest  heretics, 
seize  their  goods,  and  deliver  them  to  the  bishop  or 
his  vicars.  Their  wages  and  expenses  were  to  be 
defrayed  by  the  state ;  their  evidence  was  receivable 
without  oaths,  and  no  testimony  was  good  against 
the  concurrent  statement  of  any  three  of  them. 

They  were  to  hold  office  for  six  months,  and  were 
entitled  to  one  third  of  the  proceeds  of  all  fines  and 
confiscations  inflicted  on  heretics — a  provision  emin- 


Bull  of  Innocent  IV,  397 


ently  adapted  to  stimulate  their  holy  zeal  and  to 
repress  any  possible  inclinations  towards  lenity.  No 
statutes  were  to  be  passed  interfering  with  their 
action ;  the  ruler  was  bound,  when  required,  to  send 
his  assessor  and  a  knight  to  aid  them,  and  every  in- 
habitant, when  called  upon,  must  assist  them  under  a 
heavy  penalty  for  refusal.  The  state  was  bound  to 
arrest  all  accused  persons,  to  hold  them  in  prison,  to 
deliver  them  to  the  bishop  or  inquisitor  under  safe 
escort,  and  to  execute  within  fifteen  days  all  judg- 
ments pronounced  against  them.  The  ruler  was, 
moreover,  required  to  inflict  torture  on  those  who 
would  not  confess  and  betray  all  the  heretics  of  their 
acquaintance.  The  proceeds  of  fines,  commutations, 
and  confiscations  were  to  be  divided  into  three  parts ; 
one  going  to  the  city,  one  to  the  assistants  in  the 
business,  and  the  remainder  to  the  bishops  and  in- 
quisitors, to  be  expended  in  persecuting  heresy ! 

This  measufe  was  to  be  inscribed  on  all  local  statute- 
books,  together  with  all  subsequent  laws  which  the 
popes  might  issue,  under  penalty  of  excommunica- 
tion of  the  officials  and  interdict  upon  the  city. 
Rulers  and  their  officials  were  to  swear  to  its  observ- 
ance under  penalty  of  loss  of  office,  and  any  neglect 
in  its  enforcement  was  punishable  as  perjury,  with 
perpetual  infamy,  a  fine  of  two  hundred  marks,  and 
suspicion  of  heresy,  involving  loss  of  office  and  dis- 
ability for  all  official  position  in  future.  As  an  addi- 
tional stimulant  to  diligence,  every  ruler,  within  ten 
dav*^  after  assuming  office,  was  required  to  appoint, 
on  the  nomination  of  the  bishop  or  of  the  Mendicant?, 
three  good  Catholics,  who,  under  oath,  were  to  in- 


398  Age  of  Hildebrand, 

vestigate  the  acts  of  his  predecessor  and  to  prosecute 
him  for  any  failure  of  obedience. 

The  right  to  abrogate  any  laws  which  might  inter- 
fere with  the  Inquisition  made  it  virtually  supreme  in 
all  lands.  Where  such  laws  existed,  the  inquisitor 
was  instructed  to  have  them  submitted  to  him,  and 
if  he  found  them  objectionable,  the  authorities  were 
obliged  to  repeal  or  modify  them.  Inquisitors  were 
practically  exempt  from  all  supervision  and  responsi- 
bility. Even  a  papal  legate  was  not  to  interfere  with 
them  or  to  investigate  heresy  within  their  inquisitorial 
districts.  They  were  not  liable  to  excommunication 
while  in  the  discharge  of  their  duties,  nor  could  they 
be  suspended  by  any  delegate  of  the  Holy  See.  In 
1 26 1  they  were  authorized  to  absolve  each  other  from 
excommunication  for  any  cause ;  which,  as  each  in- 
quisitor usually  had  an  associate  ready  to  perform 
this  office  for  him,  rendered  them  virtually  invulner- 
able. They  held  themselves  accountable  to  their 
superiors  only  for  their  acts  as  friars,  and  not  as  in- 
quisitors ;  in  the  latter  capacity  they  acknowledged 
responsibility  to  the  Pope  alone,  and  claimed  that  the 
power  of  removal  could  be  exercised  only  in  cases  of 
inability  to  act  through  sickness,  age,  or  ignorance. 
Their  vicars  and  commissioners  were  entirely  beyond 
any  jurisdiction  but  their  own. 

My  purpose  is  fulfilled  in  sketching  the  develop- 
ment of  this  institution.  My  plan  does  not  include 
the  history  of  its  operations.  Those  who  desire  to 
study  these  have  many  sources  of  information  at 
command,  among  which  may  be  specially  noticed  the 
learned,  elaborate,  and  deeply  interesting  "  History 


A  Terrible  Phenomenon.  399 

of  the  Inquisition  of  the  Middle  Ages,"  by  Henry  C. 
Lea,  a  work  composed  from  original  sources,  and  to 
which  I  am  principally  indebted  for  the  contents  of 
this  chapter. 

Comment  is  needless.  An  ecclesiastical  tribunal 
with  all  the  resources  of  the  civil  power  at  its  abso- 
lute command,. subject  only  to  the  head  of  the  church, 
who  is  thoroughly  committed  to  its  aims  and  methods, 
with  the  right  to  modify  or  abrogate  civil  enactments 
whenever  they  interfere  with  its  operation,  the  evi- 
dence of  its  functionaries  exempt  from  oath,  entitled 
to  a  generous  share  of  the  profits  of  its  confiscations, 
empowered  to  employ  torture  to  extort  confession  or 
submission,  with  two  vast  organizations  distributed  in 
every  part  of  Europe  eager  to  carry  out  its  behests 
to  the  letter,  presents  one  of  the  most  astounding  and 
terrible  phenomena  in  the  history  of  either  rehgion 
or  secular  legislation,  from  which  one  is  prepared  to 
expect  the  most  colossal  atrocities,  and  finds  his  ex- 
pectation surpassed  by  the  facts. 


CHAPTER  XXXVII. 

THE    UNIVERSITIES. 

HE  compactness  and  effectiveness  of  such 
an  organization  as  the  Inquisition,  the 
ample  response  of  the  secular  power 
to  its  demands,  the  terrible  singleness 
of  motive  which  animated  it,  the  in- 
corporation of  its  decrees  into  the  civil  and  canon  law, 
the  perfection  and  simplicity  of  its  machinery,  and  the 
wide  range  of  its  operation,  are  adapted  to  create  dis- 
couraging impressions  as  to  the  degree  of  social  devel- 
opment attained  in  the  thirteenth  century.  It  would 
seem  at  first  sight  as  though  the  Hildebrandian  idea 
had  achieved  a  complete  and  decisive  triumph ;  as 
though  human  life  and  human  thought  and  the  most 
precious  individual  and  social  interests  were  hopelessly 
at  the  mercy  of  hierarchical  absolutism.  Yet  it  is  often 
under  the  most  dreary  tracts  of  history  that  we  detect 
occasions  for  hope  and  promises  of  better  things.  The 
ice-floes  are  heaped  in  chaotic  confusion  and  seemingly 
indissoluble  rigidity,  the  frosty  blue  throws  up  its  hard 
lines  through  the  snows,  the  ice-needles  glitter,  yet 
the  sun  is  telling;  the  icicles  are  beginning  to  drip, 
the  ghastly  heaps  are  changing  their  outline,  and 
there  is  a  cleft  here  and  there  through  which  one 

400 


The  Crusades  Strike  at  Feudalism.    401 

catches  a  gleam  of  unfrozen  water  far  down,  and 
hears  the  sound  of  running  streams. 

Among  the  tokens  of  reviving  life  none  were  more 
significant  or  full  of  promise  than  the  rising  universi- 
ties. The  universities  seconded  the  blow  struck  by 
the  crusades  at  the  feudal  system,  and  were  signs  of 
the  radical  change  in  the  constitution  of  western 
society.  For,  however  historians  may  differ  as  to  the 
indirect  benefits  reaped  by  Europe  from  the  efforts 
of  western  Christendom  to  master  the  East,  all  are 
agreed  as  to  the  effect  of  the  crusades  in  undermining 
the  feudal  system.  Whereas  Europe  had  been  cut 
up  into  petty  baronies,  each  with  its  own  feudal  lord, 
its  own  band  of  retainers,  its  own  interests,  and  these 
interests  endlessly  conflicting  with  those  of  other 
baronies,  the  death  of  the  barons  in  the  crusading 
wars  dissipated  their  estates  and  often  extinguished 
their  race,  and  the  smaller  fiefs  were  swallowed  up  in 
the  larger.  Political  unity  was  thus  promoted.  The 
larger  domains  worked  to  counteract  the  spirit  of 
anarchy.  Many  of  the  barons  who  did  not  die  returned 
bankrupt  in  fortune,  and  their  *'  poverty  extorted  from 
their  pride  those  charters  of  freedom  which  unlocked 
the  fetters  of  the  slave,  secured  the  farm  of  the  peasant 
and  the  shop  of  the  artificer,  and  gradually  restored 
a  substance  and  a  soul  to  the  most  numerous  and  use- 
ful part  of  the  community."  ^ 

The  crusades,  moreover,  awakened  a  spirit  of  in- 
quiry and  a  zeal  for  study  which  the  universities  both 
represented  and  promoted.  The  crusaders  in  the 
East  came  into  contact  with  Saracen  civilization, 
1  Gibbon. 


402  Age  of  Hildebrand. 

which  was  superior  to  their  own.  They  saw  other 
lands,  other  races,  other  arts  and  sciences,  the  pro- 
ducts of  other  industries.  They  discovered  new  op- 
portunities for  traffic,  and  the  spirit  of  adventure  and 
enterprise  was  stimulated.  Their  intellectual  horizon 
was  thus  enlarged  and  their  humanitarianism  broad- 
ened. Greek  books  found  their  way  from  Constantin- 
ople. Greek  culture,  which  had  set  its  mark  upon 
the  empire  of  the  Caesars,  had  vanished  from  mediae- 
val Europe ;  Greek  philosophers  and  poets  were  cited 
only  at  second-hand,  from  Latin  translations.  Though 
portions  of  Aristotle  had  been  known  in  Europe  in 
the  sixth  century  through  Boethius,  and  later,  in  the 
eleventh  and  twelfth  centuries,  through  Averrhoes 
and  the  translations  of  Spanish  Christians  and  Jews, 
it  was  not  until  after  the  crusades,  about  1270,  that 
the  western  schoolmen  possessed  translations  of  all 
his  writings,  made  either  from  Arabic  versions  from 
Spain  or  from  Greek  originals  brought  from  Constan- 
tinople and  other  cities.  Civilization  owes  a  lasting 
debt  to  the  Arabs  for  their  preservation  of  Greek 
thought  and  its  transmission  to  mediaeval  Europe. 

Education  had  been  confined  almost  entirely  to 
the  clergy.  The  cathedral  schools,  which  attained 
their  highest  influence  and  reputation  in  the  twelfth 
century,  taught  only  what  was  necessary  for  the  edu- 
cation of  a  priest  or  a  monk.  In  the  ninth  century 
the  course  included  grammar,  logic,  rhetoric,  music, 
arithmetic,  geometry,  and  astronomy;  but  all  these 
were  studied  in  their  relations  to  theology.  Music 
meant  church  chanting,  and  astronomy  the  method 
of  calculating  the  date  of  Easter. 


Work  of  Jtistinian,  403 

The  era  of  the  universities  begins  with  the  revival 
of  the  study  of  jurisprudence  as  derived  from  the 
laws  of  Justinian.  About  11 13  Irnerius  opened  a 
school  of  civil  law  at  Bologna,  and  began  to  lecture 
on  the  Institutes  and  the  Code  of  Justinian.  His  in- 
structions were  eagerly  welcomed,  since  they  met  the 
need  created  by  the  rapid  commercial  and  political 
development  of  the  Lombard  states.  The  new  and 
more  complex  questions  growing  out  of  the  freer  life 
and  larger  intercourse  of  these  communes  demanded 
a  larger  range  of  legal  knowledge  than  was  required 
for  the  judgments  of  feudal  barons  and  counts;  and 
the  rapid  succession  of  municipal  judges  elected  from 
the  midst  of  the  commonwealth  required  a  fixed 
body  of  statutes  and  legal  principles.  The  new  spirit 
of  the  people  refused  to  be  satisfied  with  the  mere 
dogmatic  decisions  of  the  individual  judge.  He  must 
render  a  reason  as  well  as  a  decision,  and  the  reason 
must  be  something  more  than  his  individual  opinion, 
and  must  be  justified  by  precedent  and  formulated 
legislation. 

Such  a  body  of  enactments  and  principles  was  at 
hand  in  the  works  of  Justinian — the  Code,  the  Pan- 
dects, and  the  Institutes.  This  prince  had  undertaken 
the  stupendous  task  of  arranging  and  digesting  the 
Roman  laws  and  legal  opinions  of  ten  centuries.  In 
the  first  year  of  his  reign  his  learned  associates  re- 
vised the  ordinances  since  the  time  of  Hadrian,  as 
they  were  contained  in  the  Gregorian,  Hermogenian, 
and  Theodosian  codes,  purging  the  errors  and  con- 
tradictions, retrenching  the  superfluities,  and  selecting 
the  laws  best  adapted  to  the  practice  of  the  tribunals 


404  Age  of  H tide  brand. 

of  his  own  age.  The  twelve  books  thus  produced 
were  known  as  the  Code,  and  were  confirmed  by 
Justinian's  signature,  and  transmitted  to  the  magis- 
trates of  all  the  imperial  provinces.  These  were  fol- 
lowed by  the  Pandects,  in  fifty  books,  containing  a 
digest  of  the  principles  of  Roman  jurisprudence  ;  and 
these,  again,  by  the  Institutes,  a  condensation  of  the 
Code  and  Pandects,  prepared  as  an  elementary  work 
for  academical  instruction  and  ordinary  practice. 

The  law  as  thus  codified  by  Justinian  perhaps 
never  became  entirely  unknown  in  the  West;^  but 
Justinian's  "  body  "  of  law  had  become  very  scarce, 
so  that,  as  we  have  already  seen,  Rome  in  the  twelfth 
century  had  no  copy  of  the  Pandects  in  her  libraries 
and  was  apparently  ignorant  of  its  existence.  Justin- 
ian's Code  had  never  been  received  in  the  Lombard 
states,  a  fact  which  makes  the  revival  of  the  study  in 
Lombardy  the  more  significant. 

The  distinctly  secular  character  of  this  study,  as 
now  revived  at  Bologna,  naturally  aroused  the  sus- 
picion of  the  Papacy ;  but  this  was  gradually  allayed 
by  the  introduction  of  the  study  of  the  canon  law 
also  into  the  university  curriculum,  and  by  the  great 
interest  awakened  in  it.  Down  to  the  close  of  the 
thirteenth  century  Bologna  was  the  principal  school 
for  the  study  of  both  civil  and  ecclesiastical  law. 

The  University  of  Bologna,  however,  regarded  as  a 
single  foundation,  was  not  constituted  until  the  close 
of  the   twelfth   century.      The   more   correct    name 

1  Savio^ny's  "  Geschichte  des  Romischen  Rechts  im  Mittelalter " 
(1831)  endeavors  to  prove  that  the  Roman  law  retained  its  vitality 
from  the  fifth  to  the  thirteenth  century. 


Siuden  t-  Gu  ilds.  40  5 

previous  to  that  time  would  have  been  '*  universi- 
ties," since  the  term  was  originally  applied  to  student- 
guilds.  These  arose  out  of  the  variety  of  nationali- 
ties represented  among  the  students,  and  were  formed 
for  their  protection  in  a  foreign  city.  In  1 158,  by 
which  time  Lombardy  was  full  of  lawyers,  Barbarossa 
granted  to  these  guilds  special  immunities  and  privi- 
leges, among  which  was  the  permission  for  students 
to  be  tried  in  civil  suits  by  their  own  judges.  These 
privileges  were  gradually  extended  to  all  the  other 
Italian  universities,  and,  with  the  power  of  the  organ- 
izations themselves  and  the  fact  that  many  of  the 
students  were  men  of  mature  age,  enabled  the  students 
to  extort  many  concessions  from  the  citizens.  In 
Bologna  there  were  four  of  these  "  universities  "  or 
guilds,  and  as  many  or  fewer,  as  the  case  might  be, 
at  Vercelli,  Padua,  and  elsewhere.  In  the  middle  of 
the  thirteenth  century  these  confederations  in  each 
of  the  educational  centres  were  blended,  forming  in 
each  case  the  university. 

The  majority  of  the  older  Italian  universities — Reg- 
gio,  Modena,  Vicenza,  Padua,  Vercelli — were,  as  has 
been  said,  outgrowths  of  the  cathedral  schools  as  well 
as  departures  from  them  under  the  impulse  of  new 
subjects  of  study  and  new  methods  of  instruction. 
This  was  also  true  of  the  University  of  Paris,  which 
became  the  model  for  those  of  central  Europe  and 
England.  The  universities,  however,  were  not  in 
antagonism  to  the  Papacy,  though  occasional  innova- 
tions might  awaken  the  suspicion  or  call  forth  the 
censure  of  the  popes.  The  Paris  University  was 
largely  indebted  to  papal  assistance  for  its  survival, 


4o6  Age  of  H tide  brand. 

and  came  to  be  regarded  as  the  great  transalpine 
centre  of  orthodox  theological  teaching ;  and  success- 
ive popes  exerted  themselves  to  cultivate  friendly 
and  confidential  relations  vi^ith  it. 

The  interest  awakened  by  the  lectures  of  Irnerius 
was  contagious,  and  rapidly  spread  from  Italy  over 
other  parts  of  Europe.  The  jurisprudence  of  Justin- 
ian was  expounded  at  Montpellier  before  the  end  of 
the  twelfth  century,  and  superseded  the  Theodosian 
code  in  the  dominions  of  Toulouse ;  and  Roman  law 
according  to  Justinian  became  the  rule  of  all  tribunals 
in  southern  France. 

Of  the  universities  modelled  after  that  of  Paris, 
Oxford  was  the  eadiest,  and  the  manner  of  its  develop- 
ment was  similar.  The  story  which  assigns  its  founda- 
tion to  Alfred  must  be  consigned  to  the  region  of 
myth.  It  probably  grew  out  of  the  cloister  schools  of 
Osney  and  St.  Frideswide,  and  entered  upon  a  larger 
life  when  Vacarius,  about  1140,  under  the  protection 
of  Theobald,  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  began  to 
read  lectures  on  civil  law.  Towards  the  close  of  the 
twelfth  century,  Giraldus  Cambrensis  describes  Ox- 
ford as  a  place  where  the  clergy  in  England  chiefly 
flourish  and  excel  in  clerkly  lore.  By  1257  the  depu- 
ties from  Oxford  to  the  King  could  speak  of  it  as 
second  only  to  Paris.  The  three  earhest  colleges 
were  University  (1249),  BaHol  (1263),  and  Merton 
(1264).  The  University  of  Cambridge  arose  some- 
what later,^  out  of  the  schools  of  the  church  of  St. 

1  A  hot  controversy  broke  out  in  the  reign  of  Elizabeth  as  to  the 
comparative  antiquity  of  Oxford  and  Cambridge,  the  details  of  which 
are  amusing.  See  Sharon  Turner,  "  History  of  the  Anglo-Saxons," 
vol.  ii.,  bk.  v.,  chap.  vi. 


The  Clergy  Study  the  Civil  Law.      407 

Giles  under  the  charge  of  the  church  canons, 
which  were  further  developed  in  the  new  priory  of 
Barnwell,  to  which  they  were  removed  in  11 12.  In 
1224  the  Franciscans  established  themselves  in  the 
town,  and  were  followed  some  years  later  by  the 
Dominicans.  At  the  English  universities,  as  at  Paris, 
the  Mendicants  and  other  religious  orders  were  ad- 
mitted to  degrees,  a  privilege  not  extended  to  them 
elsewhere  until  1337.  Their  interest  and  influence  in 
these  institutions  were  proportionately  great. 

Not  only  in  England,  but  everywhere,  the  study 
of  the  civil  law  was  eagerly  taken  up  by  the  clergy, 
and  their  influence  contributed  greatly  to  spread  the 
knowledge  of  it  over  Europe.  Their  pride  was  stirred 
by  the  connection  of  the  science  with  the  name  and 
empire  of  Rome.  The  diffusion  of  Roman  law  ap- 
peared to  them  to  reflect  lustre  upon  the  great  centre 
of  their  religion.  But  their  interest  was  also  of  a  much 
more  practical  character.  Knowledge  of  the  civil  law 
was  indispensable  to  them  as  holders  of  large  proper- 
ties, which  were  often  endangered  by  the  rapacity  of 
barons  and  princes.  As  the  knowledge  of  the  age  and 
the  discipline  of  thought  were  mostly  in  their  posses- 
sion, the  practice  as  well  as  the  science  of  law  fell 
largely  into  their  hands.  In  like  manner  the  clergy 
turned  the  universities  to  the  interests  of  theology. 
The  Mendicant  friars  obtained  possession  of  some  of 
the  most  important  chairs  in  the  chief  universities  of 
Europe,  and  gave  a  new  impulse  to  all  academical 
studies  as  well  as  to  the  study  of  theology.  The 
orders  which  originally  emerged  as  popular  preachers 
and  travelling  evangelists  aspired  to  become  the  lead- 


4o8  Age  of  Hilde brand. 

ers  in  scholastic  theology.  Of  its  five  great  leaders, 
Albertus  Magnus  and  Thomas  Aquinas  were  Domini- 
cans, and  Bonaventura,  Duns  Scotus,  and  William  of 
Occam,  Franciscans. 

Besides  the  University  of  Paris,  other  universities 
arose  in  France  at  MontpelHer,  Toulouse,  Orleans, 
Angers,  Avignon,  Cahors,  Grenoble,  and  Perpignan, 
Paris  was  noted  for  theology,  Orleans  for  jurispru- 
dence, and  MontpelHer  for  medicine.  The  University 
of  Toulouse  was  the  first  founded  in  any  country  by 
a  papal  charter,  and  arose  out  of  the  Albigensian 
persecution. 

The  feudal  and  the  hierarchical  order  of  the  medi- 
aeval world  were  alike  threatened  by  this  new  power. 
The  very  term  ''  university  "  was  a  protest  against  feu- 
dalism, signifying  as  it  did  a  community  regarded  in  its 
collective  aspect.  The  spirit  and  tendency  of  feudal- 
ism were  separative,  fostering  a  multitude  of  isolated 
and  mutually  hostile  principalities,  and  emphasizing 
distinctions  of  birth,  rank,  property,  or  brute  force. 
The  universities,  on  the  other  hand,  were  not  local 
but  European.  All  Christendom  was  represented  at 
Paris,  Bologna,  and  Padua.  The  whole  university 
world  was  bound  together  by  a  common  language 
and  a  common  interest  in  the  same  studies.  The  uni- 
versities thus  accompHshed  what  both  the  church  and 
"^the  empire  aimed  at  but  failed  to  attain — the  knitting 
of  Christian  nations  into  a  vast  community.  Normans 
and  Saxons  mingled  with  Englishmen  at  Oxford,  and 
read  civil  and  canon  law  together,  and  the  son  of  the 
noble  was  on  the  same  footing  with  the  Mendicant. 
The  title  to  superiority  was  won  by  knowledge  alone. 


Intellectual  Fermentation,  409 

While  the  democratic  union  and  interchange  thus 
threatened  feudaHsm,  the  intellectual  movement  men- 
aced ecclesiasticism.  Externally  the  universities  were 
strictly  ecclesiastical  bodies.  To  mediaeval  thought 
education  was  represented  by  the  clergy.  We  have 
noticed  how  largely  even  the  study  and  practice  of 
the  civil  law  were  absorbed  by  them.  But  within  the 
universities  a  fermentation  was  going  on  which  was 
already  straining  the  old  patristic  and  papal  wine- 
skins. Men  were  fast  learning  that  there  were  other 
subjects  of  study  than  theology ;  other  thinkers  and 
writers  than  the  church  fathers ;  that  there  were  other 
sides  of  truth  than  those  exhibited  by  church  dogma 
and  exegesis,  and  other  literature  than  the  rubbish- 
heaps  of  Bede,  Alcuin,  and  Walafrid  Strabo.  The 
Greek  classics  had  begun  to  come  in  from  the  East, 
and  Homer  and  Demosthenes  were  leading  men  into 
a  new,  fascinating,  stimulating  world  of  thought,  and 
into  the  atmosphere  of  a  fresh,  vigorous,  and  uncon- 
strained intellectual  life.  People  were  beginning  to 
get  hold  of  the  fact  that  laymen  could  think  as  well 
as  popes  and  bishops,  and  that  the  individual  reason 
had  its  rights  no  less  than  the  church. 

The  church  was  not  bHnd  to  the  danger.  Her 
sense  of  it  was  behind  the  successful  effort  of  the 
Mendicant  orders  to  establish  themselves  in  the  uni- 
versities. If  she  could  not  shut  her  eyes  to  the  in- 
tellectual movement,  she  could  at  least  try  to  turn  it 
into  her  own  channels  and  to  her  own  purpose.  Yet 
the  ranks  of  the  friars  furnished  the  highest  represent- 
ative of  the  power  of  the  movement  in  the  person  of 
Roger  Bacon,  whose  life  almost  covers  the  thirteenth 


4IO  Age  of  Hildebrand. 

century.  ''  From  my  youth  up,"  he  writes,  **  I  have 
labored  at  the  sciences  and  tongues.  I  have  sought 
the  friendship  of  all  men  among  the  Latins  who  had 
any  reputation  for  knowledge.  I  have  caused  youths 
to  be  instructed  in  languages,  geometry,  arithmetic, 
the  construction  of  tables  and  instruments,  and  many 
needful  things  besides." 

The  zeal  and  persistence  with  which  Bacon  devoted 
his  life  to  the  pursuit  of  science  under  enormous  diffi- 
culties testify  to  the  power  of  the  new  spirit  which 
was  stirring  in  his  age.  Without  instruments  or 
other  means  of  experiment,  without  astronomical 
tables,  which  the  poverty  or  the  folly  of  those  whom 
he  employed  prevented  his  constructing  for  himself, 
the  works  of  Avicenna,  Aristotle,  Cicero,  and  other 
ancients  out  of  his  reach  because  of  their  immense 
cost,  and  some  of  them  not  to  be  had  at  any  price, 
spending  all  his  means  in  the  attainment  of  wisdom, 
laboring  in  the  face  of  the  ignorant  prejudice  of  the 
age  against  scientific  studies,  the  "  Opus  Majus  "  saw 
the  light  at  last,  that  work  which  comprised  all  the 
knowledge  of  his  time  on  every  branch  of  science 
which  it  possessed,  "  at  once  the  Encyclopaedia  and 
the  Novum  Organum  of  the  thirteenth  century." 


CHAPTER  XXXVIII. 

BONIFACE   VIII. — COLLAPSE    OF    THE    HILDE- 
BRANDIAN    PAPACY. 

|N  the  space  of  the  fifty-three  years  suc- 
ceeding the  death  of  Gregory  IX.,  in 
1 24 1,  the  papal  chair  was  occupied  by 
fourteen  popes,  one  of  whom.  Innocent 
IV.,  the  immediate  successor  of  Gregory, 
continued  for  thirteen  years,  and  the  rest  for  shorter 
periods,  from  seven  years  to  a  few  months.  We  have 
already  observed  that  the  age  of  Hildebrand  practic- 
ally ends  with  Innocent  III. ;  but  before  closing  our 
task  it  will  be  interesting  to  note  a  few  events  in 
connection  with  the  collapse  of  the  Hildebrandian 
structure  under  Boniface  VIII. 

Benedetto  Gaetani  succeeded  to  the  apostolic 
throne  in  January,  1295,  on  the  abdication  of  the 
feeble  Coelestine  V.,  with  the  title  of  Boniface  VIII. 
He  would  seem  to  be  an  illustration  of  the  old  saying, 
"  Whom  the  gods  mean  to  destroy  they  first  deprive 
of  reason."  The  closing  scene  of  the  Hildebrandian 
Papacy  is  a  succession  of  madman's  freaks.  Of  a 
noble  family,  thoroughly  versed  in  ecclesiastical  juris- 
prudence, of  commanding  ability,  with  a  large  and 
varied  experience  acquired  as  a  papal  representative, 

411 


412  Age  of  Hildebrand, 

and  with  a  personal  acquaintance  with  most  of  the 
monarchs  of  Europe,  Boniface  was  crafty,  rapacious, 
ambitious,  with  a  conception  of  the  papal  prerogative  as 
exaggerated  as  that  of  Hildebrand  or  of  Innocent  III., 
and  a  reckless  arrogance  in  asserting  it  which  surpassed 
even  their  insolent  pretensions.  Contemporary  Christ- 
endom wrote  him  down  in  the  words,  "  He  came  in 
like  a  fox,  he  ruled  like  a  lion,  he  died  like  a  dog." 

In  the  magnitude  of  his  papal  conceit,  in  his  rapa- 
cious greed  for  power,  and  in  his  blind  and  headstrong 
obstinacy,  he  preferred  claims  at  which  even  the  most 
daring  of  his  predecessors  would  have  hesitated,  and 
thereby  paved  the  way  for  his  own  ruin.  With  all 
his  native  ability  and  intimate  acquaintance  with  the 
secular  and  ecclesiastical  movements  of  his  age,  he 
seemed  to  be  utterly  blind  to  the  intellectual  and  so- 
cial forces  which  were  gradually  transforming  Euro- 
pean society.  Among  these  were  the  growth  of  the 
royal  power  in  France,  the  movement  towards  civil 
and  religious  freedom  in  England,  the  new  intellectual 
energy  and  wider  range  of  thought  generated  by  the 
universities,  and  the  growing  power  of  the  legal  fra- 
ternity, who  were  fast  trenching  on  the  ground  once 
occupied  wholly  by  ecclesiastics,  and  were  formidable 
at  once  by  their  learning  and  their  esprit  de  corps. 

The  English  common  law  was  ranging  itself  along- 
side of  the  canon  law;  the  clergy  had  been  slowly 
pushed  back  from  the  civil  administration ;  in  France 
the  lawyers  had  begun  to  get  the  upper  hand  in  the 
parliaments,  and  as  a  class  were  the  partisans  of  the 
royal  as  against  the  papal  prerogative.  They  were 
now  opposing  to  the  hierarchy  an  erudition  equal  if 


Boniface  and  the  Colonnas.  4 1 3 

not  superior  to  their  own,  and  confronting  the  canons 
of  the  church  with  civil  canons  of  greater  antiquity; 
and  the  clergy  were  beginning  to  abandon  their 
secular  immunities  for  the  chartered  liberties  of  the 
realm.  These  things  Boniface  either  could  not  or 
would  not  see.  He  incurred  the  dangerous  enmity 
of  the  great  Franciscan  order,  not  only  by  refusing  to 
annul  the  provision  of  their  charter  which  disqualified 
them  from  holding  property,  but  also  by  seizing  for 
his  own  use  a  large  sum  which  they  had  deposited 
with  bankers  as  the  offered  price  of  such  abrogation. 
He  thus  alienated  a  society  compactly  united  along 
its  whole  extent  throughout  Europe,  with  a  great 
command  over  the  popular  mind  and  a  close  affilia- 
tion with  the  profoundest  theology  of  the  age. 

Among  the  first  incidents  of  his  pontificate  was  his 
collision  with  the  Colonnas,  a  powerful  GhibeUine 
family  of  Rome,  and  represented  by  two  cardinals  in 
the  conclave.  The  result  was  their  overthrow  and  the 
destruction  of  their  city,  Palestrina;  but  their  long- 
cherished  and  deadly  vengeance  never  slumbered  from 
that  moment  until  it  had  accomplished  the  ruin  of 
Boniface.  In  England  and  France  the  Pontiff  had 
to  deal  with  sovereigns  of  a  very  different  type  from 
John  Lackland  and  Philip  I.  Edward  I.  of  England 
was  a  politic  and  warlike  king,  brave,  vigilant,  and 
enterprising,  a  legislator  who  vigorously  maintained 
the  laws  of  his  realm,  and  who  has  passed  into  history 
as  the  English  Justinian.  He  was  arbitrary,  wilful, 
and  imperious,  able  to  keep  a  firm  hand  on  his  barons, 
an  excellent  organizer,  tenacious  of  his  rights,  dogged, 
stubborn,  and  proud.     Philip  the  Fair,  like  Edward, 


414  ^^^  of  Hilde brand. 

was  a  man  of  determined  will  and  boundless  ambition, 
wily,  selfish,  rapacious,  remorseless,  unscrupulous,  and 
vindictive. 

To  these  two  Boniface  threw  down  the  gauntlet. 
He  began  by  interfering  in  the  war  between  them, 
which  broke  out  about  the  time  of  his  accession,  de- 
claring their  alliances  void,  and  imperiously  enjoining 
a  truce  of  a  year.  He  then  came  to  a  clash  with  Ed- 
ward on  the  taxation  of  the  clergy,  which  Edward 
had  carried  to  the  extent  of  demanding  a  subsidy  of 
half  of  their  annual  revenues.  Philip  also,  probably 
emboldened  by  Edward's  example,  included  the 
clergy  in  the  common  assessment.  Boniface  there- 
upon proceeded  to  an  act  which  is  phenomenal  even 
in  the  voluminous  history  of  human  infatuation.  He 
determined  to  sever  the  property  of  the  church  from 
all  secular  obligations,  and  to  declare  himself  the  one 
exclusive  trustee  of  all  property  held  throughout 
Christendom  by  the  clergy,  the  monastic  bodies,  and 
even  the  universities;  so  that,  without  his  consent, 
no  grant  or  subsidy,  aid  or  benevolence,  could  be 
raised  on  those  properties  by  any  sovereign  in  the 
world. 

It  may  be  easily  conceived  how  such  a  claim  was 
met  by  the  kings  of  England  and  France.  Edward's 
clergy  proved  refractory  under  his  cruel  assessment, 
and  were  outlawed  in  a  body ;  while  Philip  struck  the 
Papacy  in  a  sensitive  place  by  practically  cutting  off 
all  French  revenue  to  Rome.  France  was  far  too 
valuable  an  ally  for  Boniface  to  relinquish,  and  he 
adroitly  explained  his  decree  so  as  practically  to  an- 
nul it  with  reference  to  that  kingdom.     England  had 


The  Great  Jubilee,  4 1 5 

organized  a  powerful  league  against  France.  Neither 
party  had  paid  the  smallest  attention  to  the  truce 
commanded  by  the  Pope,  but  both  exhausted  their 
resources  in  the  strife ;  the  limit  of  taxation  had  been 
reached  in  both  countries,  and  both  finally  resorted 
to  Boniface  as  mediator,  and  agreed  to  a  treaty  which 
practically  recognized  his  authority.  Scotland,  too, 
sought  his  protection  against  Edward,  and  appealed 
to  him  as  its  liege  lord  and  feudal  proprietor.  Ed- 
ward, however,  though  ordered  by  Boniface  to  desist 
from  the  war  with  Scotland,  took  no  notice  of  the 
command  and  accomplished  the  defeat  of  Wallace. 
The  bull  of  Boniface  addressed  to  Edward  in  1299 
affirmed  that  the  kingdom  of  Scotland  belonged  in 
full  right  to  the  Roman  Church  and  had  never  been 
a  fief  of  England. 

At  this  period  occurred  the  famous  Jubilee  at 
Rome.  Christendom  was  in  a  state  of  comparative 
•peace.  Palestine  was  irrecoverably  lost,  the  holy 
places  were  once  more  in  the  hands  of  the  infidels, 
and  the  West  was  now  seized  with  a  paroxysm  of 
devotion  to  the  shrines  of  Peter  and  Paul  at  Rome — a 
devotion  not  entirely  disinterested,  since  it  was  stim- 
ulated by  the  hope  of  obtaining  by  pilgrimage  to 
those  shrines  all  the  remissions  and  indulgences  for- 
merly granted  to  the  crusaders.  The  Pope  finally 
proclaimed  from  the  pulpit  of  St.  Peter's  the  desired 
privileges,  and  granted  full  absolution  of  all  their  sins 
to  all  Romans  who,  during  the  centenary  year,  should 
visit  once  a  day,  for  thirty  days,  the  churches  of  the 
apostles,  and  to  all  strangers  who  should  do  the  same 
for  fifteen  days. 


41 6  Age  of  Hildebra7id. 

The  roads  from  Germany,  Britain,  and  Hungary 
were  thronged  with  pilgrims.  At  times  there  were 
two  hundred  thousand  strangers  at  Rome.  To  those 
who  had  made  the  long  and  weary  journey  to  the 
East  a  pilgrimage  to  Rome  seemed  easy.  The  chron- 
icler Ventura  declares  that  the  total  number  of  pil- 
grims was  not  less  than  two  millions.  He  describes 
the  high  price  of  lodgings,  the  scarcity  of  forage,  and 
how  men  and  women  were  trampled  under  the  feet 
of  the  crowds.  For  the  protection  of  pilgrims  a  bar- 
rier was  erected  along  the  middle  of  the  bridge  of  St. 
Angelo,  dividing  those  going  towards  St.  Peter's  and 
those  returning.  Dante,  who  was  at  this  time  about 
thirty-four  years  old,  may  have  been  one  of  the 
crowd.  At  any  rate,  he  preserves  a  memorial  of  the 
occasion  in  the  eighteenth  "  Inferno,"  where  he  uses 
the  scene  on  the  bridge  to  illustrate  the  two  bands 
of  sinners  moving  in  opposite  directions  in  the  first 
circle  of  Malebolge.  The  Pope,  Ventura  continues, 
received  from  the  pilgrims  money  past  counting  {in- 
iiuincrabileiii pcciiniavi) ;  for  day  and  night  two  priests 
stood  at  the  altar  of  St.  Paul  with  rakes  in  their 
hands,  raking  in  the  treasure,  all  of  which  was  at  the 
absolute  and  irresponsible  disposal  of  the  Pope. 

The  Jubilee  marked  the  zenith  of  the  power  and 
fame  of  Boniface.  Everything  seemed  to  favor  the 
accomplishment  of  his  vast  schemes.  Christendom 
had  apparently  submitted ;  the  Colonnas  were  exiles. 
Sicily,  it  is  true,  was  still  in  rebellion. 

At  this  point  we  may  briefly  digress  to  sketch  the 
course  of  events  in  Sicily  after  the  death  of  Frederick 
n.    After  the  death  of  Manfred,  Frederick's  son,  Sicily 


Events  in  Sicily,  417 


passed,  by  the  papal  gift,  into  the  hands  of  Charles 
of  Anjou,  the  brother  of  Louis  IX.  of  France ;  and 
the  outrages  of  the  French  in  the  island  ended  in  the 
SiciHan  Vespers,  in  Marcli,  1282,  in  which  they  were  ^ 
ruthlessly  massacred.  The  kingdom  was  then  offered 
by  the  Sicilians  to  Peter  of  Aragon,  the  husband  of 
Manfred's  daughter,  and  the  dominion  of  Charles  of 
Anjou  was  restricted  to  Naples.  Through  the  long 
series  of  complications  between  the  houses  of  Aragon 
and  Anjou,  in  which  the  popes  maintained  the  cause 
of  the  Angevines,  the  throne  of  Sicily  finally  devolved 
on  Frederick,  the  younger  son  of  Peter  of  Aragon. 
Boniface  endeavored  to  accomplish  Frederick's  prac- 
tical surrender  of  Sicily  by  arranging  a  marriage  be- 
tween him  and  Catherine  Courtenay,  the  daughter  of 
Philip,  titular  Latin  Emperor  of  the  East.  By  a  confed- 
eration of  the  western  powers,  Frederick  and  Catherine 
were  to  be  placed  on  the  throne  of  Constantinople. 

This  bait,  however,  did  not  tempt  Frederick.  The 
Pope  also  concluded  a  treaty  with  Charles  of  Valois 
and  James  of  Aragon,  by  which  James  abandoned 
the  claim  of  Aragon  to  Sicily.  Frederick  refused  to 
be  bound  by  this  treaty,  and  baffled  all  the  attempts 
of  the  Pope,  of  whom  James  was  only  the  half-hearted 
agent  against  his  brother.  Boniface  finally  summoned 
Charles  of  Valois  to  undertake  the  conquest,  and  was 
now,  at  the  time  of  the  Jubilee,  hoping  that  his  inter- 
vention would  terminate  the  obstinate  conflict  with 
Sicily,  and  that  Charles,  by  his  marriage  with  the 
heiress  of  the  Latin  Emperor  Baldwin,  would  restore 
the  throne  of  Constantinople  to  the  West  and  to  the 
Roman  see. 


4i8  Age  of  Hilde brand. 

But  Boniface  was  cordially  hated.  The  Francis- 
cans, as  we  have  seen,  were  his  enemies,  and  Charles 
of  Valois  proved  a  broken  reed  which  pierced  his 
hand.  The  Pope  found  in  him  a  master  instead  of  a 
vassal.  Instead  of  driving  Frederick  from  the  throne 
of  Sicily  he  concluded  a  peace  with  him,  by  which 
Frederick  was  to  be  left  in  undisturbed  possession 
during  his  lifetime.  He  crushed  the  liberties  of 
Florence  and  made  the  name  of  Boniface  execrated 
throughout  Italy.  The  Pope's  interference  in  Scot- 
tish affairs  was  repudiated  both  by  Edward  and  the 
English  nation;  and  the  quarrel  with  Philip,  which 
had  long  been  smouldering,  now  at  last  broke  out 
into  a  furious  flame.  It  has  been  truthfully  said  that 
this  quarrel  ''  is  one  of  the  great  epochs  of  the  papal 
history,  the  turning-point,  after  which,  for  a  time  at 
least,  the  Papacy  sank  into  a  swift  and  precipitate 
descent,  and  from  which  it  never  rose  again  to  the 
same  commanding  height." 

A  bull  concerning  the  dispute  between  France 
and  England  and  the  affairs  of  Gascony,  and  con- 
taining certain  peremptory  demands  on  Philip,  was 
thrown  by  him  into  the  fire,  and  Philip  entered  into 
alliance  with  the  excommunicated  Albert  of  Austria 
by  a  marriage  contract  between  his  sister  Blanche  and 
Albert's  son  Rodolph.  Saisset,  Boniface's  legate  to 
France,  was  seized  and  imprisoned  on  a  charge  of 
treason.  Boniface  issued  a  series  of  four  bulls,  the 
last  of  which  practically  contemplated  a  league  of  the 
entire  French  clergy  against  their  King.  Another, 
proclaimed  early  in  the  following  year,  rebuked 
Philip's  oppression  of  his  subjects,  denied  his  right  to 


Meeting  of  the  States-  General.        4 1 9 

the  bestowment  of  benefices,  and  censured  his  pre- 
sumption in  subjecting  ecclesiastics  to  civil  jurisdic- 
tion. This  document  was  pubHcly  burned  at  Paris  in 
the  King's  presence.  All  France  espoused  the  cause 
of  its  sovereign.  The  States-General  was  summoned 
for  the  first  time,  and  the  chancellor,  Peter  Flotte, 
submitted  several  bulls  issued  by  the  Pope  which 
v^ithdrew  the  privileges  conceded  by  him  to  the  realm 
of  France,  summoned  all  the  bishops  and  doctors  of 
theology  and  law  in  France  to  Rome  as  his  subjects 
and  spiritual  vassals,  and  asserted  that  the  King  held 
the  realm  of  France,  not  of  God,  but  of  the  Pope. 

Each  order  of  the  States-General — the  nobles,  the 
clergy,  and  the  commons — drew  up  its  own  address 
to  the  Pope.  That  of  the  nobles  declared  that  they 
would  never  endure  the  Pope's  claim  of  the  temporal 
subjection  of  the  King  and  the  kingdom  to  Rome, 
nor  his  summons  of  the  prelates  of  the  realm  to  ap- 
pear before  him  at  Rome.  The  address  of  the  clergy 
also  protested,  though  in  milder  terms,  against  these 
claims  as  dangerous  novelties.  They  had  felt  them- 
selves embarrassed  between  their  allegiance  to  the 
King  and  their  allegiance  to  the  Pope,  and  had  asked 
permission  to  go  to  Rome  to  represent  the  whole 
case ;  but  this  had  been  peremptorily  refused. 

The  Pope  returned  a  wrathful  answer  to  the  ad- 
dress of  the  clergy,  and  rebuked  them  for  their  cow- 
ardice. About  the  same  time  a  consistory  was  held 
at  Rome,  from  which  issued  the  famous  bull  defining 
the  powers  assumed  by  the  Pope:^  ''There  are  two 
swords,  the  spiritual  and  the  temporal ;  our  Lord  said 

1  The  bull  "  Unatn  Sanctam,"  November  i8,  1302. 


420  Age  of  Hildebrand. 

not  of  these  two  swords,  *  It  is  too  much,'  but,  '  It  is 
enough.'  Both  are  in  the  power  of  the  church:  the 
one,  the  spiritual,  is  to  be  used  by  the  church ;  the 
other,  the  material,  for  the  church.  .  .  .  One  sword 
must  be  under  the  other,  the  temporal  under  the 
spiritual.  .  .  .  We  assert,  define,  and  pronounce  that 
it  is  necessary  to  salvation  to  believe  that  every 
human  being  is  subject  to  the  Pontiff  of  Rome." 
Finally  the  Pope's  legate  presented  twelve  articles  to 
which  the  King's  immediate  assent  was  demanded, 
articles  asserting  the  extreme  papal  claims  and 
couched  in  insulting  and  menacing  terms. 

On  the  1 2th  of  March,  1303,  a  parliament  was 
convened  at  the  Louvre,  at  which  many  of  the  French 
barons  were  present.  William  of  Nogaret,  an  eminent 
professor  of  civil  law,  presented  a  catalogue  of  charges 
against  Boniface,  laying  down  the  four  following 
propositions :  the  Pope  is  not  the  true  Pope ;  the 
Pope  is  a  heretic ;  the  Pope  is  a  simoniac ;  the  Pope 
is  guilty  of  pride,  iniquity,  treachery,  and  rapacity. 
The  document  appealed  to  a  general  council,  which 
Nogaret  declared  it  to  be  the  King's  right  and  office 
to  summon,  and  before  which  he  professed  his  own 
readiness  to  substantiate  the  charges.  To  this  bold 
proceeding — the  arraignment  of  a  Pope  before  a  gen- 
eral council — the  Pope  replied  with  instructions  to 
the  Cardinal  of  St.  Marcellinus  to  declare  the  King 
excommunicate ;  but  the  bearers  of  the  letters  were 
seized  and  imprisoned,  and  the  legate  was  closely 
watched  and  allowed  to  receive  no  paper  or  visit 
without  the  King's  knowledge.  A  second  parliament 
was  held  at  the  Louvre,  on  the  13th  of  June,  which 


The  Vengeance  of  tJie  Colonnas.        421 

declared  that  Christendom  was  in  the  utmost  danger 
and  misery  through  the  rule  of  Boniface.  Detailed 
charges  of  the  most  startling  and  repulsive  character, 
some  of  them  flagrantly  false,  were  preferred  against 
him,  and  the  parliament  gave  its  formal  approval  of 
the  call  of  a  general  council  for  his  arraignment. 

Meanwhile  the  wrath  and  hatred  of  the  Colonnas 
had  never  slumbered,  and  they  had  been  patiently 
biding  their  time.  Two  of  them  had  been  openly 
received  at  the  French  court,  and  were  in  active  co- 
operation with  the  lawyers ;  and  it  is  not  improbable 
that  the  charges  against  the  Pope  had  emanated 
largely  from  them.  Boniface  retired  to  Anagni  for 
the  summer,  and  issued  several  bulls,  among  which 
was  one  depriving  the  French  universities  of  the  right 
to  teach,  or  to  grant  any  degree  in  theology  or  in 
canon  or  civil  law.  This  privilege  he  declared  to  be 
derived  entirely  from  the  apostolic  see,  and  to  have 
been  forfeited  by  their  adhesion  to  the  King.  He 
then  prepared  to  launch  the  sentence  of  excommuni- 
cation. The  document  had  been  prepared  and  had 
received  the  papal  seal;  but  Nogaret  and  Sciarra 
Colonna  were  in  Italy,  on  the  borders  of  Tuscany, 
not  far  from  Rome,  and  had  their  secret  emissaries 
in  Anagni,  and  a  band  of  lawless  soldiers  at  their 
command. 

On  the  7th  of  September,  Sciarra  Colonna,  with 
three  hundred  horsemen  under  the  banner  of  France, 
swept  through  the  streets  of  Anagni,  with  the  cry, 
"Death  to  Pope  Boniface!"  They  attacked  the 
Pope's  palace  and  set  on  fire  a  church  by  which  it 
was  protected.     Boniface  was  seized,  placed  back- 


42  2  Age  of  11  a  deb  ra  7  id. 

wards  upon  a  horse,  and  thus  led  through  the  town. 
His  palace  was  plundered,  and  an  enormous  amount 
of  treasure  fell  into  the  hands  of  Colonna's  troops. 
Boniface  was  at  last  rescued  by  a  company  of  horse- 
men from  Rome,  and  was  conveyed  to  the  city,  but 
only  to  be  thrown  into  prison,  and  to  die,  baffled, 
broken-hearted,  old,  and  execrated,  on  the  nth  of 
October,  1303. 

Dante,  who  had  seen  the  liberties  of  Florence  ex- 
tinguished by  Charles  of  Valois,  and  who  had  himself 
been  driven  into  exile  thereby,  never  loses  an  oppor- 
tunity to  lash  Boniface  VIII.,  though  he  distinguishes 
between  the  Pope  and  the  man,  and  deprecates  the 
outrage  at  Anagni  upon  the  person  of  the  Vicar  of 
Christ.  He  has  devised  for  him  a  unique  and  ingen- 
ious punishment  in  hell,  where  his  legs  appear  pro- 
truding from  a  narrow  stone  well  with  an  eternal 
flame  playing  along  the  soles  of  his  feet.  Every 
reader  of  the  ''  Paradiso  "  will  recall  that  tremendous 
passage  where  the  whole  heaven  reddens  with  shame 
as  St.  Peter  thunders  his  denunciation  of  Boniface: 

"  Quegli  cli'  usurpa  in  terra  il  luogo  mio, 
II  luogo  mio,  il  luogo  mio,  die  vaca 
Nella  presenza  del  Figliuol  di  Dio, 
Fatto  ha  del  cimiterio  mio  cloaca 
Del  sangue  e  della  puzza,  onde  '1  perverse, 
Che  cadde  di  quassu,  laggiu  si  placa. 
Di  quel  color,  die,  per  lo  Sole  averso, 
Nuhe  dipinge  da  sera  e  da  mane, 
Vid'  io  allora  tutto  '1  ciel  cosperso."  l 

1  "  He  that  usurps  on  earth  my  place,  my  place,  my  place,  which  is 
vacant  in  the  sight  of  the  Son  of  God,  has  made  of  my  burying-place  a 
sewer  of  blood  and  stench,  whereby  the  Perverse  One  who  fell  from 
here  above  is  appeased  down  there.     With  that  color  which  by  reason 


**  The  Babylonish  Captivity T  423 

Thus  fell  the  Papacy  of  the  middle  ages.  Thus 
the  ''  stately  palace-dome  "  decreed  by  Hildebrand 
collapsed  and  sank.  Benedict  XI.,  the  immediate 
successor  of  Boniface,  occupied  the  chair  for  only  a 
few  months,  and  was  succeeded  by  Clement  V.  in 
1305,  who  was  committed  to  carry  out  the  policy  of 
France,  and  with  that  view  fixed  his  seat  at  Avignon, 
where  he  and  six  succeeding  popes  resided  for  the 
sixty-eight  years  following.  The  papal  court  was 
the  vassal  of  France.  Its  dissoluteness,  luxury,  pride^ 
and  rapacity  were  the  talk  of  Europe,  and  its  sub- 
servience to  the  political  aims  of  the  French  crown 
alienated  from  it  the  sympathy  of  England  and  Ger- 
many. It  is  not  strange  that  Roman  Catholic  histor- 
ians should  have  given  to  this  period  the  name  of 
''the  Babylonish  captivity." 

of  the  sun  over  against  it  paints  a  cloud  at  even  or  at  morn,  I  beheld 
then  the  whole  of  heaven  suffused. " — Paradiso,  xxvii.,  22-30.  vSee 
also"  Inferno,"  xix.,  13  ff. ;  xxvii.,  70-85,  96-111;  "  Purgatorio," 
XX.,  86  ff.  ;  xxxii.,  150;  "  Paradiso,"  xii.,  90;  xvii.,  50. 


CHAPTER  XXXIX. 

CONCLUSION. 

E  have  been  following  the  history  of  a 
theory,  and  the  outcome  of  the  history 
is  a  stupendous  failure.  Around  the 
death-couch  of  Boniface  VIII.  the  stately 
edifice  of  Hildebrand  lies  in  ruins.  For 
the  larger  part  of  the  next  century  the  Roman  Church, 
its  throne  removed  from  its  ancient  seat  of  empire, 
plays  the  part  of  a  vassal  to  the  power  against  which 
it  has  so  often  thundered  its  interdicts. 

We  have  seen  that  the  idea  of  the  Holy  Roman 
Empire  survived  with  more  or  less  potency  long  after 
the  reality  had  vanished ;  but  the  idea  had  taken  on 
a  new  dress.  There  was  still  an  empire ;  its  centre 
was  still  at  Rome ;  its  spirit  was  the  spirit  of  imperial 
absolutism ;  its  aim  was  to  grasp  the  world.  But  the 
Emperor  wore  the  tiara  instead  of  the  crown;  the 
state  counsellors  were  cardinals ;  the  praetors,  arch- 
bishops ;  the  lictors,  monks.  The  Hildebrandian  ideal 
was  as  truly  that  of  universal  dominion  as  was  the 
ideal  of  the  Antonines.  The  Pope  was  Pope  not  only 
of  Rome,  but  of  France,  Spain,  Hungary,  Africa,  Sar- 
dinia, and  Cyprus. 

The  church-empire  was  essentially  and  intensely 
424 


The  Papal  Dominion  Secular.         425 

secular,  as  much  so  as  the  empire  of  the  Caesars.  It 
was  religious  chiefly  as  a  means  of  secular  acquisition. 
Religion  was  its  second  business,  not  its  first.  The 
orders  of  friars,  with  their  extensive  and  often  splendid 
establishments,  were  diffused  over  Europe,  an  army 
obedient  to  the  call  of  the  Pope.  The  Pope's  legates 
penetrated  into  the  cabinets  of  kings,  and  manipulated 
their  civil  policy.  The  Pope  claimed  the  right  to 
enthrone  and  dethrone  kings,  and  emperors  must  kiss 
his  feet  and  hold  his  stirrup.  Armies  of  knights  and 
infantry  moved  at  his  summons  to  subdue  refractory 
provinces,  and  orders  of  pries lly  soldiers  in  mail 
marched  at  his  bidding  against  the  strongholds  of  the 
East.  His  treasury  was  plentifully  supplied ;  revenue 
from  the  great  kingdoms  of  the  West  and  costly  pres- 
ents from  Byzantine  usurpers  flowed  into  his  coffers ; 
knights  and  barons  and  petty  princes  held  their  pos- 
sessions by  his  investiture,  and  swore  fealty  to  him 
as  their  feudal  lord.  FeudaHsm  was  taken  up  into 
papal  imperialism,  and  utilized  for  its  aggrandizement. 
The  secret  of  the  failure  of  Hildebrandianism  lies 
in  this  claim  to  secular  absolutism.  This  is  the  tap- 
root in  which  all  other  causes  of  failure  converge.  As 
Miiller  well  says:**  With  Gregory  appear  for  the  first 
time  the  terrible  consequences  of  a  development  in 
which  the  church  becomes  a  power  of  this  world, 
which  must  maintain  itself  among  other  powers  and 
subject  them  to  herself  in  virtue  of  her  divine  calling, 
a  task  for  which  the  instruments  of  the  kingdoms  of 
this  world  are  indispensable,  so  long  as  the  relation 
of  the  constant  silent  or  open  warfare  between  them 
subsists."     The  church  was  a  "  visible  divinity,"  car- 


426  Age  of  Hildebrand, 

lying  the  whole  power  and  majesty  of  Christ.  Its 
form  and  its  essence  were  aUke  monarchical.  As  the 
church  was  universal,  her  rightful  dominion  was  uni- 
versal. The  logic  was  simple:  God  is  the  rightful 
sovereign  of  the  world ;  the  church  represents  God ; 
therefore  the  church  is  rightfully  supreme  over  the 
world.  The  Pope  is  the  divinely  commissioned  head 
of  the  church,  therefore  the  Pope  is  above  all  earthly 
rulers :  Q.  E.  D. 

The  conflict  was  between  papal  absolutism  and 
imperial  absolutism.  The  Papacy  must  be  independ- 
ent of  the  power  of  the  state.  The  prohibition  of  lay 
investiture  was  designed  to  free  the  church  from 
feudal  alliance  with  the  empire.  The  decree  which 
abrogated  the  right  of  investiture  by  the  temporal  sov- 
ereign, which  deposed  and  interdicted  every  bishop  or 
abbot  who  received  investiture  from  any  layman,  and 
imposed  the  same  penalty  on  the  Emperor  or  other 
secular  ruler  who  should  confer  investiture  with  a 
bishopric,  created  a  revolution  in  the  whole  feudal 
system  throughout  Europe  in  respect  of  the  relation 
of  the  church  to  the  state.  It  annulled  the  power  of 
the  sovereign  over  a  large  part  of  his  subjects,  and 
that  the  most  influential  part ;  it  made  all  the  great 
prelates  and  abbots,  v^^ho  were  also  secular  princes,  to 
a  great  degree  independent  of  the  crown,  placed 
every  benefice  practically  in  the  power  of  the  Pope, 
and  made  him  lord,  temporal  and  spiritual,  of  half  the 
world. 

Hildebrand  gives  voice  to  this  policy  in  one  of  his 
epistles:^   "When   God   gave    to    Peter  chiefly   the 

1  Lib.  iv.,  Ep.  2. 


Hildebrand  's  Episcopa I  Policy,         427 

power  of  binding  and  loosing  in  heaven  and  in  earth, 
he  exempted  no  one  and  nothing  from  his  power ;  he 
withdrew  nothing  from  his  power.  For  if  one  declares 
that  he  cannot  be  bound  by  the  church,  he  denies 
that  he  can  be  absolved  by  its  power;  and  whoever 
shamelessly  denies  this  withdraws  himself  utterly 
from  Christ.  If  the  apostolic  see  is  divinely  endowed 
with  the  power  to  judge  spiritual  things,  why  not 
secular  things?  " 

In  the  same  line  was  Gregory's  policy  with  regard  to 
the  bishops.  He  aimed  especially  to  break  the  power 
of  the  metropolitans  by  assuming  those  privileges 
of  nominating  and  consecrating  bishops  which  had 
been  vested  in  them  by  ancient  ecclesiastical  usage. 
He  feared  that  the  metropolitan  office  might  acquire 
too  much  the  character  of  a  local  Papacy.  Cases 
which  had  been  habitually  referred  to  their  decision 
he  transferred  to  the  jurisdiction  of  his  legates.  He 
sought  in  every  way  to  bring  the  episcopate  into 
complete  dependence  upon  himself,  and  to  make  the 
relation  of  the  bishops  to  the  Pope  that  of  a  vassal  to 
a  suzerain. 

The  Hildebrandian  policy  failed  after  a  fair  trial  for 
two  centuries  under  conditions  favorable  to  its  suc- 
cess and  under  the  leadership  of  men  of  genius  and 
power.  The  edifice  toppled  by  its  own  height,  and 
fell,  never  to  be  rebuilt.  The  cause  lay,  not  in  ex- 
ternal circumstances,  but  in  the  essential  character  of 
the  theory  itself.  Such  a  theory  could  not  finally 
succeed  in  the  very  nature  of  the  case. 

For,  in  the  first  place,  the  Hildebrandian  idea  of 
the  church  was  essentially  false.     It  was  more  nearly 


428  Age  0/ Hilde brand. 

akin  to  the  Old  Testament  theocracy  than  to  the  New 
Testament  church.  It  was  evolved  by  perversions  of 
detached  New  Testament  passages,  such  as  "  On  this 
rock  will  I  build  my  church  " ;  **  I  will  give  thee  the 
keys  of  the  kingdom  of  heaven :  whatsoever  thou 
shalt  bind  or  loose  on  earth  shall  be  bound  and  loosed 
in  heaven."  From  these  was  drawn  the  familiar 
dogma  that  Peter  was  the  divinely  appointed  head  of 
the  church,  and  that  the  Roman  Church  as  the  church 
of  Peter  was  absolutely  supreme.  Along  with  this 
went  the  assumption  of  Peter's  episcopate  of  twenty- 
five  years  at  Rome,  which,  to  put  the  case  in  its 
mildest  form,  has  a  very  doubtful  historical  basis. 
From  such  positions  Innocent  III.  and  Boniface  VIII. 
drew  the  doctrines  of  the  two  swords  and  the  two 
lights.  The  Old  Testament  was  occasionally  appealed 
to,  to  show,  for  instance,  that  priests  were  recognized 
in  Scripture  as  gods.  In  the  assertion  of  superiority 
to  the  secular  power  the  Gregorian  Papacy  contra- 
vened the  express  declarations  of  the  New  Testament, 
which  assign  a  distinct  and  legitimate  sphere  to  the 
secular  authority,  affirming  that  there  are  things  which 
belong  to  Caesar  no  less  than  things  which  belong  to 
God,  and  that  the  secular  no  less  than  the  spiritual 
power  is  of  divine  ordination.  These  facts  did  not 
escape  observation  even  in  that  age,  and  were  more 
than  once  boldly  thrown  in  the  Pope's  face. 

The  Hildebrandian  theory  was  sustained  by  palpa- 
ble forgeries.  The  right  to  hold  landed  property  and 
to  receive  it  by  bequest,  which  was  conferred  by 
Constantine  upon  the  church,  was  magnified  into  the 
claim  that  Constantine  had  granted  to  Pope  Silvester 


The  Isidorian  Decretals.  429 

and  his  successors  the  free  and  perpetual  sovereignty 
of  Rome,  Italy,  and  the  provinces  of  the  West.  This 
preposterous  claim,  formulated  about  the  middle  of 
the  eighth  century,  commanded  the  belief  of  Europe 
for  seven  centuries;  and  by  this  the  Hildebrandian 
popes  justified  themselves  for  their  unceremonious 
appropriation  of  any  territory  to  which  they  might 
take  a  fancy. 

With  this  forgery  was  associated  another,  equally 
impudent,  the  Isidorian  Decretals.  The  old  canon 
law  was  gradually  modified  and  to  some  extent  dis- 
placed by  the  new  papal  claims  founded  upon  these 
fictions.  The  Decretals  were  intermingled  with  the 
canons  and  acquired  equal  authority  with  them,  and 
their  influence  was  diffused  and  strengthened  by  the 
great  systematic  collections  of  the  canons  and  false 
Decretals  made  after  the  end  of  the  ninth  century. 
On  these  Gregory  founded  his  theory  of  a  papal 
theocracy,  and  the  doctrine  that  all  intercourse  with 
the  excommunicate  was  forbidden  under  penalty  of 
excommunication.  From  this  the  deduction  was 
easy  that  a  prince  banned  by  a  Pope  could  no  longer 
discharge  his  duties,  and  that  his  subjects,  therefore, 
must  be  released  from  their  allegiance.  The  right  to 
dethrone  princes  was  further  deduced  by  Gregory 
from  historical  examples  which  were  partly  misunder- 
stood and  partly  invented ;  such  as  the  unhistoric 
deposition  of  the  last  Merovingian  by  Pope  Zacharias, 
and  the  deposition  of  Valentinian  and  Honorius  by 
Xystus  III. 

The  advantage  derived  from  the  Isidorian  Decretals 
was  pressed  and  maintained  in  later  pontificates  by 


43  o  Age  of  H  tide  brand, 

the  formation  of  new  collections  of  canons,  incorpor- 
ating later  deliverances  of  popes  and  synods,  such  as 
the  collections  of  Anselm  of  Lucca,  Cardinal  Deus- 
dedit,  and  Gratian.  The  Gregorian  system  was,  it  is 
true,  essentially  contained  in  the  Isidorians,  but  the 
later  deliverances  could  be  made  more  generally  ac- 
cessible by  a  condensed  manual.  Thus  the  theory 
of  papal  dominance  was  ever  more  firmly  grounded 
and  carried  over  to  the  succeeding  generation  by 
making  the  collections  text-books  in  the  canonical 
schools.  The  Papacy  had  a  distinct  advantage  in 
that  its  law  was  written  and  formulated,  while  the 
national  law  was  almost  universally  transmitted  by 
word  of  mouth,  and  was  therefore  often  loose  and 
self-contradictory. 

The  Gregorian  Papacy  failed  through  its  attempt 
to  accomplish  by  force  a  class  of  results  which  can  be 
reached  only  through  the  free,  intelligent  acquies- 
cence of  the  individual  will.  It  sought  to  do  in  the 
sphere  of  religion  the  selfsame  thing  which  imperial 
Rome  had  done  in  the  political  sphere,  and  by  the 
same  means :  to  effect  by  external  constraint  what  is 
feasible  only  through  the  power  of  unifying  ideas  and 
sentiments.  A  spiritual  monarch  sustained  by  phys- 
ical force,  holding  his  sovereignty  by  physical  appli- 
ances and  extending  it  by  secular  methods,  is  an 
essential  contradiction  and  a  palpable  absurdity.  The 
two  conceptions  are  mutually  repellent.  In  forsak- 
ing the  spiritual  power  for  the  secular  the  church 
forfeited  both.  She  perished  by  the  sword  because 
she  took  the  sword  ;  and  in  the  prosecution  of  secular 
ends  by  secular  means  the  ethical  and  spiritual  factors 


Moral  Obligations  Disregarded.       43  i 

of  her  life  exhaled.  Her  policy  encouraged  the  most 
dangerous  passions  of  human  nature.  Pride,  greed, 
falsehood,  self-indulgence,  were  its  legitimate  out- 
growths. Gregory  did  not  perceive  that  the  world- 
liness  at  which  he  struck  with  such  vigor  in  his  crusade 
against  simony  was  being  fostered  by  the  principles 
of  his  own  policy. 

Nothing  in  the  history  of  this  age  is  more  painful 
than  the  open  defiance  by  the  clergy  of  the  Christian 
duty  of  veracity.  A  Pope  is  seen  resorting  to  false- 
hood and  treachery,  as  Innocent  III.  in  his  dealing 
with  Raymond  of  Toulouse  ;  or  assuming  the  right  to 
release  subjects  from  their  sworn  allegiance  to  their 
sovereign,  as  Gregory  VII.  in  the  case  of  the  subjects 
of  Henry  IV.  The  clergy,  in  the  interest  of  the 
papal  cause,  encourage  violations  of  the  most  sacred 
natural  rights  and  duties.  Mathilde's  clerical  partis- 
ans stimulate  Conrad's  rebellion  against  his  father, 
and  Pope  Urban  does  not  frown  on  an  act  which 
promises  the  alliance  of  Italy  with  the  Papacy. 
Henry  V.  is  absolved  by  Pope  Paschal  from  his  filial 
obligations  and  from  the  most  solemn  oaths  to  his 
father,  and  the  rupture  between  father  and  son  is 
blasphemously  ascribed  by  the  Pope  to  the  inspira- 
tion of  God.  Paschal  does  not  hesitate  to  break  the 
formal  treaty  in  which  he  has  conceded  to  the  Ger- 
man Emperor  the  right  of  investiture.  Dean  Milman 
has  well  remarked  that  *'  so  completely  was  the 
churchman's  interest  to  absorb  all  others,  that  crimes 
against  nature  not  only  were  excused  by  the  ordinary 
passions  of  men,  but  by  those  of  the  highest  preten- 
sions to  Christian  holiness.     What  Pope  ever,  if  it 


432  Age  of  Hildebrand. 

promised  advantage,  refused  the  alliance  of  a  rebel- 
lious son?  " 

The  Hildebrandian  Papacy  was,  in  its  conception, 
an  unnatural  institution.  It  was  adapted  to  antag- 
onize the  social  protections,  obligations,  checks,  and 
balances  which  make  society  possible.  An  organiza- 
tion which  claims  divine  sanction  not  only  for  its 
existence  but  for  its  supremacy  over  all  secular 
institutions  and  authorities,  a  close  corporation, 
choosing  its  own  officers,  denying  the  responsibility  of 
its  members  to  secular  tribunals,  wielding  immense 
pecuniary  power,  and  demanding  from  society  a  con- 
tinuous revenue  as  its  right,  its  property  exempt 
from  all  interference  of  the  civil  power,  clothed  with 
authority  to  dissolve  at  will  the  obligations  of  child 
to  parent  and  of  subject  to  sovereign,  empowered  to 
control  the  choice  of  kings,  to  dethrone  them  on 
occasion,  and  to  dictate  their  policy,  with  its  agents 
in  every  court  and  an  army  of  trained  men  separated 
from  all  natural  and  social  ties  at  its  beck — such  an 
institution  is  a  colossal  monstrosity,  a  thing  which  no 
civilization  can  tolerate,  and  which  carries  in  itself  the 
seeds  of  its  own  destruction. 

Such  a  theory,  which  was  largely  carried  into  effect, 
cannot  be  dismissed  by  saying  that  it  is  distinctively 
mediaeval  and  concerns  us  only  as  an  antiquarian 
curiosity.  History  is  a  unit,  and  the  forces  of  one 
age  are  at  work  in  every  succeeding  age.  Humanity 
is  one,  and  the  phases  of  its  development,  whether  in 
the  patriarchal  age,  the  first  Christian  century,  the 
twelfth,  or  the  eighteenth,  are  related  to  each  other. 
That  which  commends  itself  to  our  attention  in  the 


Roman  ism  a  nd  Pro  test  a  ntisni .         433 


history  of  this  period  is  not  the  difference  between 
Romanism  and  Protestantism.  That  difference  is 
merged  in  the  larger  questions,  what  human  nature 
will  do  under  given  circumstances,  and  how  much 
strain  it  will  bear ;  whether  there  is  any  power  capa- 
ble of  controlling  natural  tendencies  and  directing 
them  to  beneficent  ends,  or  whether  history  vindicates 
the  principle  of  the  French  socialists,  that  man  is  a 
creature  of  circumstances,  and  that  nature  must  be 
obeyed  because  she  cannot  be  conquered. 

As  between  Romanism  and  Protestantism,  it  is 
hardly  safe  for  Protestantism  to  press  the  contrast. 
Protestantism  has  too  much  glass  in  its  own  house  to 
be  warranted  in  throwing  stones  at  random.  Not  a 
few  things  popularly  supposed  to  be  peculiar  to 
Romanism  may  be  detected  under  other  forms  in 
Protestantism.  The  great  fact  is  that  the  Romanist 
and  the  Protestant  are  alike  human ;  the  difference 
of  environment  is  a  subordinate  fact.  Archbishop 
Whately,  over  sixty  years  ago,  with  that  hard,  mas- 
culine common  sense  which  distinguished  him,  went 
to  the  core  of  the  matter  in  his  essay  on  "  The  Errors 
of  Romanism  Traced  to  their  Origin  in  Human 
Nature,"  and  put  the  case  in  a  sentence :  "  Whether 
a  man  be  Papist  or  Protestant  in  name,  let  him  chiefly 
beware  of  old  Adam."  History,  even  the  history  of 
the  middle  ages,  proves  that  a  man  may  be  a  Papist 
and  at  the  same  time  a  saint.  History  equally  proves 
that  a  man  may  be  a  Protestant  and  exhibit  the  same 
lust  for  power,  the  same  tyrannical  instinct,  the  same 
persecuting  spirit,  the  same  disregard  of  veracity,  the 
same  indifference  to  fairness  and  justice,  and  the  same 


434  -^^'^  of  Hilde brand. 


bigoted  adherence  to  traditional  dogma  which  char- 
acterized certain  of  the  Hildebrandian  popes.  The 
comparison  of  Hildebrand  and  Innocent  III.  with 
certain  notable  Protestant  leaders  is  by  no  means  out 
of  place,  and  the  resemblance  is  not  wholly  imaginary. 
No  doubt  the  system  has  something  -to  do  with 
'■  shaping  the  man ;  but  the  fact  remains  that  very  few 
^men,  Papist  or  Protestant,  are  proof  against  the  tempt- 
ation to  acquire  power;  and  the  temptation  offered 
by  ecclesiastical  power  is  exceptionally  strong.  The 
respect  and  reverence  which  wait  on  the  belief  that  a 
man  is  in  confidential  relations  with  heaven,  that  he 
holds  the  key  to  its  rewards  and  punishments,  and 
that  he  is  empowered  to  declare  its  decrees,  are  things 
which  appeal  to  susceptibiHties  very  common  in  aver- 
age human  nature,  and  for  which  many  a  man  is  easily 
won  to  barter  a  large  share  of  his  manhood. 

Human  nature — yes.  But  how  as  to  regenerate 
nature,  Christianized  nature,  nature  under  a  power 
which  is  supposed  to  offer  resistance  to  temptation? 
Here  emerges  a  question  which  a  thoughtful  man, 
even  the  most  charitable,  may  find  some  difficulty 
in  answering.  It  is  this :  In  our  estimate  of  a 
man's  character  and  deeds,  how  much  allowance  is  to 
be  made  for  the  age  in  which  he  lives,  his  social  and 
religious  environment,  and  the  nature  of  his  educa- 
tion ?  I  speak  not  now  of  his  theological  beliefs,  but 
of  his  ethics.  A  good  deal  of  allowance  is  to  be 
made,  no  doubt;  only  let  us  be  careful  not  to  com- 
,  mit  ourselves  to  the  conclusion  that  a  man  cannot  rise 
above  the  level  of  his  time.  The  average  man  does 
not  as  a  rule,  but  we  are  not  dealing  now  with  aver- 


How  much  Allowance?  435 

age   men.     Leo  IX.,   Hildebrand,   Urban,   Innocent 
III.,  Boniface  VIII.,  were  not  average  men. 

Very  much  depends  upon  what  .standards  of  con- 
duct are  available  for  the  men  of  any  given  period. 
No  one  would  think  of  trying  an  Israelite,  dancing 
round  the  golden  calf,  by  the  standard  which  he 
would  apply  to  the  Apostle  John.  No  one  would 
measure  Seneca,  Antoninus,  or  Epictetus  by  the 
moral  and  spiritual  standard  of  the  Apostle  Paul 
But  here  are  exceptional  men,  ministers  and  leaders 
and  teachers  in  the  Christian  church,  with  the 
Christian  traditions  and  literature  of  twelve  centuries 
behind  them,  which  it  is  their  special  business  to 
study ;  above  all,  with  the  New  Testament  in  their 
hands,  which  in  the  matter  of  ethics  is  unmistakable, 
and  in  which  a  perfect  ethical  system  is  incarnated  in 
the  purest  and  noblest  of  mankind.  They  call  them- 
selves his  ministers ;  they  call  him  Lord ;  they  give 
themselves  out  as  his  vicegerents ;  by  their  own  vol- 
untary profession  they  stand  committed  to  his  code 
of  ethics,  his  spirit,  his  example.  How  much  allow- 
ance is  to  be  made  for  them,  especially  in  the  light 
of  the  fact  that  earlier  and  cruder  ages  than  their  own 
produced  men,  and  many  of  them,  who  lived  above 
the  ethical  level  of  their  age  and  consistently  followed 
the  precept  and  example  of  him  whose  name  they 
bore?  Compare  Hildebrand  and  John  ;  Innocent  and 
Paul ;  Boniface  and  Ignatius  ;  Leo  and  Irenaeus.  Nay, 
the  Hildebrandian  period  itself  exhibits  men  of  a 
higher  moral  type  than  these  heads  of  the  church — 
Bernard,  Norbert,  Anselm,  and  not  a  few  others. 
What  shall  we  say  as  to  the  amount  of  allowance  due 


436  Age  of  Hildebrand, 


to  the  Hildebrandian  popes?  I  shall  not  attempt  to 
answer  the  question,  but  it  is  worth  pondering.  If 
it  be  asked  whether  the  inconsistency  is  any  less  in 
the  modern  than  in  the  mediaeval  church,  it  may  be 
answered,  Granting  it  is  no  less,  so  much  the  worse 
for  the  modern  church. 

Certain  it  is  that  with  the  sacred  Scriptures  in  its 
hands,  with  the  apostolic  traditions  behind  it,  with  the 
New  Testament  code  of  ethics  before  its  eyes,  under 
the  avowed  commission  of  the  Christ  of  love  and 
peace  and  truth  and  purity,  an  opportunity  was  offered 
to  the  church  of  the  Roman  popes  which,  if  it  had 
been  seized,  might  have  changed  the  history  of 
Europe.  With  the  nations  ready  and  waiting  for 
some  strong,  moulding  hand,  and  showing,  by  the 
readiness  with  which  they  responded  to  the  appeal 
of  every  fanatical  impulse,  how  easily  they  might 
have  been  led  to  respond  to  higher  and  purer  appeals ; 
with  the  church's  magnificent  organization  spread 
over  Europe ;  with  a  profound  though  superstitious 
reverence  for  the  church  already  implanted  in  the 
popular  mind  and  heart ;  with  a  dense  ignorance 
which  needed  instruction;  with  rude  manners  and 
habits  which  pure  Christianity  could  have  refined, 
and  gross  vices  which  it  could  have  rebuked  and 
checked ;  with  all  the  education  and  mental  training 
of  the  age  centred  in  the  clergy — the  church,  by  the 
very  magnitude  of  her  baleful  achievement,  showed 
what  she  might  easily  have  done  in  the  interest  of 
truth  and  righteousness.  As  it  was,  *'  her  lie,  as  all 
lies  do,  punished  itself.  The  salt  had  lost  its  savor. 
The  Teutonic  intellect  appealed  from  its  old  masters 


A    Warning.  437 


to  God  and  to  God's  universe  of  facts,  and  emanci- 
pated itself  once  and  for  all.  They  who  had  been 
the  light  of  Europe  became  its  darkness ;  they  who 
had  been  first  became  last,  a  warning  to  mankind  to 
the  end  of  time  that  on  truth  and  virtue  depends  the 
only  abiding  strength."  ^ 


1  Charles  Kingsley,  "  The  Roman  and  the  Teuton. 


INDEX. 


Abelard,    162 ;    career,    200   sq.  ; 
edition    of    works,    202    (foot- 
note) ;  philosophy  and  theology, 
203  sq.  ;  teachings  condemned, 
206;    appears    at    Sens,    206: 
death,  206 ;  influence,  206,  207. 
Adalbert,  Archbishop  of  Bremen, 
c8;   conflict  with  Hildebrandi- 
ans,  58 ;  fall,  59  I  makes  enemies 
of  Saxons,  71. 
Adelais.     See  Praxedis. 
Adelheid  of  Vohburg,  223. 
Adhemar,  Bishop  of  Puy,  131- 
Agnes,  daughter  of  Duke  of  Tyrol, 

295,  311- 
Agnes,  regency  of,  39  ;  jealousy  of 
bishops,    56;    enters    Rome    as 
penitent,   57;   disregarded,  91; 
death,  99. 
Alaric,  6. 

Albert  of  Austria,  418. 
Albert  of  Benevento,  285. 
Albert  of  Sabina,  I3S- 
Albertus  Magnus,  185,  408. 
Albigenses,     247,    303-305 

sq. 
Alcantara,  102. 
Alcuin,  196,  409- 
Alessandria,  275. 
Alexander,   11,   50;  aflfronts  Ger- 
mans,   52;    opposed    by    Lom- 
bards, 52  ;  denounced  by  benzo, 
ca;   withdraws    to   Lucca,    55; 
acknowledged   Pope    at    Augs- 
burg,    57;    proclaimed    lawful 
Pope  at  Mantua,  59 ;  at  Rome, 
59;    relations    to    clerical  mar- 
riage, 61;  death,  63. 
Alexander  IIL,  disciple  of  Abe- 


337 


lard,  207  ;  chosen  Pope,  238  ;  m- 
stalled,  239  ;  summoned  by  Bar- 
barossa,  239 ;  breach  with  Bar- 
barossa,   240;    excommunicates 
Barbarossa,  240;  also  Octavian, 
240;  opposed  by  Clugny,  241 ; 
refuses    to    attend   Council    of 
Pavia,    241 ;    adverse   decision, 
241 ;  excommunicated,  242  ;  sup- 
ported by  English  and  French 
bishops,  242  ;  by  Council  of  Tou- 
louse, 243  ;  l^is  victory  a  partial 
defeat,    243;    recognizes    Scot- 
land's independence,  244;   can- 
onizes  Edward  the   Confessor, 
244;  enters  Rome,  244;   flees, 
244 ;  in  Paris,  246  ;  annoys  Bar- 
barossa, 248  ;  relations  to  Beck- 
et,    249    sq.  ;    embarrassed    by 
Becket,  251  sq.  ;  urged  to  return 
to  Rome,  252  ;  relations  to  Henry 
11. ,     253     sq.  ;     embarks     for 
Rome,   254;   names   Becket   as 
legate,   254;   concessions,   255; 
driven  from  Rome,  260  ;  further 
negotiations    with    Henry    and 
Becket,    263;    a  "  chameleon," 
264 ;  removes  Becket's  suspen- 
sions, 264 ;  letters  of  suspension 
against    Archbishop    of    York, 
etc.,   266;    demands  of    Henry 
renunciation  of  Clarendon  arti- 
cles, 267;  recalls  Becket,  267; 
an  exile,   271  ;    appealed  to  by 
Henry,  273  ;  canonizes  Bernard, 
274;    marriage   of  daughter  of 
Henry,  275  ;  terms  with  Barbar- 
ossa, 276  sq.  ;  returns  to  Rome, 
278,  279;  fresh  quarrels,  279; 


439 


440 


Index. 


submission    of    Calixtus,    280; 

death  and  character,  280,  281. 
Alexander  IV.,  376,  389. 
Alexandria,  apostolic  patriarchate, 

3- 

Alexius  Comnenus  I.,  109 ;  leagues 
with  Henry,  109,  11 1. 

Alexius  III.,  311. 

Alexius  IV.,  326. 

Alfonso  of  Leon,  296. 

Alice,  Queen,  244. 

Amadeus,  93. 

Amalfi,  192. 

Amauri,  son  of  Montfort,  348. 

Anacletus  II.,  174;  attacks  Inno- 
cent, 175;  invites  Lothair  to 
Rome,  175  ;  oppositions  to,  175  ; 
banned  by  Synod  of  Liege,  1 75  ; 
in  St.  Peter's,  189 ;  repulsed  by 
Innocent  and  Lothair,  190; 
bribes  Romans,  190;  holds  Lat- 
eran,  190;  deposed  by  Council  of 
Pisa,  191  ;  abjured  by  Milanese, 
191;  titles  Roger,  192;  dies, 
194. 

Anagni,  276,  277. 

Anastasius  IV.,  223. 

Anathema,  74,  75. 

Ancona,  275. 

Angela  of  Foligni,  185. 

Anselm,  Bishop  of  Milan,  191.        ' 

Anselm,  selected  for  Canterbury,  ; 
136;  exiled,  136;  quarrel  with 
Henry  I.,  136,  137,  140;  sent  \ 
to  Rome,  140 ;  supports  King,  j 
143,  184,  198;  a  realist,  199,  | 
200,  246. 

Anselm  of  Badagio,  50 ;  legate  to  1 
Milan,  61.     See  Alexander  II.    1 

Anselm  of  Lucca,  collections  of, 
4.30. 

Antioch,  apostolic  patriarchate,  3. 

Antonines,  4. 

Apulia,  Bishop  of,  107. 

Aquileia,  Patriarch  of,  104,  242, 
284. 

Aquinas,  Thomas,  185,  384,  408. 

Arabs,  intellectual  debt  to,  402. 


Aragon,  homage  to  Innocent  II., 

176. 
Arcadius,  4. 
Arezzo,  146. 
Arialdo,  50,  61. 
Aristotle,  181,  196,  197,  402. 
Arnaud  of  Citeaux,  318,  319,  339, 

342. 
Arnold  of  Brescia,  162,  214;   ex- 
pulsion, 215  ;  released  from  ban, 
215  ;  the  man  of  the  hour,  215, 
216,  224,  225;  death,  227. 
Arnoldists.    See  Arnold  of  Brescia. 
Arnstadt,  Assembly  of,  353. 
Augsburg,  appointment  of  diet  at, 

92. 
Ausch,  Archbishop  of,  318. 
Autbert,  292. 
Averrhoes,  402. 
j  Avignon,  423. 
j  "  Babylonish  captivity,"  423. 
I  Bacon,  Roger,  409,  410. 
i  Baldwin,  327,  329. 
Baldwin  II.,  King  of  Jerusalem, 

Bamberg,  192;  Diet  of,  270. 

Ban,  74,  75. 

Barbarossa,  221  sq.  ;  relations  to 
Papacy,  222 ;  defiance,  223 ; 
march  through  Italy,  225  ;  meets 
Pope,  225  ;  reply  to  senate,  226  ; 
coronation,  227;  attacked  by 
Romans,  227;  aims,  228;  sec- 
ond marriage,  229 ;  complaints 
of  Pope,  230;  vigorous  procla- 
mation against  papal  domina- 
tion, 230,  231 ;  subdues  Milan, 
233  ;  Roncaglia,  233  ;  "  lord  of 
the  world,"  233;  affronted  by 
Hadrian,  234;  meeting  of 
princes,  235,  236 ;  rebukes 
Hadrian,  236,  237  ;  breach  with 
Alexander,  239,  240 ;  excom- 
municated, 240  ;  banned  by  Alex- 
ander, 242;  fall  of  Milan,  245  ; 
annoyed  by  Alexander  III., 
248  ;  supports  Paschal  III.,  253  ; 
endorses  Henry's  defiance,  255  ; 


Index, 


441 


expedition  through  Italy,  257; 
Monte  Porzio,  258,  259 ;  treaty 
with  Rome,  261  ;  withdraws 
from  Rome,  261  ;  revolt  of  Lom- 
bard cities,  262 ;  attempts  nego- 
tiations with  Alexander,  270; 
with  Louis,  270;  again  invades 
Italy,  275;  defeat,  276;  terms 
with  Alexander,  276  sq.  ;  rela- 
tions to  Lucius,  283 ;  to  Urban, 
284 ;  receives  the  cross,  289 ; 
peace  with  Clement,  289 ;  opens 
crusade,  289 ;  death  and  charac- 
ter, 289,  290  ;  grants  to  student- 
guilds,  405. 

Baronius,  admits  spuriousness  of 
Isidorian  decretals,  23;  *' An- 
nales  Ecclesiastici,"  referred  to, 
65  (footnote). 

Basilica,  Golden,  64. 

Basilica  of  Constantine,  64. 

Beatrix,  daughter  of  Mathilde, 
marries  Godfrey,  63  ;  promises 
help  to  Hildebrand,  77. 

Beatrix,  daughter  of  Philip  of 
Suabia,  350,  354,  357. 

Beatrix,  widow  of  Margrave  Boni- 
face, 37  ;  seized  by  Henry,  38  ; 
released,  39  ;  influenced  by  Hil- 
debrand, 39 ;  opposes  Cadalous, 

53- 

Beatrix  of  Burgundy,  229 ; 
crowned,  260. 

Bechelheim,  142. 

Becket,  246  sq. ;  proposed  canon- 
ization of  Anselm,  247;  quarrel 
with  Henry,  248  sq.  ;  relations 
to  Constitutions  of  Clarendon, 
249  ;  appealto  Pope  against  coun- 
cil of  realm,  251  ;  visit  to  Pope, 
251  ;  resignation  and  reinstate- 
ment, 252;  named  legate,  254; 
anger  at  selection  of  legates, 
263  ;  suspensions  removed,  264  ; 
appears  at  Montmirail,  264 ; 
bans  Gilbert  of  London,  264 ; 
rebuked,  265  ;  anger  at  proposed 
coronation    of    Prince    Henry, 


266 ;  formal  reconciliation  with 
King,  266  ;  letters  of  suspension 
against  Archbishop  of  York, 
266;  recalled  to  England,  267; 
death  and  character,  268,  269, 

Bede,   196,  409. 

Beghards,  185. 

Beguines,  185. 

Bellarniine,  admits  spuriousness  of 
Isidorian  Decretals,  23. 

I^enedict  IV.,  12. 

Benedict  IX.,  14;  restored  to 
throne,  15  ;  sells  Papacy  to  Gra- 
tian,  15;  reappears,  20. 

Benedict  X.,  43;   fiees,   45;   cap- 
tured and  deposed,  45. 
!  Benedict  XL,  423. 

Benedict  of  Nursia,  monastic  or- 
ganization of,  7. 

Benedictine  reform,  significance 
of,  161. 

Benedictus  Christianus,  169. 

Benno,  Archbishop,  144. 

Benzo,  Bishop  of  Albi,  opposes 
Alexander  IL,  54;  urges  Hon- 
orius  to  hasten  to  Rome,  55. 

Berengar,  attacks  Paschasius  on 
the  Eucharist,  31;  burns  his 
books,  46 ;  final  settlement,  lOO, 

lOI. 

Berengaria,  361. 

Bernard  of  Clairvaux,  contrasted 
with  Hildebrand,  120,  162,  176; 
most  important  man  of  age,  177  ; 
sketch  of  life,  177  sq.  ;  peculiar 
type,  180  sq.  ;  contrasted  with 
Hugo  and  Richard,  182;  char- 
acter, 185  sq.  ;  letter  to  Emperor, 
190  ;  ambassador  to  Milan,  191  ; 
to  Roger  of  Sicily,  194;  opposes 
Abelard,  202,  205,  206;  letter  to 
Eugenius,  211;  supports  him, 
211;  attacks  Arnold,  215; 
preaches  second  crusade,  217; 
its  failure,  219;  "  De  Conside- 
ratione,"  219;  death,  220;  can- 
onized, 274;  describes  state  of 
religion  in  Toulouse,  300. 


442 


Index. 


Bernard  of  Pisa.  See  Bernard  of 
St.  Anastasius. 

Bernard  of  St.  Anastasius,  chosen 
Pope,  211 ;  flees,  211;  conse- 
crated, 211;  success,  212;  two 
years' absence,  213;  second  cru- 
sade, 216;  returns  to  Rome, 
218;  concession  to  senate,  218; 
leaves  Rome,  220 ;  relations  with 
Barbarossa,  222 ;  death,  223. 

Bernardone,  Pietro,  383. 

Berthold  of  Carinthia,  92. 

Berthold  of  Moravia,  289. 

Besangon,  Diet  of,  230. 

Beziers,  Bishop  of,  340. 

Bible,  prohibition  of,  395. 

Bishop  of  Rome.     See  Papacy. 

Blanche,  sister  of  Philip  the  Fair, 
418. 

Boethius,  196,  402. 

Bohemond,  131. 

Bologna,  University  of,  394,  404. 

Bonaventura,  185,  390,  408. 

Boniface,  Margrave,  37. 

Boniface  III.,  5. 

Boniface  VIII.,  387,  411  sq.  ; 
quarrel  with  Philip,  418; 
"  Unam  Sanctam,"  419,  420; 
charges  against,  420 ;  excom- 
municates Philip,  420 ;  seizure 
and  death,  421,  422,  428. 

Bouvines,  battle  of,  346. 

Bramante,  17  (footnote). 

Brigitta  of  Sweden,  185. 

Brixe,  106. 

"  Brothers  and  sisters  of  peni- 
tence," 386. 

Bruno,  Abbot  of  Clugny,  16. 

Bruno,  Bishop  of  Toul,  nominated 
Pope,  21.     See  Leo  IX. 

Bryce,  quoted  in  footnote,  10,  118. 

"  Bugari,"  304. 

"  Bugres,"  304. 

"  Bulgari,"  304. 

Cadalous,  Bishop  of  Parma,  52. 
See  Honor ius  II. 

Calabria,  Bishop  of,  107. 

Calatrava,  162. 


Calcagni,  Ruggieri,  396. 
Calixtus  II.,  158  ;  proposed  agree- 
ment with  Henry,  159;  broken 
off,        160;        excommunicates 
Henry,  160;  approves  Benedic- 
tine reform,  161  ;  goes  to  Rome, 
162;  treaty  with   Henry,   163; 
reconciliation,     164;     improve- 
ments in  Lateran  palace,  167; 
dies,  167. 
Calixtus  III.,  262;  acknowledged 
in  Germany,  270,  277;  deposed, 
278;  rebels,  279;  submits,  280. 
Cambrensis,  Giraldus,  406. 
Cambridge,    University   of,    406, 
i      407. 

'  Campiglia,  Viscount  of,  225. 
j  Canosa,  93. 
j  Cantor,  Peter,  380. 
i  Carcassonne,  341. 
Cardinals,  46. 

Carthusians     support     Alexander 
i      III.,  241. 
j  Cassiodorus,  196. 
i  Castile,  homage  to  Innocent  II., 
176. 
Cathari,  162,  302  sq.      See  Albi- 
;      genses. 
Catherine  of  Siena,  185. 
Celibacy,  25  sq.,  60  sq. 
I  Cella,  Pierre,  381. 
Cencius,  family,  61,  76;  plots,  84; 
seizes  Hildebrand,  84,  157,  167, 
168. 
Charlemagne,  4 ;  head  of  churcli, 
6;    ratifies   "Donation    of    Pe- 
pin," 9;  crowned,  10;  disputes 
sovereignty  of  Rome,  10  sq. 
Charles  of  Anjou,  375,  417. 
Charles  of  Valois,  417,  418,  422. 
Charles  the  Bald,  12. 
"  Charta  Caritatis,"  162. 
Chasseneuil,  340. 
Childeric  III.,  8. 
Children's  crusade,  364,  365. 
Christian  of  Mainz,  252,  258,  262, 

268,  275,  280,  282. 
Christina  Ebner,  185. 


Index. 


443 


Cinthius,  62,  99. 

Cistercians,     162,     178;    support 
Alexander  III.,  241.     See  Ber- 
nard, 
Cistercium,  161. 

Citeaux,    161,   177  sq.      See  Ber- 
nard. 
Civil  law,  233,  400  sq. 
Civitas  Leonina,  44. 
Clairvaux,  162,  178.    See  Bernard. 
Clarendon,  Constitutions  of,  249, 

272. 
Clement  II.,  18,  20. 
Clement  III.,  286  sq.  ;  peace  with 

Barbarossa,  289;  death,  289. 
Clement  III. ,  antipope.     See  Gui- 

bert  of  Ravenna. 
Clement  V.,  423. 
Clergy.       See      Papacy,     Roman 

Church. 
Clermont,  Synod  of,  131,  176. 
Clugny,  16  sq.,  161 ;  against  Alex- 
ander, 241. 
Code.    See  Justinian,  Theodosian, 
Gregorian,  Hermogenian  codes. 
Coelestine    II.,    170;    disciple   of 
Abelard,  207  ;  repeal  of  French 
interdict,  210;  death,  210;  pro- 
tects Arnold,  215. 
Ccelestine   III.,   291    sq.  ;    death, 

299. 
Ccelestine  V.,  411. 
Cologne,  Archbishop  of,  163. 
Cologne  Diet,  137. 
Colonna,  Peter,  141. 
Colonna,  Sciarra,  421. 
Colonna  family,  413,  421- 
Comba,  E.,  "  Waldo  and  the  Wal- 
densians,"  referred  to,  301  (foot- 
note). 
Comnenus,  Alexius.    See  Alexius. 
Conceptualism,  203. 
Concordat    of    Worms,    163    sq., 

172. 

Conrad,  Archbishop  of  Mainz,  260. 

Conrad,    son    of    Henry   IV.,    in 

I.ombardy,    126;  plots  by  Gre- 

gorians,     127;    absolved    from 


obligation  to  his  father,  127; 
crowned  King  of  Italy,  128; 
treaty  with  Urban,  130;  death, 

137- 
Conrad  III.,  211,   212;  rumored 
league     with      Constantinople, 
218;    appealed   to   by   republi- 
cans, 219;  death,  220. 
Conrad    of    Ilohenstaufen,    171; 
banned     by     Anacletus,      175; 
banned    by    Synod    of    Liege, 
176 ;  crowned,  191. 
Conrad  of  Liitzelhard,  279. 
Conrad  of  Rabensburg,  323. 
Conrad  of  Sabina,  223. 
Conrad  of  Urslingen,  294. 
Conradin,  son  of  Conrad  IV.,  375. 
"  Consolamentum,"  303. 
Constance,  Treaty  of,  235. 
Constantia,  French  Queen,  240. 
Constantia,    wife   of    Henry  VI., 

283,  308,  313. 
Constantine,  3  ;  head  of  church,  b ; 
"  Donation  of,"  9,  lo,  23,  48, 
121,  428. 
Constantine,  Basilica  of,  64. 
Constantine,  son  of  Michael,  109. 
Constantinople,   non-apostolic  pa- 
triarchate,  4;   imperial  seat  re- 
moved to,  5  ;   Hildebrand's  de- 
signs on,  79 ;  taken  by  crusaders, 
326,  351. 
Constitutions  of  Clarendon,   249, 

272, 
Coronation  edict,  394. 
Corsi,  141. 
Corso,  Stephen,  141. 
Council,     Fourth     Lateran,     26; 
Frankfort,  10 ;  Twelfth  General, 

366,  367- 

Courtenay,  Catherine,  417. 

Cremona,  Council  of,  244. 

Crusades,  first,  130  sq.  ;  second, 
216;  third,  286  sq.  ;  fourth,  310 
sq.,  323;  fifth,  366;  summoned 
by  Hildebrand,  79;  children's, 
364,  365  ;  in  general,  401,  402. 

"  CuUagium,"  25. 


444 


Index. 


Cyprus,  296.  ] 

Damasus  II.,  20.  { 

Damiani,  Peter,  author  of  "  Gom- 
orrhianus,"    24,    28;    cardinal,' 
42;    "  Epist.   ad  Card.  Episco- 
pos,"  referred  to,  46  (footnote) ; 
opinion      concerning      German  , 
bishops,  50  ;  opinion  concerning  | 
Cadalous,  52,  53 ;  representative  ! 
of  Hildebrandians  at  Augsburg,  ' 
57;  legate  to  Milan,   61;  dies, 

63- 

Dante,  quoted,  4,  10;  supposed 
reference  to  Mathilde,  154,  182  ; 
"celestial  hierarchies,"  185; 
portrait  of  Bernard,  186,  376, 
384,  416,  422.  I 

David  of  Augsburg,  185. 

Decretals.  See  Pseudo-Isidorian 
Decretals.  ] 

Democrats.     See  Republicans.        : 

Denys,  St.,  181.  | 

Desiderius,  abbot  of  Monte  Cas- 
sino,  108,  III,  116;  summoned  j 
to  papal  chair,  125  ;  anathema- 
tizes Guibert,  125  ;  dies,  126.      | 

Deusdedit,  Cardinal,  collections 
of,  430.  i 

Dieckhoflf,  "  Die  Waldenser  im 
Mittelalter,"  referred  to,  301 
(footnote), 

Dionysius,  181.  1 

Dollinger,  quoted,  10  (footnote). 

Domingo  de  Guzman.  See  Domi- 
nic. 

Dominic,  381  sq.  ;  not  founder  of  j 
Inquisition,  391. 

Dominicans,  381  sq. 

"  Donation  of  Constantine."  See 
Constantine. 

"  Donation  of  Pepin. "    See  Pepin. 

Duran  de  Huesca,  380. 

Durazzo,  109. 

East  and  West,  schism,  8. 

Ebers,  "  Homo  Sum,  "referred  to, 
379. 

Ebner,  Christina,  185. 

Ebner,  Margaret,  185. 


Ebrard,  69. 

Ecbert,  56. 

Edessa,  217. 

Edward  I.  of  England,  413,  414. 

Edward  the  Confessor,  canonized, 
244. 

Eleanor,  Queen  of  Henry  II.,  273, 
293. 

Election  decree,  46  sq. 

Elizabeth  of  Schonau,  185. 

England,  relations  of  Hildebrand 
to,  102 ;  homage  to  Innocent, 
176  ;  relations  to  Alexander  III., 
246  sq.  ;  war  with  France,  274; 
relations  to  Innocent  III.,  330, 
359;  to  Boniface  VIII.,  414, 
415.  See  William  the  Con- 
queror, Henry  I.,  II.,  John, 
Alexander  III.,  Innocent  III., 
Paschal  II. 

Enzio,  374. 

Erigena.     See  Scotus,  John. 

Erlembaldo,  50,  61,  76. 

Eucharistic  controversy,  30,  31, 
100,  lOI. 

Eudoxia,  65. 

Eugenius  III.  See  Bernard  of  St. 
Anastasius. 

Excommunication,  74,  75. 

Feudalism,  401,  408.    See  Papacy. 

Flagellants,  377. 

Flavians,  4. 

Flotte,  Peter,  419. 

Flurchheim,  battle  of,  105. 

Forchheim  Diet,  96. 

Foulque  de  Neuilly,  380. 

Foulques,  Archbishop  of  Tou- 
louse, 345,  381,  382. 

Fourth  Lateran  Council.  See 
Council. 

Francis,  founder  of  Franciscans, 
Z^Z  sq. 

Francis  of  Assisi,  188. 

France.  See  Louis  VI.,  VII., 
VIII.,  IX.,  X.,  Philip  I.,  II. 

Franciscans,  382  sq.,  413. 

Frangipani  family,  156,  167,  166, 
210.     See  Cencius. 


Index, 


445 


Frankfort,  Council  of,  lo. 

Frederick,  son  of  Barlxarossa,  289. 

Frederick,  son  of  Peter  of  Aragon, 
417,  418. 

Frederick  I.     See  Harbarossa. 

Frederick  II.,  297,  298;  crowned 
at  Palermo,  308,  353,  356,  357; 
crowned  at  Aaclien,  358;  char- 
acter, 371,  372;  relations  to 
Gregory  IX.,  372;  success  in 
Palestine,  372,  373;  quarrels 
Avitli  Papacy,  373,  374;  death, 
374;  banishes  Franciscans,  387; 
edicts  of,  394. 

Frederick  of  Austria,  375. 

Frederick  of  Lorraine,  34 ;  eludes 
Henry,  38 ;  Abbot  of  Monte 
Cassino,  39 ;  cardinal,  41 ;  en- 
throned Pope,  42  ;   death,  43. 

Frederick  of  Rotenburg,  259. 

Frederick  of  Suabia,  171  ;  banned 
by  vSynod  of  Liege,  176;  sub- 
mits, 192. 

P'reeman,  quoted,  268,  371,  376. 

French  church  synod,  153. 

Freteval,  266. 

Froude,  "  Life  and  Times  of 
Thomas  a  Becket,"  referred  to, 
251  (footnote). 

Fulda,  Abbot  of,  163. 

Fulk  of  Neuilly,  323. 

Gaetani,  Benedetto,  411. 

Gebhard,  Bishop  of  Eichstadt,  37. 

Gelasius  II.,  156;  insulted,  157; 
flees,  157;  consecrated,  158;  ex- 
communicates Gregory  VIII. 
and  banns  Henry,  158;  again 
attacked  and  flees,  158;  death, 
158. 

Gensa  of  Hungary,  82. 

Genseric,  6. 

Geoffrey,  Archdeacon  of  Norwich, 
360. 

Geoffrey,  son  of  Henry  IT.,  273. 

Gerard,  Archbishop  of  Florence, 
44. 

Gerard  of  Bologna.  See  Lucius 
II. 


Germans.  See  Henry  III.,  Henry 
IV.,  Alexander  IL,  Leo  IX., 
Damiani,  Hildebrand,  etc. 

Gerocli  of  Reicliersperg,  240,  380. 

Ciertrude,  185. 

Ghibellinc,  357. 

Giacomodella  Porta,  17  (footnote). 

Gibbon,  quoted  in  footnote,  10,401, 

Giesebrecht,  quoted,  88  (footnote). 

Gieseler,"  Ecclesiastical  History," 
referred  to  in  footnote,  23,  122. 

Gilbert  of  London,  251,  264,  265. 

Gildas,  St.,  202. 

Giovanni,  383. 

Giraldus  Cambrensis,  406. 

Gluber,  Rudolph,  14  (footnote). 

Godfrey  of  Lorraine,  34 ;  marries 
Beatrix,  widow  of  JNlargrave 
Boniface,  yj ;  stirs  up  revolt 
against  Henry,  38;  increasing 
power,  39;  seats  Nicholas  II., 
44;  mediates  between  Alexan- 
der and  Plonorius,  55  ;  supports 
opposition  to  Adalbert,  59 ; 
death,  63. 

Godfrey,  son  of  above,  marries 
Beatrix,  63 ;  promises  help  to 
Hildebrand,  77;  murdered,  91. 

Godfrey  of  Vendome,  128. 

Golden  Basilica,  64. 

Gotelin,  Count,  252. 

Gratian,  collections  of,  430. 

Gratian,  deputy  to  Becket,  265. 

Greeks  defeat  crusaders,  351. 

Gregorian  code,  403. 

Gregorovius,  quoted  in  footnote,  7, 
8,  10,  18,  63,  117,  152,  208. 

Gregory,  Cardinal,  194. 

Gregory  II.,  8. 

Gregory  VI.,  15, 

Gregory  VII.     See  Hildebrand. 

Gregory  VIII.,  285,  286. 
'Gregory    VIII.,     antipope,    158; 
attacked      by      Calixtus,      162 ; 
brought  to  Rome,   162;  death, 
163. 

Gregory  IX.,  348,  365,  372  ;  re- 
bellion against,  373;  privileges 


446 


Index, 


to  Mendicants,  387,  388 ;  Inqui- 
sition, 395. 

Gregory  of  St.  Angelo,  1 74.  See 
Innocent  II. 

Gregory  of  Vercelli,  57,  69. 

Gregory  the  Great,  recognized 
head   of    Rome,    7;   wealth,  8, 

139- 

Guelf,  357. 

Guibert  of  Ravenna,  52,  55 ;  dis- 
placed, 57;  plots,  76  sq. ;  insti- 
gates Lombards,  90 ;  excommun- 
ication renewed,  100 ;  chosen 
Pope,  106;  marches  with  Henry 
to  Rome,  108 ;  Lombards  ac- 
knowledge him,  108;  enthroned, 
114;  in  Rome  again,  116;  ana- 
thematized by  Desiderius,  125  ; 
expelled  from  Rome,  127;  called 
back,  127;  death,  134. 

Guido,  Archbishop  of  Milan,  61. 

Guido,  Cardinal,  217. 

Guido  di  Castello.     See  Ccelestine  1 
II.  i 

Guido  of  Cremera.     See  Paschal 

in. 

Guido  of  Palestrina,  321,  322. 
Guido  of  Valate,  50 ;  resignation, 

83. 

Guido  of  Vienna,  153,  158.  See 
Calixtus  11. 

Guiscard,  Robert,  34,  47 ;  con- 
demned by  Nicholas,  48  •  re- 
ceives fiefs  of  Holy  See,  48;  ! 
sustains  election  of  Alexander 
II.,  51;  fealty  to  Hildebrand, 
70;  anathematized,  74;  over- 
tures by  Hildebrand,  90 ; 
leagues  with  Hildebrand,  106; 
doubleness,  108;  attacks  Du- 
razzo,  109;  returns,  no,  in; 
aids  Hildebrand,  112;  forces 
entrance  into  Rome,  114. 

Guzman,  Domingo  de.  See  Domi 
nic. 

Hadrian  I.,  claims  allegiance,  9 
letter  to  Charlemagne,  9. 

Hadrian  II.,  married,  26. 


Hadrian  IV.,  223,  224;  agrees  to 
crown  Barbarossa,  225 ;  expedi- 
tion against  William  of  Sicily, 
228,  229 ;  alliance  w^ith  William 
of  Sicily,  229 ;  negotiations  with 
Barbarossa,  230,  231  ;  conces- 
sions, 232 ;  affronts  Barbarossa, 
234 ;  summons  Milan  to  revolt, 
235 ;  meeting  of  princes,  235, 
236 ;  rebuked  by  Barbarossa, 
236,  237;  dies,  237;  gives  Ire- 
land to  Henry  II.,  271. 

Hagenau,  289. 

Hallam,  "  View  of  State  of  Europe 
in  Middle  Ages,"  referred  to, 
335  (footnote). 

Hanno,  Archbishop  of  Cologne, 
56;  convenes  council,  57;  sup- 
planted by  Adalbert,  58  ;  heads 
opposition  to  Adalbert,  59  ;  sum- 
mons council  at  Mantua,  59. 

Harnack,  "  Dogmengeschichte," 
quoted,  182  (footnote) ;  on  Abe- 
lard,  207. 

Hartzburg,  72. 

Heloise,  201. 

Henry,  Archbishop  of  Rheims, 
270,  271. 

Henry,  Bishop  of  Augsburg,  56. 

Henry,  brother  of  Baldwin,  330. 

Henry,  son  of  Frederick  II.,  373. 

Henry,  son  of  Henry  II.,  crowned, 
266;  recrowned,  272;  rebellion, 
274. 

Henry,  son-in-law  to  Lothair,  192. 

Henry  I.  of  England,  26,  140, 
143;  meets  Innocent  II.,  176. 

Henry  II.  of  England,  relations  to 
Alexander  III.,  242,  243,  246; 
quarrel  with  Becket,  248  sq.  ; 
agrees  to  acknowledge  Paschal 
III.,  253  ;  asks  pardon  of  Alex- 
ander, 253 ;  defiance  of  Pope, 
254 ;  threatened  by  Pope,  265  ; 
formal  reconciliation  with 
Becket,  266 ;  renunciation  of 
Clarendon  articles  demanded, 
267;  recalls  Becket,  267;  rela- 


Index, 


447 


tions  to  Ireland,  271 ;  murder 
of  Becket,  271;  penance,  272; 
appeals  to  Pope  to  compel  obe- 
dience of  children,  273 ;  rebel- 
lion, 274;  reconciliation  with 
France,  288  ;  third  crusade,  288. 

Henry  III.  of  England,  373. 

Henry  III.,  Emperor  of  Germany, 
14;  enters  Rome,  16;  relation 
to  Clugny,  17;  right  of  nomi- 
nating Pope,  18,  19;  coronation, 
18;  gives  lands  to  Normans, 
34;  seizes  Beatrix  and  Mathilde, 
38 ;  death,  39. 

Henry  IV.,  Emperor  of  Germany, 
receives  absolution  from  Hilde- 
brand,  i ;  asked  to  nominate 
Pope,  49 ;  abducted  by  Hanno, 
56;  apprised  of  Hildebrand's 
election,  66;  defied  by  Hilde- 
brand,  69,  70 ;  penitential  letter 
to  Hildebrand,  71  ;  treaty  with 
Saxons,  72  ;  diet  of  princes,  72  ; 
deputation  to  Rome,  72 ;  con- 
spires with  Milan,  76,  77;  de- 
feats Saxons,  82  ;  master  of  Ger- 
many, 82  ;  breaks  with  Gregory, 
83  sq. ;  summoned  to  Rome,  83  ; 
ordered  to  call  council,  85  ;  at 
Worms,  86 ;  seeks  confederates 
in  Italy,  86;  commands  Hilde- 
brand to  renounce  pontificate, 
87 ;  anathematized,  88 ;  new 
Synod  at  Worms  summoned,  91  ; 
treats  with  Diet  of  Tribur,  92  ; 
promises  obedience  to  Pope,  92  ; 
crosses  Mount  Cenis,  93 ;  sup- 
pliant at  Canosa,  94;  terms  of 
submission,  95  ;  demand  for  ab- 
dication, 96  ;  asks  to  be  crowned 
King  of  Italy,  96  ;  evades  Hilde- 
brand's requisition  to  appear  at 
Forchheim,  96 ;  returns  to  Ger- 
many, 97 ;  confiscates  domains 
of  Welf,  97 ;  proposed  confer- 
ence with  Rudolph,  98;  battle 
of  Melrichstadt,  100 ;  goes  to 
Wurzburg,     104;     defeated    at 


Flurchheim,  105 ;  again  de- 
posed, 105 ;  pays  homage  to 
Guibert,  106 ;  invasion  of  Sax- 
ony, 107;  ban  renewed,  107; 
march  to  Rome,  107 ;  receives 
crown  of  Italy,  108;  attacks 
Mathilde's  garrisons,  108 ; 
leagues  with  Alexis,  109 ;  again 
besieges  Rome,  109  ;  division  of 
his  army,  no;  enters  city,  in  ; 
appeals  against  Hildebrand, 
in;  synod  to  decide  claims, 
112;  nobles  bribed  to  desert 
him,  113;  declares  Hildebrand 
deposed,  113;  crowned  and  re- 
ceives patriciate,  1 14 ;  threatens 
to  destroy  Mathilde,  126;  siege 
of  Mantua,  127;  deserted  by 
Conrad,  128;  defection  of  Italian 
cities,  128;  eftect  of  charges  of 
Praxedis,  130  j  four  years' peace, 
137;  excommunication  renewed 
by  Paschal,  138;  deserted  by 
son  Henry,  142  ;  imprisoned  by 
Henry,  142  ;  resigns,  142  ;  death, 

143- 
Henry  V.  of  Germany,  137 ;  de- 
serts his  father,  142 ;  alliance 
with  Paschal,  142 ;  imprisons 
his  father,  142  ;  King,  143 ;  be- 
throthal  to  Matilda,  145 ;  sets 
out  for  Rome,  145 ;  allegiance 
of  Mathilde,  145 ;  concessions 
of  Paschal,  147;  enters  Rome, 
149;  German  bishops  refuse 
terms,  150;  riot,  150;  gallantry 
in  Rome,  15 1 ;  takes  Pope  pris- 
oner, 151;  royal  investiture, 
151,  152;  coronation  ceremo- 
nies, 152;  declared  excommuni- 
cated, 153;  celebrates  father's 
obsequies,  155;  marriage  with 
Matilda,  155;  desertions,  155; 
goes  to  Rome,  155;  failure 
there,  156;  attacks  Gelasius, 
157;  banned  by  Gelasius,  158; 
agreement  with  Calixtus,  159; 
broken   off,    160;    excommuni- 


448 


Index. 


cated,  i6o ;  treaty  with  Calixtus, 
163,  164;  reconciliation,  164; 
dies,  171. 

Henry  VI.  of  Germany,  270;  mar- 
riage, 283,  284 ;  coronation  at 
St.  Peter's,  291 ;  relations  to 
Sicily  and  Papacy,  292  ;  impris- 
ons Richard  I.,  293  ;  master  of 
Italy,  294;  crusade,  296;  ambi- 
tion, 296 ;  death,  298. 

Henry  of  Lausanne,  300. 

Henry  of  Lower  Lorraine,  349.      ; 

Henry  of  Rheims,  274.  1 

Henry  of  Saxony,  227. 

Henry  of  Thuringia,  374.  1 

Henry  the  Lion,  227.  i 

Henry  the  Proud,  192,  357  (foot- 
note). •  \ 

Heresies,  299  sq.,  391  sq.  j 

Hermann,  Count  of  Luxembourg,  ! 
chosen  King  of  Germany,  109;  , 
dies,  126.  I 

Hermogenian  code,  403.  | 

Herzog,  "  Die  Romanischen  Wal-  i 
denser,"  referred  to,  301   (foot- 
note), j 

Hildebrand,  absolves  Plenry,  I ; 
his  ideal  the  imperial  ideal,  3 ;  | 
monk  of  Clugny,  1 7 ;  chaplain  j 
to  Gregory  VI.,  19  ;  life  sketched,  ! 
19  sq.  ;  views  on  relation  of  em- 
pire to  Papacy,  21  ;  accompanies 
Bruno  to  Rome,  21  ;  superior, 
monastery  of  St.  Paul,  28 ;  chief  | 
man  in  Rome,  35  ;  heads  depu- 
tation to  Henry,  36 ;  ambassa- 
dor to  Agnes,  43 ;  enlists  Greg- 
ory against  Benedict  X.,  44; 
treaty  with  Normans,  45  ;  policy 
with  Normans,  47 ;  assembles 
cardinals  to  elect  Anselm  of  Ba- 
dagio,  50 ;  chancellor,  53 ;  de- 
nounced by  Benzo,  54  ;  triumph 
over  Germans,  59,  60;  hailed 
Pope,  65  ;  nature  of  election,  66 ; 
policy,  67  sq.  ;  claims  on  Spain, 
68  ;  defiance  against  Henry,  69, 
70;   inaugurated,   70;  relations 


to  Guiscard,  70 ;  to  Michael,  70 ; 
to  Landolfo,  70 ;  to  Richard  of 
Capua,  70;  commands  Henry  to 
submit  Saxon  revolt  to  papal  leg- 
ates, 71  ;  refuses  to  help  Henry 
against  Saxons,  73 ;  blows  at 
simony,  73  sq.  ;  summons 
against  Saracens,  73 ;  first  great 
reform  synod,  74;  opposition, 
75  sq.  ;  threatens  France,  78, 
79;  letter  to  Henry  concern- 
ing Constantinople,  79 ;  letters 
to  Denmark,  79,  80  ;  lay  investi- 
ture, 80,  81 ;  imprisoned  by  Cen- 
cius,  84;  escape,  85  ;  condemned 
at  Worms,  86  ;  proclaimed  usurp- 
er, 87;  anathematizes  Henry, 
88  ;  laid  under  ban  by  Lombards, 
90 ;  summons  Germany  to  choose 
new  King,  91  ;  disregards  oath 
to  Empress,  91 ;  sets  out  for 
Augsburg,  93 ;  takes  refuge  in 
Canosa,  93 ;  refuses  to  release 
Henry  from  ban,  94 ;  terms  of 
submission,  95  ;  refuses  crown 
of  Italy  to  Henry,  96 ;  over- 
reaches himself,  96 ;  requires 
Henry's  attendance  at  Forch- 
heim,  96 ;  attitude  towards  Ru- 
dolph, 98  sq.  ;  relation  to  Be- 
rengar,  100,  loi  ;  relations  to 
England,  102,  103  ;  to  Rudolph, 
104 ;  again  deposes  Henry,  105  ; 
his  decree,  105  ;  authority  re- 
nounced at  Mainz,  106;  leagues 
with  Guiscard,  106 ;  aids 
Michael,  107;  agitation  at 
Henry's  approach,  108;  encyc- 
lical, no;  escapes  to  St.  An- 
gelo.  III;  general  excommuni- 
cation, 112;  people  revolt,  113; 
declared  deposed,  113;  freed  by 
Guiscard,  115  ;  goes  to  Salerno, 
115;  last  encyclical,  116;  sug- 
gests successor,  116;  death  and 
burial,  117;  character  and  policy 
reviewed,  118  sq.,  427  sq.  ; 
quoted,  426,  427. 


Index. 


449 


Hildegard  of  Bingen,  185. 
Hohenstaufen,  A,\1\\  fall  of,  375, 

376- 
Holy  Roman  Empire,  4;  Dante's 
political  ideal,  4;  a  fiction,  4, 

275.  376,  424- 

Honorius,  Emperor,  4,  6,  429. 

Honorius  11. ,  170;  trouble  with 
Monte  Cassino,  172;  quarrel 
with  Roger  of  Sicily,  173  ;  Nea- 
politan monarchy,  173,  174; 
dies,  174. 

Honorius  IL,  antipope,  52;  chan- 
cellor, 53 ;  enters  the  Leonina, 
55  ;  withdraws  to  Parma,  55  ;  at 
St.  Angelo,  58;  deserts  St.  An- 
gelo,  59. 

Honorius  III.,  347,  371.  372,  382, 

385- 
Honorius  IV.,  389. 
Horace,  quoted,  208. 
Hubald  of  Ostia,  282. 

Hubert,  papal  legate  to  England, 
103. 

Hubert  of  Canterbury,  296,  310, 
330. 

Hugo,  Abbot  of  Clugny,  17,  95- 

Hugo,  Cardinal,  275. 

Hugo  Candidus,  65,  86,  106. 

Hugo  of  Lyons,  116,  143. 

Hugo  of  St.  Victor,  182,  188. 

Hugolino  of  the  Holy  Cross,  350. 

Humbert  of  Crivellis,  283. 

"  Hungarian,"  the,  376,  377. 

Hyacinth,  Cardinal,  291. 

Ingeborg,  295,  31 1. 

Ingelheim,  142. 

Innocent  I.,  6. 

Innocent  II.,  174;  escapes  from 
Anacletus,  175;  deserted  by 
Frangipani,  175;  escapes  to 
France,  175;  reversal  in  favor 
of,  176;  meets  Henry  of  Eng- 
land and  Lothair,  176;  pro- 
nounced Pope  by  Synod  of 
Liege,  176  ;  homage  at  Synod  of 
Rheims,  176;  privilege  to  Cis- 
tercians, 189 ;  charter  to  Clair- 


vaux,  189;  meets  Lothair,  189; 
enters   Rome,   189;    gives  pos- 
sessions of   Mathilde  in  fief  to 
Lothair,  190  ;  leaves  Rome,  190  ; 
at    Melfi,     192;    quarrel    over 
Monte  Cassino,    192;    bigotry, 
195 ;    beaten    by    Roger,    195 ; 
treaty  with    Roger,    195 ;    lack 
of  candor,  195  ;  Tivolese  yield, 
209 ;    revolution,    209 ;    secular 
power  lost,  209 ;  dies,  209. 
nnocent   III.,   2,   306  sq.  ;  rela- 
tions to  empire,  308;  reforms, 
308,  309;  bans,   309;  crusade, 
310;  absolutism,  312;  Philip  of 
Suabia  and  Otto  IV.,  313  sq.  ; 
attacks  heresy,  318,  319;  favors 
Otto,  319  sq.  ;  defied  by  German 
bishops,    322;    fourth    crusade, 
323    sq.  ;    Constantinople,    326 
sq.  ;  absence  from  Rome,  329 ; 
relations  to  England,  330  sq.  ; 
novel    mandate,    332;    rebukes 
Templars,  336;  Albigenses,  337 
sq.  ;    breaks    with    Otto,    350 ; 
negotiations  with   Philip,   350; 
excommunicates  Otto,  355  ;   en- 
lists Philip  II.  against  Otto,  356 ; 
suppor.s  Frederick  II. ,  357  ;  ex- 
communicates John,  360  sq.  ;  de- 
poses John,  362  ;  Magna  Charta, 
364;  "Twelfth  General  Council, 
367 ;  death  and  character,  368- 
370  ;  Dominicans,  382  ;  Francis- 
cans,   384;    forbids    "ordeal," 
392,  428. 
Innocent  III.,  antipope,  280. 
Innocent  IV.,  374,  3^9;  inquisi- 
tion, 396. 
Inquisition,  391  sq. 
"  Insabbatati,"  301. 
Interdict,  75. 

Investiture.     See  Lay  Investiture. 
i  Ireland,  271. 
I  Irene,  wife   of   Philip  of   Suabia, 

i      325- 
j  Irnerius,  403. 
"  Iron  age,"  12. 


450 


Index. 


Isaac,  Emperor  of  Constantinople, 
325.  326. 

Isidore,  Bishop  of  Seville,  22. 

Isidorian  Decretals.  See  Pseudo- 
Isidorian  Decretals. 

Isidorus  Mercator,  22. 

Jacobi,  quoted,  loi  (footnote). 

Jacquot,  F.,  "  Defense  des  Temp- 
liers,"  quoted,  336. 

James  of  Aragon,  417. 

Jayme  L,  395. 

Jerome,  on  celibacy,  26. 

Jerusalem,  non-apostolic  patriarch- 
ate, 4 ;  conquered  by  crusaders, 
133,  134 ;  capture  of,  by  Saladin, 
285. 

Jews  under  Roman  empire,  168. 

Joannicius,  351. 

John,  Abbot  of  Struma,  262. 

John,  King  of  England,  314,  319, 
331,  359  ;  excommunicated,  360  ; 
outrages,  361 ;  defiance,  361 ;  de- 
position, 362  ;  cowardice,  363  ; 
submission,  363  ;  Magna  Charta, 

364- 

John  XII.,  deposed,  12. 

John  XIX.,  14. 

John  de  Gray,  330,  331, 

John  Mincius,  43. 

John  of  Gaeta.     See  Gelasius  II. 

John  of  Porto,  88. 

John  of  Sabina,  15. 

John  of  St.  Paul,  299. 

John  Scotus.      See  Scotus,  John. 

Jordan  of  Capua,  no,  iii. 

Jordanes,  brother  of  Anacletus  II., 
210. 

Jubilee  at  Rome,  415. 

Julius  of  Palcstrina,  252. 

Justinian,  closes  Athenian  schools, 
196  ;  code  of,  403,  404,  406  ;  In- 
stitutes of,  403,  404;  Pandects 
^  of,  233,  403,  404. 

Kamba,  171. 

Kingsley.Charles, quoted, 436,437. 

La  Fert6,  162. 

Lambert  of  Ostia.  See  IIonoriusTI. 

Lando  of  Sezza,  280. 


Landolfo,  50,  61,  70. 

Landulph  V.,  47. 

Lanfranc,   on  Eucharist,  31,  102, 

135- 

Langen,  "  Geschichte  der  R5mi- 
schen,"etc.,  referred  to  in  foot- 
note, 66,  67,  88,  101,  241, 

Langensalza,  battle  of,  82. 

Langton,  Stephen,  331,  359,  360, 

361,  363- 

Lascaris,  Theodore,  351. 

Lateran  church,  64. 

Lateran  Council.     See  Council. 

Lateran  Synod,  167.  See  Roman 
Synods. 

Lateranus,  Plautius,  64. 

Lay  investiture,  80,  81,  134,  136, 
144,  163  sq.,  234,  426. 

Lea,  Henry  C,  "A  History  of 
the  Inquisition,"  referred  to, 
399  (footnote). 

Legates,  122. 

Legnano,  275. 

Leo,  son  of  Benedictus  Christ- 
ianus,  169. 

Leo  III.  crowns  Charlemagne,  10. 

Leo  VIII.  established  by  Otto,  12. 

Leo  IX.,  2  ;  enthroned,  22  ;  use  of 
Isidorian  Decretals,  23 ;  a  re- 
former, 24,  28  sq.  ;  great  relig- 
ious visitation,  29 ;  attacks  Nor- 
mans in  Italy,  34 ;  captivity  and 
death,  35. 

Leo  of  the  Holy  Cross,  350. 

Leo  the  Great,  5,  7. 

Leo  the  Isaurian,  8. 

Leopold  of  Austria,  289,  293. 

Lewis  of  Thuringia,  155. 

"  Li  Poure  de  Lyod,"  301. 

Liegers,  reply  to  Paschal,  139. 
j  Lightfoot,  J.  B.,  quoted,   5  (foot- 
note). 
I  Lillebonne,  Synod  of,  25. 
I  Lingard,  quoted,  102  (footnote). 
\  Lisieux,  Bishop  of,  247. 
I  Loiseleur,   "  La  Doctrine  Secrete 
I      des  Templiers,"  referred  to,  336 
I      (footnote). 


Index. 


451 


Lombard,  Peter,  207. 
Lombards,  invasion,  7 ;  defeat,  9, 

276,  279.    See  Hildebrand,  Gui- 

bert,  etc. 
Lombards,    sect.     See  Arnold  of 

Brescia. 
London,  Synod  of,  253. 
Lothair,  Cardinal.     See  Innocent 

in. 

Lothair,  son  of  Trasimund.  See 
Innocent  III. 

Lothair  III.,  171;  concessions  to 
Pope,  172;  invited  to  Rome, 
175;  meets  Innocent  II.,  176; 
assists  him,  189;  crowned,  189; 
receives  possessions  of  Mathilde 
in  fief,  190;  compelled  to  leave 
Rome,  190;  acknowledged  by 
Milanese,  191  ;  asked  to  free 
Sicily  of  Roger,  192 ;  march 
through  Italy,  192;  quarrel  with 
Pope,  192;  dies,  194. 

Lothair  of  Bonn,  292. 

Louis  VI.,  176. 

Louis  VII.,  216;  relations  to  Alex- 
ander III.,  242,  243,  246,  270; 
conspires  with  Prince  Henry, 
273,  274;  death,  280. 

Louis  VIII.,  345,  347»  348- 

Louis  IX.,  373  ;  ordinance  of,  395. 

Louis  X.     See  Louis  le  Hutin. 

Louis  le  Hutin,  395. 

Louvre,  parliament  at,  420. 

Lucca,  Bishop  of,  176. 

Lucca,    treaty    with    Henry    .,V 

145- 

Lucius  II.,  negotiates  with  Roger, 
210;  trouble  with  Roman  Com- 
mune, 211  ;  appeals  to  Conrad, 
211 ;  death,  211. 

Lucius  III.,  282,  283;  anathema- 
tizes Waldenses,  302  ;  inquisi- 
tion, 393. 

Madgeburg  Centuriators,  23. 

Maginolf,  141,  152. 

Magna  Charta,  364. 

Magnus,  Albertus,  185,  408. 

Magyars,  invasion  of,  12. 


Mainz,  Archbishop  of.   See  Christ- 
ian, Conrad. 
Mainz,  assembly  of  bishops,  106 ; 

Diet,  137. 
Manes,  302. 
Manfred,  Bishop,  214. 
!  Manfred,    son    of   Frederick    II., 

374,  375- 
;  Manichreism,  302,  303. 
\  Mantua,  127;  Council  of,  59. 
1  Manuel   of    Constantinople,    248, 

257. 
'  Margaret,  wife  of  Prince  Henry, 
272. 
Margaret  Ebner,  185. 
Maria,  daughter  of  Philip  of  Sua- 

bia,  349. 
Markwald,  294,  307,  313. 
Marozia,  14. 

Martene,    Ed.,    quoted,    7    (foot- 
\      note). 

i  Martens,  quoted,  88  (footnote). 
j  Martin  V.,  389. 

'  Mathilde,  daughter  of  Margrave 
Boniface,  37;  seized  by  Henry, 
38  ;  released,  39  ;  influenced  by 
Hildebrand,  39  ;  her  castles,  93  ; 
interview  with  Henry,  94;  en- 
treats for  him,  95  ;  faithful  to 
Hildebrand,  no;  in  peril,  116; 
marries  Welf,  127;  fanaticism, 
127;  twenty  years'  treaty  with 
Italian  cities,  128;  separates 
from  V^^'elf,  132;  swears  allegi- 
ance to  Henry  V.,  145;  death, 
154;  character,  154. 
Matilda,  145. 
Maurice  Burdinus.     See  Gregory 

VIII. 
Maurice  of  Braga.     See  Gregory 

VIII. 
Maurillac,  346. 
Mazzolinus,  208. 
Mechthild  of  Hackeborn,  185. 
Melrichstadt,  battle  of,  lOO. 
Mendicant  orders,   374,  376,   378 
1      sq.,  386. 
,  Metz,  Bishop  of,  92. 


452 


Index. 


Michael,  Emperor,  70,  107. 
Milan,    49,    50;    attitude   towards 
Rome,  60 ;  subdued,  233 ;  fall  of, 

245- 
Military  orders,  162. 
Milman,  quoted,   7  (footnote),  47 

(footnote),    81,    82    (footnote), 

431.  432. 

Milo,  legate  to  Raymond \  I.,  339. 

Mincius,  John,  43. 

Mirbt,  Carl,  "  Die  Wahl  Gregors 
VIL,"  referred  to  in  footnote, 
66,  67,  87;  "Die  Absetzung 
Heinrichs  IV,,"  etc.,  referred  to 
in  footnote,  88. 

"  Missi  dominici,"  392. 

Moisson,  159. 

Monasticism,  379,  386. 

Monastier,  "  Histoire  de  I'Eglise 
Vaudoise,"  301  (footnote). 

Monte  Cassino,  monastery  of,  7 ; 
consecration  of  new  basilica,  63, 
172,  192. 

Monte  Mario,  55. 

Monte  Porzio,  battle  of,  258. 

IMontesa,  162. 

Montfort.  See  Simon  de  Mont- 
fort. 

Montmartre,  265. 

Montmirail,  264. 

Montpellier,  University  of,  408. 

Moray,  Bishop  of,  243. 

Morimond,  162. 

Morosini,  Thomas,  328. 

Mount  St.  Genevieve,  202. 

Mourzoufle,  326. 

Miiller,  "  Kirchengeschichte," 
quoted,  16  (footnote),  425. 

Muston,  Alexander,  "  L'Israeldes 
Alpes,"  quoted,  301  (footnote). 

Mysticism,  181  sq.     See  Bernard. 

Narbonne,  302,  346. 

Neapolitan  monarchy,  173,  174. 

Neoplatonism,  183. 

Neulodi,  244. 

Newman,  Cardinal,  quoted,  196. 

Nicholas,  Abbot,  172. 

Nicholas,  the  boy  leader,  365. 


Nicholas  I.,  27. 

Nicholas  11. ,  44;  convokes  coun- 
cil at  Rome,  46;  league  with 
Normans,  48;  death,  49. 

Nicholas  of  Albano.  See  Hadrian 
IV. 

Nicholas  of  Tusculum,  363. 

Nominalists,  198,  199. 

Norbert  of  Xanthen,  187,  188; 
opposes  Abelard,  202. 

Nordhausen,  350. 

Normans,  influence  of,  32  sq.  ; 
treaty  with  Hildebrand,  45  ;  in- 
creasing power,  47 ;  alliance 
with  Rome,  48. 

Northmen,  invasion  of,  12. 

Novara,  145. 

Octavian,  Cardinal,  227;  chosen 
Pope,  238 ;  enthroned,  239 ; 
begs  help  of  Barbarossa,  239 ; 
excommunicated  by  Alexander 
III.,  240  ;  supported  by  Clugny, 
241  ;  acknowledged  by  Council 
of  Pavia,  241 ;  opposed  by 
Council  of  Toulouse,  243  ;  rec- 
ognition reaffirmed  by  Council 
of  Cremona,  244;  banned  at 
Tours,  247;  death,  250. 

Octavian  of  Ostia,  292. 

Oddo,  Cardinal,  225. 

Oderisius,  Abbot,  172. 

Odillo,  Abbot  of  Clugny,  16,  20. 

Offa,  King,  102. 

"  Opus  Majus,"  410. 

"  Ordeal,"  392. 

Orleans,  University  of,  408. 

Othbert,  143. 

Otho,  Cardinal,  263. 

Otho  of  Bavaria,  56. 

Otto,  Palgrave,  232. 

Otto  III.,  12. 

Otto  IV.,  313,  314;  supported  by 
Innocent,  319  sq.  ;  takes  oath  to 
Innocent, 32 1  ;  proclaimed  King, 
321;  weakness,  332,  349;  re- 
sists overtures  of  legates,  350; 
recognition  and  pledges,  353 ; 
betrothal,  353  ;  coronation,  354; 


Index. 


453 


imperial  rights  in  Italy,  354; 
quarrel  with  Pope,  355  ;  excom- 
municated, 355  ;  waning  cause, 
356;  marriage,  357;  death,  358. 

Otto  of  Bavaria,  230. 

Otto  of  Nordheim,  71. 

Otto  of  Ostia,  116;  named  for 
Pope,  126;  submission  of  San- 
cho,  etc.,  127;  shrewd  policy, 
127;  quits  Rome,  127;  returns, 
128;  holds  Synod  of  Piacenza, 
129;  treats  with  Conrad,  130; 
preaches  crusade,  131  ;  triumph 
and  death,  133  ;   character,  133. 

Otto  of  Wittelsbach,  352. 

Otto  the  Great,  4,  12. 

Oxford,  University  of,  406. 

Pallium,  136. 

Pandects,  233,  403,  404. 

Pandolfo,  papal  legate,  361,  363. 

Papacy,  subject  to  empire,  6;  sec- 
ular character,  6 ;  first  temporal 
sovereign,  7 ;  forces  in  estab- 
lishment of  supremacy,  7,  8; 
supreme  arbiter,  8;  under  Char- 
lemagne, 1 1 ;  effect  of  feudal 
system  on,  1 1  ;  in  tenth  century, 
12;  administration  of  Leo  IX., 
22,  29  sq.  ;  Council  of  Rome 
concerning  election,  46,  47 ; 
secular  power  lost,  209 ;  fall  of 
medieval,  423.  See  Papal  Ab- 
solutism. 

Papal  absolutism,  i  sq.,  67,  68, 
88,  89,  123,  312,  425,  426; 
reasons  for  failure,  430.  See 
Papacy,  Roman  Church. 

"  Paraclete,"  202. 

Paris,    University   of,    388,    389, 

405- 

Parma,  capture  of,  374. 

Paschal  IT.,  monk  of  Chigny,  17, 
134;  theory  of  crusade,  135; 
renews  excommunication  of 
Henry,  138  ;  quarrel  with  Henry 
I.  of  England,  140,  141  ;  quar- 
rels with  Colonnas  and  Corsi, 
141 ;  abandons  Rome,  142 ;  al- 


liance with  Henry  V.,  142  ;  con- 
cessions to  Henry  I.,  143; 
receives  commissioners  from 
Henry  V.,  144;  prohibits  lay 
investiture,  145  ;  agrees  to  sur- 
render temporalities,  147;  fail- 
ure of  German  bishops  to  agree, 
149;  riot,  150;  seized  by  Henry, 
151 ;  yields  right  of  royal  inves- 
titure, 151,  152;  denounced, 
152;  hides,  152;  breaks  treaty, 
153;  confirms  decrees  of  French 
synod,  154;  also  of  Vienna 
synod,  155;  flees,  155;  returns, 
156;  dies,  156;  relation  to 
Citeaux,  16 1. 

Paschal  III.,  251,  252;  installed, 
260;  dies,  262. 

Paschasius,   views    on    Eucharist, 

30. 

Pastoureaux,  376. 

"  Patarenes,"  35,  304,  383. 

Pataria,  50,  76,  165. 

Paternon,  Bishop,  395. 

"  Patrician,"  9. 

Paul  of  Palestrina.  See  Clement 
III. 

Paul  of  Samosata,  303. 

Paulicianism,  303. 

"  Pauperes  Catholici,"  380. 

Pavia,  Council  of,  239,  241. 

Pedro  of  Aragon,  319,  341,  344  sq- 

Pepin,  coronation  of,  8 ;  "  Dona- 
tion of,"  9. 

Peter,  Cardinal,  son  of  Peter  Le- 
onis,  169,  170,  174.  See  Ana- 
cletus  II. 

Peter,  St.,  in  Rome,  428. 

Peter  Cantor,  380. 

Peter  Leonis,  169. 

Peter  Lombard,  207. 

Peter  of  Albano,  104. 

Peter  of  Amiens,  130. 

Peter  of  Aragon,  417. 

Peter  of  Pisa,  194. 

Peter  the  Hermit,  130. 

Peter  Waldo,  301. 

Peter's  pence,  102. 


454 


Index, 


Philip,  Archbishop  of  Cologne, 
270. 

Philip  I.  of  France,  74. 

Philip  II.  of  France,  280,  288, 
292,  293,  295,  310,  311,  315, 
319,  338,  356,  362. 

Philip  of  Suabia,  son  of  Barbar- 
ossa,  297,  308,  313  sq.,  321, 
326;  offers  to  Innocent,  331; 
recrowned,  332  ;  overpowers  Co- 
logne, T,iy,  success,  349,  350; 
absolved,  350;  death,  352. 

Philip  the  Fair,  413,  414,  418  sq.  ; 
excommunicated,  420. 

Phocas,  5. 

Piacenza  Synod,  86,  90,  129. 

Pierleone,  169. 

Pierleoni  family,  168. 

Pierre  Cella,  381. 

Pierre    de    Castelnau,    319,    338, 

339- 

Pierre  de  Bruys,  of  Embrun,  300. 

Pierre  de  Palais.     See  Abelard. 

Pietism,  181  sq.     See  Bernard. 

Pietro  Bernardone,  383. 

Pisa,  Council  of,  191. 

Pisa,  treaty  with  Henry  V.,  145. 

Plautius  Lateranus,  64. 

Pontigny,  162. 

Pontremoli,  145. 

"  Poor  of  Lyons,"  301. 

Pope.  See  Papacy,  Papal  Abso- 
lutism. 

Poppo  of  Brixen,  20. 

Portiuncula,  384. 

Procmonstrants,  188. 

Praxedis,  129,  133. 

Preaching  Friars,  3S2. 

Preger,  art.  "  Theologie,  mys- 
tische,"  referred  to,  181  (foot- 
note). 

Protestantism  contrasted  with 
Romanism,  433,  434. 

Prouille,  381. 

Prutz,  Ilans,  "  Geheimlehre  und 
Geheimstatuten  des  Tempelor- 
dens,"  referred  to,  336  (foot- 
note). 


Pseudo-Isidorian  Decretals,  22, 
23,  121,  429. 

Ptolem?°us,  156. 

Quedlinburg,  350. 

Rainald,  Chancellor,  232. 

Rainald  of  Cologne,  256  sq. 

Rainald  of  Dassel,  253,  255. 

Rainer,  Cardinal,  309. 
'  Rainer.     See  Paschal  II. 

Ranke,  quoted,  102  (footnote). 

Ratisbon,  Diet  of,  145. 

Ravenna,  Archbishop  of,  175. 

Raymond  VL,  317,  319,  338,  339, 
342  sq.  ;  death,  348  ;  condemned 
at  Twelfth  General  Council, 
367 ;  forced  to  adopt  edicts  of 
Frederick  II.,  395. 

Raymond  VII.,  347,  348. 

Raymond  of  Beziers,  340,  341. 

Raymond  of  Daventry,  302. 
j  Raymond  of  Toulouse,  131. 

Raynal,  Abbot  of  Monte  Cassino, 

193- 
"  Real    Presence,"   30,    31,    100, 
I        lOI. 
[  Realists,  198,  199. 

Reform  Synod.     See  Hildebrand. 
I  "Regale,"  166. 

I  Reginald  of  Canterbury,  330,  331. 
Republicans,    209  sq.,   218,   222, 

226. 
Rhadagaisus,  6. 
Rheims,   Synod  of,    176;   Council 

of,  374. 
Richard  I.  of  England,  273,   292, 

293.  296,  310,  314. 
Richard  of  Aquitaine,  275. 
Richard  of  Aversa,  47,  48. 
Richard  of  Capua,  fealty  to  Hilde- 
brand, 70. 
Richard  of  St.  Victor,  182. 
Robert,  Abbot  of  Mclesme,  161. 
Robert,  King  of  France,  17. 
Robert  Guiscard.     See  Guiscard, 

Robert. 
Robert  of  Capua,  173,  190,  192. 
Robert  of  Flanders,  139. 
Roboald  of  Milan,  191. 


Index. 


455 


Rodolph  of  Austria,  418. 

Roger  of  Sicily,  130,  173,  190; 
anathematized,  191;  titled  by 
Anacletus,  192  ;  sues  for  peace, 
192 ;  escapes,  192 ;  hears  em- 
bassy, 194;  excommunicated, 
195  ;  conquers  Innocent  and  re- 
ceives Sicily  as  fief,  195;  nego- 
tiates with  Lucius,  210;  wili- 
ness,  218;  rumored  league  with 
France,  218  ;  marriage  of  daugh- 
ter, 284. 

Roger  of  York,  248,  249,  251, 
266,  267. 

Roland  of  Parma,  87. 

Rolf,  32. 

Roman  law,  400  sq. 

Roman  Church,  early  dominance, 
5  ;  threefold  ground  of  primacy, 
5 ;  subordinate  to  empire,  5  ; 
opposing  the  state,  8  ;  clergy  re- 
fuse vassalage,  1 1.  See  Papacy, 
Papal  Absolutism,  Celibacy. 

Roman  synods,  80,  87,  99,  100, 
105.  153.  154,  194,  280. 

Rome,  apostolic  patriarchate,  3 ; 
world's  metropolis,  4 ;  condition 
in  eleventh  century,  15;  again 
metropolitan  city,  60 ;  sacked  by 
Guiscard,  115;  delivered  from 
papal  dominion,  209 ;  under  in- 
terdict, 224;  independent,  286, 
287. 

Roncaglia,  233. 

Roscelin,  199,  200. 

Rudolph  of  Suabia,  82,  92  ;  elected 
King,  97  ;  annointed,  97  ;  oppo- 
sition to,  97 ;  proposed  confer- 
ence with  Henry,  98  ;  acknowl- 
edged, 105  ;  death,  107.  See 
Henry  IV. 

Ruggieri,  Calcagni,  396. 

Rusticus,  113. 

Rutherius,  27. 

Sabina,  228. 

Saisset,  418. 

Saladin,  285. 

San  Germano,  373. 


Sancho  I.  of  Portugal,  296. 

Sancho  of  Aragon,  127. 

Sancho  the  Great,  17. 

Santa  Maria,  monastery  of,  19. 

Saracens,  invasion  of,  12,  t,t,\  ad- 
vance of,  73. 

Savigny,  "  Geschichte  des  Rom- 
ischen  Rechts,"  etc.,  referred 
to,  404  (footnote). 

Saxo  of  Anagni,  170. 

Saxons,  revolt  of,  71,  72.  See 
Henry  IV. ,  Henry  V. ,  Rudolph, 
etc. 

Scartazzini,  quoted,  154  (foot- 
note). 

SchafF,  Philip,  quoted  in  footnote, 
5,   121. 

Schism  between  East  and  West,  8. 

Scholasticism,  181,  195  sq. 

Scotland  appeals  to  Boniface,  415. 
See  Alexander  III. 

Scotus,  John,  attacks  Paschasius 
on  Eucharist,  30;  translates 
Dionysius,  180;  scholasticism, 
181,  182,  197,  408. 

"  Semper  Augustus,"  4. 

Senate,  Roman,  213,  226. 

Sens,  Synod  of,  206. 

"  Shepherds,"  376. 

Sicilian  Vespers,  417. 

Sicily,  416,  417.    See  Henry  VI., 
Frederick  II.,  Roger  of  Sicily, 
William  of  Sicily,  etc. 
I  Siegfried,  Archbishop  of  Metz,  56. 
:  Silvester  III.,  15. 

Silvester  IV.,  141. 

Simon  de  IMontfort,  341,  342,  346, 

.347,  367,  377- 
Simony,  24,  25,  28. 
Siricius,  Pope,  on  celibacy,  26. 
Soissons,  Assembly  of,  362  ;  Coun- 
cil of,  202. 
Solomon  of  Hungary,  82. 
St.  Gildas,  202. 
St.  Jacques,  Paris,  382. 
St.  Marcellinus,  Cardinal  of,  420. 
St.  Peter  ad  Vincula,  65. 
St.  Victor,  school  of,  182,  187. 


456 


Index, 


Stanley,  Dean, '  *  Life  and  Letters, " 
referred  to,  93  (footnote). 

States-General,  419. 

"  States  of  the  Church,"  9. 

Stephen,  Abbot  of  Citeaux,  161, 
162. 

Stephen,  Cardinal,  50. 

Stephen,  Sir  James,  quoted,  120. 

Stephen  IL,  8. 

Stephen  IX.  See  P'rederick  of 
Lorraine. 

Stephen  the  Norman,  157,  168. 

Stephen  the  shepherd  boy,  364. 

Stieler,  Paulus,  and  Caden,  "  Italy 
from  the  Alps  to  Etna,"  referred 
to,  93  (footnote). 

Storrs,  R.  S.,  "  Bernard  of  Clair- 
vaux,"  referred  to,  187  (foot- 
note). 

vStrabo,  Walafrid,  409. 

Suidger.      See  Clement  1 1. 

Susa,  Marchioness  of,  93. 

Sutri,  Bishop  of,  109. 

Swen  of  Denmark,  79. 

Silvester,  Pope,  428. 

Synod,  French  church,  153. 

Synod,  Lateran,  167.  See  Roman 
Synods. 

Synods,  Roman.  See  Roman  Syn- 
ods. 

Tancred,  131. 

Tancred,  brother  of  Constantia, 
292,  295. 

Tedaldo,  nominated  Archbishop  of 
Milan,  83,  100,  no. 

Templars,  162,  2>'i'i  sq^ 

Tertiary  orders,  386. 

"  Testes  synodales,"  393. 

'*  Texerants,"  304. 

"  Textores,"  304. 

Theobald,  170. 

Theobald  of  Canterbury,  406. 

Theodore  Lascaris,  351. 

Theodoric  of  St.  Rufina,  135. 

Thcodosia,  14. 

Theodosian  code,  403,  406. 

Theodosius,  legate  to  Raymond 
VI.,  342,  344,  345. 


Therese,  Princess,  297. 

Thomas  a  Becket.     See  Becket. 

Thomas  Aquinas,  185,  384,  408. 

Thomas  Morosini,  328, 

Thomson,  Richard,  "  Historical 
Essay  on  the  Magna  Charta," 
referred  to,  331  (footnote). 

Thuringia,  71. 

Tivoli,  208,  209,  213,  228,  287. 

Toulouse,  243,  343  sq. 

Toulouse,  University  of,  408. 

Tours,  Council  of,  246. 

Transubstantiation,    30,    31,    100, 

lOI. 

Tribur,  Diet  of,  92. 

Trollope,    F.    E.,    translation    of 

"  Italy  fromthe  Alps  to  Etna,  "93. 
Troyes,     Council    of,     recognizes 

Templars,  2,Z1>\  Synod,  144. 
Turner,  Sharon,  '*  History  of  the 

Anglo-Saxons,"  referred  to,  406 

(footnote). 
Tusculum,  287,  291. 
Tusculum,  Counts  of,  14. 
Twelfth    General    Council.      See 

Council. 
Ulrich  of  Padua,  104. 
"  Unam  Sanctam,"  419. 
"  Universal  Bishop,"  5. 
"  Universals,"  198,  199. 
Universities,  400  sq. 
Urban  II.,  monk  of  Clugny,  17. 

See  Otto  of  Ostia. 
Urban  III.,  283  sq. 
Vacarius,  406. 
Val  Louise,  300. 
Valentinian  III.,  5,  429. 
Vandals,  6. 
Vaudois,  301. 
Vaughan,  Robert  A.,  "  Hours  with 

the   Mystics,"  referred  to,   181 

(footnote). 
Venice,    in   Fourth   Crusade,  324 

sq. ;  peace  of,  277,  278,  280. 
Ventura,  describes  jubilee,  416. 
Verona,  Council  of,  302. 
V^zelai,  217. 
Victor,  St.,  school  of,  182,  187. 


Index. 


457 


Victor  II.,  37,  39;  death,  40. 
Victor  III.  See  Desiderius. 
Victor   IV.,    194.     See   Octavian, 

Cardinal. 
Villemain,  "  Histoire  de  Gregoire 

VII.,"  referred  to,  21  (footnote), 
Vivian,  deputy  to  Becket,  265. 
Von  Hammer,  "  Mines  dc  I'Ori- 

ent,"  referred  to,  336  (footnote). 
Waiblingen,  357. 
Walafrid  Strabo,  409. 
Waldenses,  301,  302,  346. 
Waldo,  Peter,  301. 
Wallace  of  Scotland,  415. 
Welf,  357. 
Welf,  the  younger,  127;  separates 

from  Mathilde,  132. 
Welf  of  Bavaria,  92  ;  domains  con- 
fiscated, 97. 
Werner  of  Ancona,  141. 
Westcott,      B.     F.,     "  Religious 

Thought  in  the  West,"  referred 

to,  181  (footnote). 
Whately,  quoted,  433. 
Wibald,  219. 
W^ichmann,  Bishop  of  Zeitz,  222, 

223. 
Wigbert,  no. 
William,  Archbishop  of  Tyre,  287, 

288. 
William,  Duke  of  Aquitaine,  16. 


William  II.  of  Sicily,  255,  284. 

William  of  Apulia,  173. 

William  of  Burgundy,  73. 

William  of  Chanipcaux,  201  ;  modi- 
fication of  vicus,  204. 

William  of  Dijon,  17. 

William  of  Nogarct,  420. 

William  of  Occam,  408. 

William  of  Pavia,  263. 

William  of  Scotland,  274. 

W'illiam  of  Sicily,  224;  subjection, 
229;  answer  to  papal  legates, 
232 ;  conspiracy,  238  sq.  ;  sum- 
moned to  answer  for  conspiracy, 
242,  254;  death,  255. 

William  of  Thierry,  205. 

William  of  Utrecht,  86,  91;  sud- 
den death,  91. 

William  Rufus,  136. 

William  the  Conqueror,  25,  102, 
103. 

Worms,  Synod  of,  86 ;  Concordat, 
163  sq.,  172. 

Wlirzburg,  Assembly  acknowl- 
edges Innocent,  176;  Diet,  253, 
297. 

Wiirzburg,  Bii^hop  of,  92. 

Xystus  III.,  429. 

Zacharias,  Pope,  8,  429. 

"  Zaptati,"  301. 

Zara,  324,  325. 


Date  Due 


